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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



8002
Mishnah, Bekhorot, 8.7


חָמֵשׁ סְלָעִים שֶׁל בֵּן, בְּמָנֶה צוֹרִי. שְׁלשִׁים שֶׁל עֶבֶד, וַחֲמִשִּׁים שֶׁל אוֹנֵס וְשֶׁל מְפַתֶּה, וּמֵאָה שֶׁל מוֹצִיא שֵׁם רָע, כֻּלָּם בְּשֶׁקֶל הַקֹּדֶשׁ, בְּמָנֶה צוֹרִי. וְכֻלָּן נִפְדִּין בְּכֶסֶף, וּבְשָׁוֶה כֶסֶף, חוּץ מִן הַשְּׁקָלִים:The five selas of a first-born [are paid in] the standard of Tyrian maneh. As regards the thirty shekels of a slave and likewise the fifty shekels of the rapist and seducer and the one hundred shekels for one who spreads an evil name in all these cases the payment is in the holy shekel, in the standard of Tyrian maneh. All of these are redeemed with money or the equivalent of money with the exception of shekel payments.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

7 results
1. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.399 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.399. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do anything in the administration without his advice:
2. Mishnah, Shekalim, 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

2.4. Rabbi Shimon says: what is the difference between shekels and a sin-offering? Shekels have a fixed value, but a sin-offering has no fixed value. Rabbi Judah says: shekels also have no fixed value. For when the Israelites came up out of the diaspora they used to pay the shekel in darics, then they paid the shekel in selas, then they paid it in tibs, and finally they wanted to pay it in dinars. But Rabbi Shimon said: nevertheless they are all of the same value for everyone, whereas [in the case of] a sin-offering one man may bring it of the value of one sela, another may bring it of the value of two selas, and another in the value of three selas."
3. New Testament, John, 2.13-2.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.13. The Passover of the Jews was at hand, and Jesus went up to Jerusalem. 2.14. He found in the temple those who sold oxen, sheep, and doves, and the changers of money sitting. 2.15. He made a whip of cords, and threw all out of the temple, both the sheep and the oxen; and he poured out the changers' money, and overthrew their tables. 2.16. To those who sold the doves, he said, "Take these things out of here! Don't make my Father's house a marketplace!
4. New Testament, Luke, 19.45-19.48 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

19.45. He entered into the temple, and began to drive out those who bought and sold in it 19.46. saying to them, "It is written, 'My house is a house of prayer,' but you have made it a 'den of robbers'! 19.47. He was teaching daily in the temple, but the chief priests and the scribes and the leading men among the people sought to destroy him. 19.48. They couldn't find what they might do, for all the people hung on to every word that he said.
5. New Testament, Mark, 11.15-11.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11.15. They came to Jerusalem, and Jesus entered into the temple, and began to throw out those who sold and those who bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of the money-changers, and the seats of those who sold the doves. 11.16. He would not allow anyone to carry a container through the temple. 11.17. He taught, saying to them, "Isn't it written, 'My house will be called a house of prayer for all the nations?' But you have made it a den of robbers! 11.18. The chief priests and the scribes heard it, and sought how they might destroy him. For they feared him, for all the multitude was astonished at his teaching. 11.19. When evening came, he went out of the city.
6. New Testament, Matthew, 21.12-21.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

21.12. Jesus entered into the temple of God, and drove out all of those who sold and bought in the temple, and overthrew the money-changers' tables and the seats of those who sold the doves. 21.13. He said to them, "It is written, 'My house shall be called a house of prayer,' but you have made it a den of robbers! 21.14. The blind and the lame came to him in the temple, and he healed them. 21.15. But when the chief priests and the scribes saw the wonderful things that he did, and the children who were crying in the temple and saying, "Hosanna to the son of David!" they were indigt 21.16. and said to him, "Do you hear what these are saying?"Jesus said to them, "Yes. Did you never read, 'Out of the mouth of babes and nursing babies you have perfected praise?' 21.17. He left them, and went out of the city to Bethany, and lodged there.
7. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

