Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

8585

Ovid, Fasti, 1.261
utque levis custos armillis capta Sabinos And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

21 results
1. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
2. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
3. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
4. Cicero, Letters, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
5. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) 4.62. 1.  It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2.  A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3.  Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4.  The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5.  Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6.  But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the so‑called acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion.
6. Livy, History, 1.11.6-1.11.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
7. Ovid, Fasti, 1.63-1.65, 1.67, 1.69, 1.71-1.89, 1.101-1.103, 1.105-1.124, 1.129-1.130, 1.135-1.136, 1.141, 1.156, 1.162, 1.171-1.174, 1.181, 1.201, 1.223-1.226, 1.229-1.236, 1.253, 1.259-1.260, 1.262, 1.277-1.282, 1.285-1.286, 1.288, 1.629-1.630 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) 1.63. See how Janus appears first in my song 1.64. To announce a happy year for you, Germanicus. 1.67. Be favourable to the leaders, whose labours win 1.69. Be favourable to the senate and Roman people 1.71. A prosperous day dawns: favour our thoughts and speech! 1.72. Let auspicious words be said on this auspicious day. 1.73. Let our ears be free of lawsuits then, and banish 1.74. Mad disputes now: you, malicious tongues, cease wagging! 1.75. See how the air shines with fragrant fire 1.76. And Cilician grains crackle on lit hearths! 1.77. The flame beats brightly on the temple’s gold 1.78. And spreads a flickering light on the shrine’s roof. 1.79. Spotless garments make their way to Tarpeian Heights 1.80. And the crowd wear the colours of the festival: 1.81. Now the new rods and axes lead, new purple glows 1.82. And the distinctive ivory chair feels fresh weight. 1.83. Heifers that grazed the grass on Faliscan plains 1.84. Unbroken to the yoke, bow their necks to the axe. 1.85. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill 1.86. Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. 1.87. Hail, day of joy, and return forever, happier still 1.88. Worthy to be cherished by a race that rules the world. 1.102. Over the days, and remember my speech. 1.103. The ancients called me Chaos (since I am of the first world): 1.105. The clear air, and the three other elements 1.106. Fire, water, earth, were heaped together as one. 1.107. When, through the discord of its components 1.108. The mass dissolved, and scattered to new regions 1.109. Flame found the heights: air took a lower place 1.110. While earth and sea sank to the furthest depth. 1.111. Then I, who was a shapeless mass, a ball 1.112. Took on the appearance, and noble limbs of a god. 1.113. Even now, a small sign of my once confused state 1.114. My front and back appear just the same. 1.117. Whatever you see: sky, sea, clouds, earth 1.118. All things are begun and ended by my hand. 1.119. Care of the vast world is in my hands alone 1.120. And mine the goverce of the turning pole. 1.121. When I choose to send Peace, from tranquil houses 1.122. Freely she walks the roads, and ceaselessly: 1.123. The whole world would drown in bloodstained slaughter 1.124. If rigid barriers failed to hold war in check. 1.129. With salt: on his sacrificial lips I’m Patulcius 1.130. And then again I’m called Clusius. 1.135. Every doorway has two sides, this way and that 1.136. One facing the crowds, and the other the Lares: 1.141. You see Hecate’s faces turned in three directions 1.171. Next I said: ‘Why, while I placate other gods, Janus 1.172. Do I bring the wine and incense first to you?’ 1.173. He replied: ‘So that through me, who guard the threshold 1.174. You can have access to whichever god you please.’ 1.181. When the temples and ears of the gods are open 1.223. We too delight in golden temples, however much 1.224. We approve the antique: such splendour suits a god. 1.225. We praise the past, but experience our own times: 1.226. Yet both are ways worthy of being cultivated.’ 1.229. ‘Indeed I’ve learned much: but why is there a ship’s figure 1.230. On one side of the copper as, a twin shape on the other?’ 1.231. ‘You might have recognised me in the double-image’ 1.232. He said, ‘if length of days had not worn the coin away. 1.233. The reason for the ship is that the god of the sickle 1.234. Wandering the globe, by ship, reached the Tuscan river. 1.235. I remember how Saturn was welcomed in this land: 1.236. Driven by Jupiter from the celestial regions. 1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel. 1.277. ‘But why hide in peace, and open your gates in war?’ 1.278. He swiftly gave me the answer that I sought: 1.279. ‘My unbarred gate stands open wide, so that when 1.280. The people go to war the return path’s open too.’ 1.281. I bar it in peacetime so peace cannot depart: 1.282. And by Caesar’s will I shall be long closed.’ 1.285. There was peace, and already a cause of triumph, Germanicus 1.286. The Rhine had yielded her waters up in submission to you. 1.288. And grant the author may never abandon his work. 1.629. Lest the pure hearths are defiled by sacrifice. 1.630. If you love ancient ritual, listen to the prayers
8. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4, 4.4.15-4.4.18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
9. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 37.42 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) 37.42.  Then, knowing as I do that men spare not even the gods, should I imagine you to have been concerned for the statue of a mere mortal? Furthermore, while I think I shall say nothing of the others, at any rate the Isthmian, your own Master of the Games, Mummius tore from his base and dedicated to Zeus — disgusting ignorance! — illiterate creature that he was, totally unfamiliar with the proprieties, treating the brother as a votive offering! It was he who took the Philip son of Amyntas, which he got from Thespiae, and labelled it Zeus, and also the lads from Pheneüs he labelled Nestor and Priam respectively! But the Roman mob, as might have been expected, imagined they were beholding those very heroes, and not mere Arcadians from Pheneüs.
10. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.75, 13.83, 13.88, 13.92, 33.147, 34.11-34.12, 34.22-34.23, 34.59, 35.23, 35.26, 35.88, 36.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
11. Plutarch, Lucullus, 42.1-42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
12. Plutarch, Marius, 17.1-17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
13. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
14. Plutarch, Romulus, 17.2-17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 17.2. At this the rest of the Sabines were enraged, and after appointing Tatius their general, marched upon Rome. The city was difficult of access, having as its fortress the present Capitol, on which a guard had been stationed, with Tarpeius as its captain,— not Tarpeia, a maiden, as some say, thereby making Romulus a simpleton. But Tarpeia, a daughter of the commander, betrayed the citadel to the Sabines, having set her heart on the golden armlets which she saw them wearing, and she asked as payment for her treachery that which they wore on their left arms. 17.3. Tatius agreed to this, whereupon she opened one of the gates by night and let the Sabines in. Antigonus was not alone, then, in saying that he loved men who offered to betray, but hated those who had betrayed; nor yet Caesar, in saying of the Thracian Rhoemetalces, that he loved treachery but hated a traitor; but this is a very general feeling towards the base on the part of those who need their services, just as they need certain wild creatures for their venom and gall; for while they feel the need of them, they put up with them, but abhor their vileness when they have obtained from them what they want. 17.4. This, too, was the feeling which Tatius then had towards Tarpeia, when he ordered his Sabines, mindful of their agreement, not to begrudge the girl anything they wore on their left arms. And he was first to take from his arm not only his armlet, but at the same time his shield, and cast them upon her. All his men followed his example, and the girl was smitten by the gold and buried under the shields, and died from the number and weight of them. 17.5. And Tarpeius also was convicted of treason when prosecuted by Romulus, as, according to Juba, Sulpicius Galba relates. of those who write differently about Tarpeia, they are worthy of no belief at all who say that she was a daughter of Tatius, the leader of the Sabines, and was living with Romulus under compulsion, and acted and suffered as she did, at her father’s behest; of these, Antigonus is one. And Simylus the poet is altogether absurd in supposing that Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to the Sabines, but to the Gauls, because she had fallen in love with their king. These are his words:— And Tarpeia, who dwelt hard by the Capitolian steep, Became the destroyer of the walls of Rome; She longed to be the wedded wife of the Gallic chieftain, And betrayed the homes of her fathers. And a little after, speaking of her death:— Her the Boni and the myriad tribes of Gauls Did not, exulting, cast amid the currents of the Po; But hurled the shields from their belligerent arms Upon the hateful maid, and made their ornament her doom.
15. Plutarch, Sulla, 26.1-26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
16. Tacitus, Annals, 2.37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.37.  In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:— "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, — not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, — to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!
17. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 58.7.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) 58.7.2.  (for he was wont to include himself in such sacrifices), a rope was discovered coiled about the neck of the statue. Again, there was the behaviour of a statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house and was a source of great pride to him:
18. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
19. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) 1.6. Now let us pass to divine testimonies; but I will previously bring forward one which resembles a divine testimony, both on account of its very great antiquity, and because he whom I shall name was taken from men and placed among the gods. According to Cicero, Caius Cotta the pontiff, while disputing against the Stoics concerning superstitions, and the variety of opinions which prevail respecting the gods, in order that he might, after the custom of the Academics, make everything uncertain, says that there were five Mercuries; and having enumerated four in order, says that the fifth was he by whom Argus was slain, and that on this account he fled into Egypt, and gave laws and letters to the Egyptians. The Egyptians call him Thoth; and from him the first month of their year, that is, September, received its name among them. He also built a town, which is even now called in Greek Hermopolis (the town of Mercury), and the inhabitants of Phen honour him with religious worship. And although he was a man, yet he was of great antiquity, and most fully imbued with every kind of learning, so that the knowledge of many subjects and arts acquired for him the name of Trismegistus. He wrote books, and those in great numbers, relating to the knowledge of divine things, in which be asserts the majesty of the supreme and only God, and makes mention of Him by the same names which we use - God and Father. And that no one might inquire His name, he said that He was without name, and that on account of His very unity He does not require the peculiarity of a name. These are his own words: God is one, but He who is one only does not need a name; for He who is self-existent is without a name. God, therefore, has no name, because He is alone; nor is there any need of a proper name, except in cases where a multitude of persons requires a distinguishing mark, so that you may designate each person by his own mark and appellation. But God, because He is always one, has no peculiar name. It remains for me to bring forward testimonies respecting the sacred responses and predictions, which are much more to be relied upon. For perhaps they against whom we are arguing may think that no credence is to be given to poets, as though they invented fictions, nor to philosophers, inasmuch as they were liable to err, being themselves but men. Marcus Varro, than whom no man of greater learning ever lived, even among the Greeks, much less among the Latins, in those books respecting divine subjects which he addressed to Caius C sar the chief pontiff, when he was speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that the Sibylline books were not the production of one Sibyl only, but that they were called by one name Sibylline, because all prophetesses were called by the ancients Sibyls, either from the name of one, the Delphian priestess, or from their proclaiming the counsels of the gods. For in the Æolic dialect they used to call the gods by the word Sioi, not Theoi; and for counsel they used the word bule, not boule;- and so the Sibyl received her name as though Siobule. But he says that the Sibyls were ten in number, and he enumerated them all under the writers, who wrote an account of each: that the first was from the Persians, and of her Nicanor made mention, who wrote the exploits of Alexander of Macedon;- the second of Libya, and of her Euripides makes mention in the prologue of the Lamia;- the third of Delphi, concerning whom Chrysippus speaks in that book which he composed concerning divination - the fourth a Cimmerian in Italy, whom N vius mentions in his books of the Punic war, and Piso in his annals - the fifth of Erythr a, whom Apollodorus of Erythr a affirms to have been his own countrywoman, and that she foretold to the Greeks when they were setting out for Ilium, both that Troy was doomed to destruction, and that Homer would write falsehoods;- the sixth of Samos, respecting whom Eratosthenes writes that he had found a written notice in the ancient annals of the Samians. The seventh was of Cum, by name Amalth a, who is termed by some Herophile, or Demophile, and they say that she brought nine books to the king Tarquinius Priscus, and asked for them three hundred philippics, and that the king refused so great a price, and derided the madness of the woman; that she, in the sight of the king, burnt three of the books, and demanded the same price for those which were left; that Tarquinias much more considered the woman to be mad; and that when she again, having burnt three other books, persisted in asking the same price, the king was moved, and bought the remaining books for the three hundred pieces of gold: and the number of these books was afterwards increased, after the rebuilding of the Capitol; because they were collected from all cities of Italy and Greece, and especially from those of Erythr a, and were brought to Rome, under the name of whatever Sibyl they were. Further, that the eighth was from the Hellespont, born in the Trojan territory, in the village of Marpessus, about the town of Gergithus; and Heraclides of Pontus writes that she lived in the times of Solon and Cyrus - the ninth of Phrygia, who gave oracles at Ancyra;- the tenth of Tibur, by name Albunea, who is worshipped at Tibur as a goddess, near the banks of the river Anio, in the depths of which her statue is said to have been found, holding in her hand a book. The senate transferred her oracles into the Capitol. The predictions of all these Sibyls are both brought forward and esteemed as such, except those of the Cum an Sibyl, whose books are concealed by the Romans; nor do they consider it lawful for them to be inspected by any one but the Quindecemviri. And there are separate books the production of each, but because these are inscribed with the name of the Sibyl they are believed to be the work of one; and they are confused, nor can the productions of each be distinguished and assigned to their own authors, except in the case of the Erythr an Sibyl, for she both inserted her own true name in her verse, and predicted that she would be called Erythr an, though she was born at Babylon. But we also shall speak of the Sibyl without any distinction, wherever we shall have occasion to use their testimonies. All these Sibyls, then, proclaim one God, and especially the Erythr an, who is regarded among the others as more celebrated and noble; since Fenestella, a most diligent writer, speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that, after the rebuilding of the Capitol, Caius Curio the consul proposed to the senate that ambassadors should be sent to Erythr to search out and bring to Rome the writings of the Sibyl; and that, accordingly, Publius Gabinius, Marcus Otacilius, and Lucius Valerius were sent, who conveyed to Rome about a thousand verses written out by private persons. We have shown before that Varro made the same statement. Now in these verses which the ambassadors brought to Rome, are these testimonies respecting the one God:- 1. One God, who is alone, most mighty, uncreated. This is the only supreme God, who made the heaven, and decked it with lights. 2. But there is one only God of pre-eminent power, who made the heaven, and sun, and stars, and moon, and fruitful earth, and waves of the water of the sea. And since He alone is the framer of the universe, and the artificer of all things of which it consists or which are contained in it, it testifies that He alone ought to be worshipped: - 3. Worship Him who is alone the ruler of the world, who alone was and is from age to age. Also another Sibyl, whoever she is, when she said that she conveyed the voice of God to men, thus spoke:- 4. I am the one only God, and there is no other God. I would now follow up the testimonies of the others, were it not that these are sufficient, and that I reserve others for more befitting opportunities. But since we are defending the cause of truth before those who err from the truth and serve false religions, what kind of proof ought we to bring forward against them, rather than to refute them by the testimonies of their own gods?
