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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.337

nanThou should'st subdue thy kinsman: share the world With him thou canst not; rule thou canst, alone." As when at Elis' festival a horseIn stable pent gnaws at his prison bars Impatient, and should clamour from without Strike on his ear, bounds furious at restraint, So then was Caesar, eager for the fight, Stirred by the words of Curio. To the ranks He bids his soldiers; with majestic mien And hand commanding silence as they come.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

12 results
1. Septuagint, Tobit, 6.1 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2. Septuagint, Tobit, 6.1 (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

6.1. Now as they proceeded on their way they came at evening to the Tigris river and camped there.
3. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.12.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 4.25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4.25.  With a reason, as follows: "They who think that the sins of youth deserve indulgence are deceived, because that time of life does not constitute a hindrance to sound studious activities. But they act wisely who chastise the young with especial severity in order to inculcate at the age most opportune for it the desire to attain those virtues by which they can order their whole lives." We should insert maxims only rarely, that we may be looked upon as pleading the case, not preaching morals. When so interspersed, they will add much distinction. Furthermore, the hearer, when he perceives that an indisputable principle drawn from practical life is being applied to a cause, must give it his tacit approval. Reasoning by Contraries is the figure which, of two opposite statements, uses one so as neatly and directly to prove the other, as follows: "Now how should you expect one who has ever been hostile to his own interests to be friendly to another's?" Again: "Now why should you think that one who is, as you have learned, a faithless friend, can be an honourable enemy? Or how should you expect a person whose arrogance has been insufferable in private life, to be agreeable and not forget himself when in power, and one who in ordinary conversation and among friends has never spoken the truth, to refrain from lies before public assemblies?" Again: "Do we fear to fight them on the level plain when we have hurled them down from the hills? When they outnumbered us, they were no match for us; now that we outnumber them, do we fear that they will conquer us?
5. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.203, 12.4-12.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.203. (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then 12.4. gaze all his way, fierce rage implacable 12.5. wells his high heart. As when on Libyan plain 12.6. a lion, gashed along his tawny breast 12.7. by the huntsman's grievous thrust, awakens him 12.8. unto his last grim fight, and gloriously
6. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.129-1.147, 1.205-1.212, 1.324-1.335, 1.348-1.349, 1.355, 1.359-1.362 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

7. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 8.3.62-8.3.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

8.3.62.  It is a great gift to be able to set forth the facts on which we are speaking clearly and vividly. For oratory fails of its full effect, and does not assert itself as it should, if its appeal is merely to the hearing, and if the judge merely feels that the facts on which he has to give his decision are being narrated to him, and not displayed in their living truth to the eyes of the mind. 8.3.63.  But since different views have been held with regard to this art of representation, I shall not attempt to divide it into all its different departments, whose number is ostentatiously multiplied by certain writers, but shall content myself with touching on those which appear to me to be absolutely necessary. There is, then, to begin with, one form of vividness which consists in giving an actual word-picture of a scene, as in the passage beginning, "Forthwith each hero tiptoe stood erect." Other details follow which give us such a picture of the two boxers confronting each other for the fight, that it could not have been clearer had we been actual spectators. 8.3.64.  Cicero is supreme in this department, as in others. Is there anybody so incapable of forming a mental picture of a scene that, when he reads the following passage from the Verrines, he does not seem not merely to see the actors in the scene, the place itself and their very dress, but even to imagine to himself other details that the orator does not describe? "There on the shore stood the praetor, the representative of the Roman people, with slippered feet, robed in a purple cloak, a tunic streaming to his heels, and leaning on the arm of this worthless woman. 8.3.65.  For my own part, I seem to see before my eyes his face, his eyes, the unseemly blandishments of himself and his paramour, the silent loathing and frightened shame of those who viewed this scene. 8.3.66.  At times, again, the picture which we endeavour to present is fuller in detail, as, for example, in the following description of a luxurious banquet, which is also from Cicero, since he by himself is capable of supplying admirable examples of every kind of oratorical ornament: "I seemed to see some entering, some leaving the room, some reeling under the influence of the wine, others yawning with yesterday's potations. The floor was foul with wine-smears, covered with wreaths half-withered and littered with fishbones. 8.3.67.  What more would any man have seen who had actually entered the room? So, too, we may move our hearers to tears by the picture of a captured town. For the mere statement that the town was stormed, while no doubt it embraces all that such a calamity involves, has all the curtness of a dispatch, and fails to penetrate to the emotions of the hearer. 8.3.68.  But if we expand all that the one word "stormed" includes, we shall see the flames pouring from house and temple, and hear the crash of falling roofs and one confused clamour blent of many cries: we shall behold some in doubt whither to fly, others clinging to their nearest and dearest in one last embrace, while the wailing of women and children and the laments of old men that the cruelty of fate should have spared them to see that day will strike upon our ears. 8.3.69.  Then will come the pillage of treasure sacred and profane, the hurrying to and fro of the plunderers as they carry off their booty or return to seek for more, the prisoners driven each before his own inhuman captor, the mother struggling to keep her child, and the victors fighting over the richest of the spoil. For though, as I have already said, the sack of a city includes all these things, it is less effective to tell the whole news at once than to recount it detail by detail. 8.3.70.  And we shall secure the vividness we seek, if only our descriptions give the impression of truth, nay, we may even add fictitious incidents of the type which commonly occur. The same vivid impression may be produced also by the mention of the accidents of each situation: "Chill shudderings shake my limbs And all my blood is curdled cold with fear;" or "And trembling mothers clasped Their children to their breast. 8.3.71. Though the attainment of such effects is, in my opinion, the highest of all oratorical gifts, it is far from difficult of attainment. Fix your eyes on nature and follow her. All eloquence is concerned with the activities of life, while every man applies to himself what he hears from others, and the mind is always readiest to accept what it recognises to be true to nature. 8.3.72. The invention of similes has also provided an admirable means of illuminating our descriptions. Some of these are designed for insertion among our arguments to help our proof, while others are devised to make our pictures yet more vivid; it is with this latter class of simile that I am now specially concerned. The following are good examples:— "Thence like fierce wolves beneath the cloud of night," or "Like the bird that flies Around the shore and the fish-haunted reef, Skimming the deep.
8. Augustine, The City of God, 5.26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