65a. bAnd this is as we learnedin a mishna ( iShekalim13b): bPetaḥyawas responsible bfor the nestsof birds, i.e., the doves or pigeons brought by a izav /i, a izava /i, a woman after childbirth, and a leper. These individuals would place the appropriate sum of money into the horn designated for this purpose, and each day Petaḥya oversaw the purchase of birds from that money and their sacrifice in the proper manner. bThisSage bis Mordekhai;and bwhy was he called Petaḥya,which resembles the word for opening [ ipetaḥ /i]? The reason is bthat he would open,i.e., elucidate, difficult btopics and interpret themto the people, bandbecause bhe knewall bseventy languagesknown in that region at the time.,The Gemara asks: What was unique about Petaḥya? bAllof the members of the bSanhedrin also knowall bseventy languages. As Rabbi Yoḥa says:They bplace on theGreat bSanhedrin onlymen bof wisdom, and ofpleasant bappearance, and ofhigh bstature, and ofsuitable bageso that they will be respected. bAndthey must also be bmasters of sorcery,i.e., they know the nature of sorcery, so that they can judge sorcerers, bandthey must bknowall bseventy languagesin order bthat the Sanhedrin will notneed to bheartestimony bfrom the mouth of a translatorin a case where a witness speaks a different language.,The Gemara answers: bRather,Petaḥya was unique bashe not only knew all seventy languages, but also had the ability to bcombinevarious blanguages and interpretthem. bThis isthe meaning of that bwhich is written with regard to Mordekhai: “Bilshan”(Nehemiah 7:7). Bilshan is interpreted as another name for Mordekhai, as he would combine [ ibalil /i] languages [ ilashon /i]., strongMISHNA: /strong bHow would they performthe rite of the harvest of the iomer /i? bEmissaries of the courtwould bemerge on the eve of the festivalof Passover band fashionthe stalks of barley into bsheaves whilethe stalks were still battached to the ground, so that it would be convenient to reapthem. The residents of ball the towns adjacent tothe site of the harvest bwould assemble there, so that it would be harvested with great fanfare. /b, bOnce it grew dark,the court emissary bsays tothose assembled: bDid the sun set?The assembly bsaysin response: bYes.The emissary repeats: bDid the sun set?They again bsay: Yes.The court emissary next says to those assembled: Shall I reap the sheaves with bthis sickle?The assembly bsaysin response: bYes.The emissary repeats: With bthis sickle?The assembly bsays: Yes.The court emissary then says to those assembled: Shall I place the gathered sheaves in bthis basket?The assembly bsaysin response: bYes.The emissary repeats: In bthis basket?The assembly bsays: Yes. /b,If the sixteenth of Nisan occurs bon Shabbat,the court emissary bsays tothe assembled: Shall I cut the sheaves on bthis Shabbat?The assembly bsaysin response: bYes.The emissary repeats: On bthis Shabbat?The assembly bsays: Yes.The court emissary says to those assembled: bShall I cutthe sheaves? bAnd they say to himin response: bCut.The emissary repeats: bShall I cutthe sheaves? bAnd they sayto him: bCut. /b,The emissary asks bthree times with regard to each and every matter, andthe assembly bsays to him: Yes, yes, yes.The mishna asks: bWhy do Ineed those involved to publicize each stage of the rite bto that extent?The mishna answers: It is bdue to the Boethusians, as theydeny the validity of the Oral Law and bwould say: There is no harvest of the iomerat the conclusion of thefirst bFestivalday of Passover unless it occurs at the conclusion of Shabbat. The publicity was to underscore that the sixteenth of Nisan was the proper time for the iomerharvest., strongGEMARA: /strong bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThese are the days on which fasting is prohibited, and on some of them eulogizing is prohibitedas well: bFrom the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth ofthe month, the proper sacrifice of bthe daily offering was established,and therefore it was decreed bnot to eulogizeon these dates. bAndfurthermore, bfrom the eighth ofNisan buntil the end of the festivalof Passover, the correct date for the bfestival of iShavuotwas restored,and it was similarly decreed bnot to eulogizeduring this period.,The Gemara discusses the ibaraita /i: bFrom the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth ofthe month the proper sacrifice of bthe daily offering was established,and therefore it was decreed bnot to eulogizeon these dates. The Gemara explains bthat the Sadducees would say: An individual may donate and bringthe bdaily offering,in opposition to the accepted tradition that the daily offering must be brought from communal funds. bWhatverse did the Sadducees bexpound? “The one lamb shall you offer [ ita’aseh /i] in the morning, and the other lamb shall you offer