20. Strabo, Geography, 5.3.8-5.3.9, 13.1.54 5.3.8. These advantages accrued to the city from the nature of the country; but the foresight of the Romans added others besides. The Grecian cities are thought to have flourished mainly on account of the felicitous choice made by their founders, in regard to the beauty and strength of their sites, their proximity to some port, and the fineness of the country. But the Roman prudence was more particularly employed on matters which had received but little attention from the Greeks, such as paving their roads, constructing aqueducts, and sewers, to convey the sewage of the city into the Tiber. In fact, they have paved the roads, cut through hills, and filled up valleys, so that the merchandise may be conveyed by carriage from the ports. The sewers, arched over with hewn stones, are large enough in some parts for waggons loaded with hay to pass through; while so plentiful is the supply of water from the aqueducts, that rivers may be said to flow through the city and the sewers, and almost every house is furnished with water-pipes and copious fountains. To effect which Marcus Agrippa directed his special attention; he likewise bestowed upon the city numerous ornaments. We may remark, that the ancients, occupied with greater and more necessary concerns, paid but little attention to the beautifying of Rome. But their successors, and especially those of our own day, without neglecting these things, have at the same time embellished the city with numerous and splendid objects. Pompey, divus Caesar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their zeal and munificence in these decorations. The greater number of these may be seen in the Campus Martius, which to the beauties of nature adds those of art. The size of the plain is marvellous, permitting chariot-races and other feats of horsemanship without impediment, and multitudes to exercise themselves at ball, in the circus and the palaestra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, the summits of the hills beyond the Tiber, extending from its banks with panoramic effect, present a spectacle which the eye abandons with regret. Near to this plain is another surrounded with columns, sacred groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and superb temples in close contiguity to each other; and so magnificent, that it would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after it. For this cause the Romans, esteeming it as the most sacred place, have there erected funeral monuments to the most illustrious persons of either sex. The most remarkable of these is that designated as the Mausoleum, which consists of a mound of earth raised upon a high foundation of white marble, situated near the river, and covered to the top with ever-green shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze statue of Augustus Caesar, and beneath the mound are the ashes of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is a large grove containing charming promenades. In the centre of the plain, is the spot where this prince was reduced to ashes; it is surrounded with a double enclosure, one of marble, the other of iron, and planted within with poplars. If from hence you proceed to visit the ancient forum, which is equally filled with basilicas, porticos, and temples, you will there behold the Capitol, the Palatium, with the noble works which adorn them, and the promenade of Livia, each successive place causing you speedily to forget what you have before seen. Such is Rome. 5.3.9. of the other cities of Latium, some are distinguished by a variety of remarkable objects, others by the celebrated roads which intersect Latium, being situated either upon, or near to, or between these roads, the most celebrated of which are the Via Appia, the Via Latina, and the Via Valeria. The former of these bounds the maritime portion of Latium, as far as Sinuessa, the latter extends along Sabina as far as the Marsi, whilst between these is the Via Latina, which falls in with the Via Appia near to Casilinum, a city distant from Capua 19 stadia. The Via Latina commences from the Via Appia, branching from it towards the left, near to Rome. It passes over the Tusculan mountain, between the city of Tusculum and Mount Albanus; it then descends to the little city of Algidum, and the Pictae tavern; afterwards the Via Lavicana joins it, which commences, like the Via Praenestina, from the Esquiline gate. This road, as well as the Esquiline plain, the Via Lavicana leaves on the left; it then proceeds a distance of 120 stadia, or more, when it approaches Lavicum, an ancient city now in ruins, situated on an eminence; this and Tusculum it leaves on the right, and terminates near to Pictae in the Via Latina. This place is 210 stadia distant from Rome. Proceeding thence along the Via Latina there are noble residences, and the cities Ferentinum, Frusino, by which the river Cosa flows, Fabrateria, by which flows the river Sacco, Aquinum, a large city, by which flows the great river Melfa, Interamnium, situated at the confluence of two rivers, the Liris and another, Casinum, also an important city, and the last of those belonging to Latium. For Teanum, called Sidicinum, which lies next in order, shows by its name that it belongs to the nation of the Sidicini. These people are Osci, a surviving nation of the Campani, so that this city, which is the largest of those situated upon the Via Latina, may be said to be Campanian; as well as that of Cales, another considerable city which lies beyond, and is contiguous to Casilinum. 13.1.54. From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kings to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts — a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both here and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men.
21. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 9.6.1

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
access,to porticoes	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
access,to temples	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
aedituus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
aelius sejanus,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
aemilius paullus,m.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
aeneid	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
ajax	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
altars	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
andronicus of rhodes	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
antony,marc	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