5.26. And on this account, Theodosius not only preserved during the lifetime of Gratian that fidelity which was due to him, but also, after his death, he, like a true Christian, took his little brother Valentinian under his protection, as joint emperor, after he had been expelled by Maximus, the murderer of his father. He guarded him with paternal affection, though he might without any difficulty have got rid of him, being entirely destitute of all resources, had he been animated with the desire of extensive empire, and not with the ambition of being a benefactor. It was therefore a far greater pleasure to him, when he had adopted the boy, and preserved to him his imperial dignity, to console him by his very humanity and kindness. Afterwards, when that success was rendering Maximus terrible, Theodosius, in the midst of his perplexing anxieties, was not drawn away to follow the suggestions of a sacrilegious and unlawful curiosity, but sent to John, whose abode was in the desert of Egypt - for he had learned that this servant of God (whose fame was spreading abroad) was endowed with the gift of prophecy - and from him he received assurance of victory. Immediately the slayer of the tyrant Maximus, with the deepest feelings of compassion and respect, restored the boy Valentinianus to his share in the empire from which he had been driven. Valentinianus being soon after slain by secret assassination, or by some other plot or accident, Theodosius, having again received a response from the prophet, and placing entire confidence in it, marched against the tyrant Eugenius, who had been unlawfully elected to succeed that emperor, and defeated his very powerful army, more by prayer than by the sword. Some soldiers who were at the battle reported to me that all the missiles they were throwing were snatched from their hands by a vehement wind, which blew from the direction of Theodosius' army upon the enemy; nor did it only drive with greater velocity the darts which were hurled against them, but also turned back upon their own bodies the darts which they themselves were throwing. And therefore the poet Claudian, although an alien from the name of Christ, nevertheless says in his praises of him, O prince, too much beloved by God, for you Æolus pours armed tempests from their caves; for you the air fights, and the winds with one accord obey your bugles. But the victor, as he had believed and predicted, overthrew the statues of Jupiter, which had been, as it were, consecrated by I know not what kind of rites against him, and set up in the Alps. And the thunderbolts of these statues, which were made of gold, he mirthfully and graciously presented to his couriers who (as the joy of the occasion permitted) were jocularly saying that they would be most happy to be struck by such thunderbolts. The sons of his own enemies, whose fathers had been slain not so much by his orders as by the vehemence of war, having fled for refuge to a church, though they were not yet Christians, he was anxious, taking advantage of the occasion, to bring over to Christianity, and treated them with Christian love. Nor did he deprive them of their property, but, besides allowing them to retain it, bestowed on them additional honors. He did not permit private animosities to affect the treatment of any man after the war. He was not like Cinna, and Marius, and Sylla, and other such men, who wished not to finish civil wars even when they were finished, but rather grieved that they had arisen at all, than wished that when they were finished they should harm any one. Amid all these events, from the very commencement of his reign, he did not cease to help the troubled church against the impious by most just and merciful laws, which the heretical Valens, favoring the Arians, had vehemently afflicted. Indeed, he rejoiced more to be a member of this church than he did to be a king upon the earth. The idols of the Gentiles he everywhere ordered to be overthrown, understanding well that not even terrestrial gifts are placed in the power of demons, but in that of the true God. And what could be more admirable than his religious humility, when, compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates, he avenged the grievous crime of the Thessalonians, which at the prayer of the bishops he had promised to pardon, and, being laid hold of by the discipline of the church, did pece in such a way that the sight of his imperial loftiness prostrated made the people who were interceding for him weep more than the consciousness of offense had made them fear it when enraged? These and other similar good works, which it would be long to tell, he carried with him from this world of time, where the greatest human nobility and loftiness are but vapor. of these works the reward is eternal happiness, of which God is the giver, though only to those who are sincerely pious. But all other blessings and privileges of this life, as the world itself, light, air, earth, water, fruits, and the soul of man himself, his body, senses, mind, life, He lavishes on good and bad alike. And among these blessings is also to be reckoned the possession of an empire, whose extent He regulates according to the requirements of His providential government at various times. Whence, I see, we must now answer those who, being confuted and convicted