in the afternoon”(Numbers 28:4). Since the verse is in the singular form, the Sadducees maintained that even an individual may donate the daily offering.,The Gemara asks: bWhatdid the Sages breplyto refute the argument of the Sadducees? They cited the verse: “Command the children of Israel, and say to them: bMy food that is presented to Me for offerings made by fire,of a pleasing aroma unto Me, byou shall observe [ itishmeru /i]to offer to Me in its due season” (Numbers 28:2). The term: “You shall observe” is in the plural form, which indicates that ball of thedaily offerings bshould come from collection of theTemple treasury bchamber.Since during that period, between the New Moon of Nisan and the eighth of Nisan, the Sages overruled the Sadducees, it was established as a period of rejoicing, and it was prohibited to eulogize on those dates.,The Gemara discusses the next period listed in the ibaraita /i: bFrom the eighth ofNisan buntil the end of the festivalof Passover, the correct date for the bfestival of iShavuotwas restored,and it was similarly decreed bnot to eulogizeduring this period. bAs the Boethusians would saythat the festival of iShavuot /ialways occurs bafter Shabbat,on a Sunday. Their reasoning was that the verse states, with regard to the iomeroffering and the festival of iShavuotthat follows seven weeks later: “And you shall count for you from the morrow after the day of rest [ ihashabbat /i], from the day that you brought the sheaf [ iomer /i] of the waving; seven weeks shall there be complete” (Leviticus 23:15). Disregarding the oral tradition, the Boethusians interpreted the phrase “from the morrow after the day of rest [ ihashabbat /i]” literally, as referring to Shabbat, not the Festival day.,At the time, bRabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai joinedthe discussion with the Boethusians band said to them: Fools! From wherehave byouderived this? bAnd there was no man who answered him, except for one elderly man who was prattling [ imefatpet /i] at him, and he said: Moses, our teacher, was a lover of the Jewish people and he knew that iShavuotisonly bone day.Therefore, bhe arose and established it after Shabbat, in order that the Jewish people would enjoy themselves for two days.Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai brecited this versein response btothat old man: b“It is eleven days’ journey from Horeb to Kadesh Barnea by the way of Mount Seir”(Deuteronomy 1:2).


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
ashi Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 81
change,in custom and halakhah Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72, 74, 81
gospels Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72
hai gaon Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72
haninah Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 81
isfiya Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192
jerusalem Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192
jesus,temple incident of Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
kahana Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 81
meshorer,yaakov Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
mount carmel Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192
rashi Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72
rav Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72
rava Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72, 81
sacrifice,funding of Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
sadducees Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
shimon ben gamaliel Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72
shmuel Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72
temple,as ritually inadequate,in new testament Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
temple,third/new temple,trade in Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
temple mount,jerusalem temple Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192
temple tax Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192; Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
the firstborn Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72, 74, 81
the firstborn ,and the kohen Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72, 81
the firstborn ,and the sum of Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 74, 81
the firstborn ,methods of Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 72, 74, 81
time,change over Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 74
torah Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192
tylor,e. b.,tyre,sheqels of Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 231
tyre Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192
tyrian coinage' Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 192