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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7456
Livy, History, 26.19.5
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11 results
1. Cicero, On Divination, 1.19, 2.45-2.47 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.19. Atque ea, quae lapsu tandem cecidere vetusto, Haec fore perpetuis signis clarisque frequentans Ipse deum genitor caelo terrisque canebat. Nunc ea, Torquato quae quondam et consule Cotta Lydius ediderat Tyrrhenae gentis haruspex, Omnia fixa tuus glomerans determinat annus. Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum species ex aere vetus venerataque Nattae Concidit, elapsaeque vetusto numine leges, Et divom simulacra peremit fulminis ardor. 2.45. quid, cum in altissimos montis, quod plerumque fit? quid, cum in desertas solitudines? quid, cum in earum gentium oras, in quibus haec ne observantur quidem? At inventum est caput in Tiberi. Quasi ego artem aliquam istorum esse negem! divinationem nego. Caeli enim distributio, quam ante dixi, et certarum rerum notatio docet, unde fulmen venerit, quo concesserit; quid significet autem, nulla ratio docet. Sed urges me meis versibus: Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum statua Nattae, tum simulacra deorum Romulusque et Remus cum altrice belua vi fulminis icti conciderunt, deque his rebus haruspicum extiterunt responsa verissuma. 2.46. Mirabile autem illud, quod eo ipso tempore, quo fieret indicium coniurationis in senatu, signum Iovis biennio post, quam erat locatum, in Capitolio conlocabatur.—Tu igitur animum induces (sic enim mecum agebas) causam istam et contra facta tua et contra scripta defendere?—Frater es; eo vereor. Verum quid tibi hic tandem nocet? resne, quae talis est, an ego, qui verum explicari volo? Itaque nihil contra dico, a te rationem totius haruspicinae peto. Sed te mirificam in latebram coniecisti; quod enim intellegeres fore ut premerere, cum ex te causas unius cuiusque divinationis exquirerem, multa verba fecisti te, cum res videres, rationem causamque non quaerere; quid fieret, non cur fieret, ad rem pertinere. Quasi ego aut fieri concederem aut esset philosophi causam 2.47. cur quidque fieret, non quaerere! Et eo quidem loco et Prognostica nostra pronuntiabas et genera herbarum, scammoniam aristolochiamque radicem, quarum causam ignorares, vim et effectum videres. Dissimile totum; nam et prognosticorum causas persecuti sunt et Boëthus Stoicus, qui est a te nominatus, et noster etiam Posidonius, et, si causae non reperiantur istarum rerum, res tamen ipsae observari animadvertique potuerunt. Nattae vero statua aut aera legum de caelo tacta quid habent observatum ac vetustum? Pinarii Nattae nobiles; a nobilitate igitur periculum. Hoc tam callide Iuppiter ex cogitavit! Romulus lactens fulmine ictus; urbi igitur periculum ostenditur, ei quam ille condidit. Quam scite per notas nos certiores facit Iuppiter! At eodem tempore signum Iovis conlocabatur, quo coniuratio indicabatur. Et tu scilicet mavis numine deorum id factum quam casu arbitrari, et redemptor, qui columnam illam de Cotta et de Torquato conduxerat faciendam, non inertia aut inopia tardior fuit, sed a deis inmortalibus ad istam horam reservatus est. 1.19. And the misfortunes which happened at last and were long in their passing —These were foretold by the Father of Gods, in earth and in heaven,Through unmistakable signs that he gave and often repeated.[12] Now, of those prophecies made when Torquatus and Cotta were consuls, —Made by a Lydian diviner, by one of Etruscan extraction —All, in the round of your crowded twelve months, were brought to fulfilment.For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurled forth his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site he unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then fell the brazen image of Natta, ancient and honoured:Vanished the tablets of laws long ago divinely enacted;Wholly destroyed were the statues of gods by the heat of the lightning. 2.45. What, for example, is his object in hurling them into the middle of the sea? or, as he so often does, on to the tops of lofty mountains? Why, pray, does he waste them in solitary deserts? And why does he fling them on the shores of peoples who do not take any notice of them?[20] Oh! but you say, the head was found in the Tiber. As if I contended that your soothsayers were devoid of art! My contention is that there is no divination. By dividing the heavens in the manner already indicated and by noting what happened in each division the soothsayers learn whence the thunderbolt comes and whither it goes, but no method can show that the thunderbolt has any prophetic value. However, you array those verses of mine against me:For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurtled his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then, the poem goes on to say, the statue of Natta, the images of the gods and the piece representing Romulus and Remus, with their wolf-nurse, were struck by a thunderbolt and fell to the ground. The prophecies made by the soothsayers from these events were fulfilled to the letter. 2.46. Besides, you quote me as authority for the remarkable fact that, at the very time when proof of the conspiracy was being presented to the Senate, the statue of Jupiter, which had been contracted for two years before, was being erected on the Capitol.Will you then — for thus you pleaded with me — will you then persuade yourself to take sides against me in this discussion, in the face of your own writings and of your own practice? You are my brother and on that account I shrink from recrimination. But what, pray, is causing you distress in this matter? Is it the nature of the subject? Or is it my insistence on finding out the truth? And so I waive your charge of my inconsistency — I am asking you for an explanation of the entire subject of soothsaying. But you betook yourself to a strange place of refuge. You knew that you would be in straits when I asked your reason for each kind of divination, and, hence, you had much to say to this effect: Since I see what divination does I do not ask the reason or the cause why it does it. The question is, what does it do? not, why does it do it? As if I would grant either that divination accomplished anything, or that it was permissible for a philosopher not to ask why anything happened! 2.47. It was in that same connexion that you brought force my Prognostics and some samples of herbs — the scammony and aristolochia root — saying that you could see their virtue and effect but did not know the cause.[21] But your illustrations are not pertinent at all. For example, the causes of meteorological phenomena have been investigated by Boëthus the Stoic, whom you mentioned, and by our friend Posidonius; and even if the causes are not discovered by them, yet the phenomena themselves are capable of observation and study. But what opportunity was there for long-continued observation in the case where Nattas statue and the brazen tablets of laws were struck by lightning? The Nattas, you say, were of the Pinarian gens and of noble birth, therefore danger was to be expected from the nobility. So clever of Jupiter to devise such a means to warn us of danger! The statue of the infant Romulus, you observe, was struck by a thunderbolt; hence danger was thereby predicted to the city which he founded. How wise of Jupiter to use signs in conveying information to us! Again, you say, Jupiter statue was being set up at the very time the conspiracy was being exposed. You, of course, prefer to attribute this coincidence to a divine decree rather than to chance. The man to whom Cotta and Torquatus let the contract for the statue did not, I presume, delay the completion of his work either from lack of energy or from lack of funds, but his hand was stayed till the appointed hour by the immortal gods!
2. Polybius, Histories, 10.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