by the most manifest proofs, by which it is shown that for obtaining these terrestrial things, which are all the foolish desire to have, that multitude of false gods is of no use, attempt to assert that the gods are to be worshipped with a view to the interest, not of the present life, but of that which is to come after death. For as to those who, for the sake of the friendship of this world, are willing to worship vanities, and do not grieve that they are left to their puerile understandings, I think they have been sufficiently answered in these five books; of which books, when I had published the first three, and they had begun to come into the hands of many, I heard that certain persons were preparing against them an answer of some kind or other in writing. Then it was told me that they had already written their answer, but were waiting a time when they could publish it without danger. Such persons I would advise not to desire what cannot be of any advantage to them; for it is very easy for a man to seem to himself to have answered arguments, when he has only been unwilling to be silent. For what is more loquacious than vanity? And though it be able, if it like, to shout more loudly than the truth, it is not, for all that, more powerful than the truth. But let men consider diligently all the things that we have said, and if, perchance, judging without party spirit, they shall clearly perceive that they are such things as may rather be shaken than torn up by their most impudent garrulity, and, as it were, satirical and mimic levity, let them restrain their absurdities, and let them choose rather to be corrected by the wise than to be lauded by the foolish. For if they are waiting an opportunity, not for liberty to speak the truth, but for license to revile, may not that befall them which Tully says concerning some one, Oh, wretched man! Who was at liberty to sin? Wherefore, whoever he be who deems himself happy because of license to revile, he would be far happier if that were not allowed him at all; for he might all the while, laying aside empty boast, be contradicting those to whose views he is opposed by way of free consultation with them, and be listening, as it becomes him, honorably, gravely, candidly, to all that can be adduced by those whom he consults by friendly disputation.
9. Claudianus, Panegyricus De Tertio Consulatu Honorii Augusti, 97-98, 96 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

10. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.3.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

11. Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, 2.716, 2.738-2.749 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

12. Symmachus, Relationes, 3.9-3.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
achilles Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
aeneas Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255; Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
ammianus marcellinus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
apennines Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
breviaria Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
caesar, julius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
caesar (julius) Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
cicero Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
exempla Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
fabius maximus, intertextual characterization of Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
florus, historian Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
hannibal, intertextual characterization of Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
hannibal Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
justin Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
livy Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
nestor Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
odysseus Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
orosius, audience Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
poetry Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
pompey Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
prudentius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
punic wars, second Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
pylos Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
quintilian Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
remus, rhetoric, school of Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
sallust Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
silius italicus, and homer Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
silius italicus, and statius Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
silius italicus, and virgil Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
silius italicus, as pro-domitianic poet Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
silius italicus, window references to other poets in Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
tacitus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
thebes Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
turnus' Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 255
valerius maximus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43
vergil Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 43, 66