aphrodite	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
aristotle	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
augurium salutis	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
augury	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
augustus,his letters collected	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
augustus,prima porta	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
augustus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
brennus,gallic chieftan	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 257
caecilia,gaia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
carmentis	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
claudia quinta	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
claudius hermogenianus caesarius	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
constantine the great	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
corinthian bronze	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
cornelia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
cornelius sulla,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
debates	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
demonike	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 257
dionysius of halicarnassus,on the sibyl	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
fasti praenestini	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
festivals,carmentalia	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
fortuna	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
gegania	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
germanicus	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
gymnasia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
herculaneum,female statue type from	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
hercules	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
hermae	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
hermathena	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
house,access to	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
humanitas	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
intermediality	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
janus	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 201, 202
julius caesar,c.,and the civil war	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
julius caesar,c.,and the gallic war	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
julius caesar,c.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
libraries,of apellicon the teian	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
libraries	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
licinius lucullus,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
livy	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 257
marius,c.,and the prophetess martha	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
mentor	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
mummius achaicus,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
nero	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
objects,and identity	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
offerings,sacrificial rituals	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
oplontis	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
ovid	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 201, 202, 257
palaestrum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
pax augusta	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
plutarch	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 257
pomponius secundus,p.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
prayer	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
propertius	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 201, 202
quindecemviri sacris faciundis	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
rape	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 201, 202, 257
reader and audience	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 201, 202
rome,access to	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
rome,deterioration in late antiquity	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
rome,palatine hill,access to	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
rome,portico of livia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
rome,preservation of patrimony	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
rome,rostrum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
rome,statues of seven kings on	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
rome,strabos description of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
rome,temple of divus augustus,victoria in	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
rome ara pacis,forum	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 201
romulus	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
romulus and camillus,qualities as a ruler	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 257
rüpke,j.,war with	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
sempronius gracchus,ti.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
semproniusgracchus,c.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
sibyl	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
simulacrum versus signum,of women	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
statuary,miraculous properties of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
statuary,problems of identification	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 304
tarpeia,her tomb on the capitoline	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
tarpeia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67, 304
tarpeia as amazon,as guardian'	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 257
tarpeia as amazon,as guardian	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 201, 202
tarpeia as amazon,as vestal	Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 257
tarquin the proud	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
tarquinius priscus,and the sibyl	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
temples,of janus	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
theophrastus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
titus tatius	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
trees,citrus wood	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
triumph	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
tullius cicero,m.,and humanitas	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
tullius cicero,m.,as collector	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
tullius cicero,m.,his letters collected	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
tullius cicero,m.,villa at tusculum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
tullius cicero,m.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 63
tyrannion the grammarian	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
veleda	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
vergil,his letters collected	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
vergil	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
verrius flaccus	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
vipsanius agrippa,m.,purchases paintings from the cyzicans	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
war,weapons (arma)	Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 78
women,idealized values and	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179
women	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179