10.3. 1.  It is generally agreed that Scipio was beneficent and magimous, but that he was also shrewd and discreet with a mind always concentrated on the object he had in view would be conceded by none except those who associated with him and to whom his character stood clearly revealed.,2.  One of these was Gaius Laelius, who from his youth up to the end had participated in his every word and deed, and who has produced the above impression upon myself, as his account seems both probable on the face of it and in accordance with the actual performances of Scipio.,3.  For he tells us that Scipio first distinguished himself on the occasion of the cavalry engagement between his father and Hannibal in the neighbourhood of the Po.,4.  He was at the time seventeen years of age, this being his first campaign, and his father had placed him in command of a picked troop of horse in order to ensure his safety, but when he caught sight of his father in the battle, surrounded by the enemy and escorted only by two or three horsemen and dangerously wounded,,5.  he at first endeavoured to urge those with him to go to the rescue, but when they hung back for a time owing to the large numbers of the enemy round them, he is said with reckless daring to have charged the encircling force alone.,6.  Upon the rest being now forced to attack, the enemy were terror-struck and broke up, and Publius Scipio, thus unexpectedly delivered, was the first to salute his son in the hearing of all as his preserver.,7.  Having by this service gained a universally acknowledged reputation for bravery, he in subsequent times refrained from exposing his person without sufficient reason, when his country reposed her hopes of success on him — conduct characteristic not of a commander who relies on luck, but on one gifted with intelligence.
3. Livy, History, 26.19.3-26.19.4, 26.19.6-26.19.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 3.1-3.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3.1. However, after his vision, as we are told, Philip sent Chaeron of Megalopolis to Delphi, by whom an oracle was brought him from Apollo, who bade him sacrifice to Ammon and hold that god in greatest reverence, but told him he was to lose that one of his eyes which he had applied to the chink in the door when he espied the god, in the form of a serpent, sharing the couch of his wife. 3.2. Moreover, Olympias, as Eratosthenes says, when she sent Alexander forth upon his great expedition, told him, and him alone, the secret of his begetting, and bade him have purposes worthy of his birth. Others, on the contrary, say that she repudiated the idea, and said: Alexander must cease slandering me to Hera. The lawful spouse of Zeus Ammon. 3.3. Be that as it may, Alexander was born early in the month Hecatombaeon, 356 B.C. The day of birth has probably been moved back two or three months for the sake of the coincidence mentioned below ( § 5 ). Hecatombaeon corresponds nearly to July. the Macedonian name for which is Loüs, on the sixth day of the month, and on this day the temple of Ephesian Artemis was burnt. It was apropos of this that Hegesias the Magnesian made an utterance frigid enough to have extinguished that great conflagration. He said, namely, it was no wonder that the temple of Artemis was burned down, since the goddess was busy bringing Alexander into the world.
5. Silius Italicus, Punica, 4.454-4.471, 13.615-13.649 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6. Suetonius, Augustus, 18.1, 94.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

7. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 7, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

8. Tacitus, Histories, 4.82 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4.82.  These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides.
9. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 51.16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

51.16. 1.  As for the rest who had been connected with Antony's cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2.  I shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3.  This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4.  nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5.  After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle.
10. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.1.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 8.1.24



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
actium, actian, actiaca Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
aeneas Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
alexander, and sign Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 127
alexander the great Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
alexandria Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
anchises Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
antony, mark, and the east Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
apis Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
apollo Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
atia Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
augustus, deification Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
augustus, divi filius Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
augustus mausoleum Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
brutus, marcus Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
cleopatra Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
curtains Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
deification, ascent to heavens Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
dialogue with the god Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
distancing, (divine) charisma Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
dream, of scipio africanus Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 127
egypt Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
hannibal Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
humour Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
interpretation, as political act Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 127
jerusalem Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
judaism Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
julius caesar, references alexander the great Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
jupiter Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
jupiter best and greatest, temple of Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
legend, myth, fabula Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
lightning Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
lucretius Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
mark antony Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
mars Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
mosaics Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
numinousness, in foreign lands Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
oracles Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
paulus, aemilius Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
pliny the younger, in bithynia Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
pomponia, mother of scipio africanus Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
prodigium Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
punic wars, second Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
religions, roman, religious sensibilities Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
religious experience Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
rumour Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
sacrilege Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
scipio africanus, as authoritative interpreter Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 127
scipio africanus, as son of jupiter Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
scipio africanus, imitatio of alexander the great by Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
scipio africanus, meeting with virtus and voluptas Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
scipio africanus Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94; Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
scipio the elder, father of africanus Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
self-fashioning Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 94
serapis Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
silius italicus, and cicero Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
silius italicus, and ennius Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
silius italicus, and homer Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
silius italicus, and lucretius Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
silius italicus, and the tradition on kingship Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
silius italicus, nekyia in Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
statue, attack on Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
statue, positioning Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
steuernagel, dirk Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
superstitio, and scipio africanus Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 127
temple, interior Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
temple, roman Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
temple of jupiter capitolinus Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 59
temple of serapis in alexandria Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245
ticinus, river Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
triballi Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
troy Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
uelut, and interpretation' Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 127
underworld Augoustakis, Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past (2014) 315
vespasian, emperor Jenkyns, God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination (2013) 245