Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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Livy, History, 22.57.5
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1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 22.1-22.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) 22.1. וַיְהִי אַחַר הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה וְהָאֱלֹהִים נִסָּה אֶת־אַבְרָהָם וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו אַבְרָהָם וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֵּנִי׃ 22.1. וַיִּשְׁלַח אַבְרָהָם אֶת־יָדוֹ וַיִּקַּח אֶת־הַמַּאֲכֶלֶת לִשְׁחֹט אֶת־בְּנוֹ׃ 22.2. וַיֹּאמֶר קַח־נָא אֶת־בִּנְךָ אֶת־יְחִידְךָ אֲשֶׁר־אָהַבְתָּ אֶת־יִצְחָק וְלֶךְ־לְךָ אֶל־אֶרֶץ הַמֹּרִיָּה וְהַעֲלֵהוּ שָׁם לְעֹלָה עַל אַחַד הֶהָרִים אֲשֶׁר אֹמַר אֵלֶיךָ׃ 22.2. וַיְהִי אַחֲרֵי הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה וַיֻּגַּד לְאַבְרָהָם לֵאמֹר הִנֵּה יָלְדָה מִלְכָּה גַם־הִוא בָּנִים לְנָחוֹר אָחִיךָ׃ 22.3. וַיַּשְׁכֵּם אַבְרָהָם בַּבֹּקֶר וַיַּחֲבֹשׁ אֶת־חֲמֹרוֹ וַיִּקַּח אֶת־שְׁנֵי נְעָרָיו אִתּוֹ וְאֵת יִצְחָק בְּנוֹ וַיְבַקַּע עֲצֵי עֹלָה וַיָּקָם וַיֵּלֶךְ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר־אָמַר־לוֹ הָאֱלֹהִים׃ 22.4. בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁלִישִׁי וַיִּשָּׂא אַבְרָהָם אֶת־עֵינָיו וַיַּרְא אֶת־הַמָּקוֹם מֵרָחֹק׃ 22.5. וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָהָם אֶל־נְעָרָיו שְׁבוּ־לָכֶם פֹּה עִם־הַחֲמוֹר וַאֲנִי וְהַנַּעַר נֵלְכָה עַד־כֹּה וְנִשְׁתַּחֲוֶה וְנָשׁוּבָה אֲלֵיכֶם׃ 22.6. וַיִּקַּח אַבְרָהָם אֶת־עֲצֵי הָעֹלָה וַיָּשֶׂם עַל־יִצְחָק בְּנוֹ וַיִּקַּח בְּיָדוֹ אֶת־הָאֵשׁ וְאֶת־הַמַּאֲכֶלֶת וַיֵּלְכוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם יַחְדָּו׃ 22.7. וַיֹּאמֶר יִצְחָק אֶל־אַבְרָהָם אָבִיו וַיֹּאמֶר אָבִי וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֶּנִּי בְנִי וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֵּה הָאֵשׁ וְהָעֵצִים וְאַיֵּה הַשֶּׂה לְעֹלָה׃ 22.8. וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָהָם אֱלֹהִים יִרְאֶה־לּוֹ הַשֶּׂה לְעֹלָה בְּנִי וַיֵּלְכוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם יַחְדָּו׃ 22.9. וַיָּבֹאוּ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר אָמַר־לוֹ הָאֱלֹהִים וַיִּבֶן שָׁם אַבְרָהָם אֶת־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ וַיַּעֲרֹךְ אֶת־הָעֵצִים וַיַּעֲקֹד אֶת־יִצְחָק בְּנוֹ וַיָּשֶׂם אֹתוֹ עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ מִמַּעַל לָעֵצִים׃ 22.11. וַיִּקְרָא אֵלָיו מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה מִן־הַשָּׁמַיִם וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָהָם אַבְרָהָם וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֵּנִי׃ 22.12. וַיֹּאמֶר אַל־תִּשְׁלַח יָדְךָ אֶל־הַנַּעַר וְאַל־תַּעַשׂ לוֹ מְאוּמָּה כִּי עַתָּה יָדַעְתִּי כִּי־יְרֵא אֱלֹהִים אַתָּה וְלֹא חָשַׂכְתָּ אֶת־בִּנְךָ אֶת־יְחִידְךָ מִמֶּנִּי׃ 22.13. וַיִּשָּׂא אַבְרָהָם אֶת־עֵינָיו וַיַּרְא וְהִנֵּה־אַיִל אַחַר נֶאֱחַז בַּסְּבַךְ בְּקַרְנָיו וַיֵּלֶךְ אַבְרָהָם וַיִּקַּח אֶת־הָאַיִל וַיַּעֲלֵהוּ לְעֹלָה תַּחַת בְּנוֹ׃ 22.14. וַיִּקְרָא אַבְרָהָם שֵׁם־הַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא יְהוָה יִרְאֶה אֲשֶׁר יֵאָמֵר הַיּוֹם בְּהַר יְהוָה יֵרָאֶה׃ 22.1. And it came to pass after these things, that God did prove Abraham, and said unto him: ‘Abraham’; and he said: ‘Here am I.’" 22.2. And He said: ‘Take now thy son, thine only son, whom thou lovest, even Isaac, and get thee into the land of Moriah; and offer him there for a burnt-offering upon one of the mountains which I will tell thee of.’" 22.3. And Abraham rose early in the morning, and saddled his ass, and took two of his young men with him, and Isaac his son; and he cleaved the wood for the burnt-offering, and rose up, and went unto the place of which God had told him." 22.4. On the third day Abraham lifted up his eyes, and saw the place afar off." 22.5. And Abraham said unto his young men: ‘Abide ye here with the ass, and I and the lad will go yonder; and we will worship, and come back to you.’" 22.6. And Abraham took the wood of the burnt-offering, and laid it upon Isaac his son; and he took in his hand the fire and the knife; and they went both of them together." 22.7. And Isaac spoke unto Abraham his father, and said: ‘My father.’ And he said: ‘Here am I, my son.’ And he said: ‘Behold the fire and the wood; but where is the lamb for a burnt-offering?’" 22.8. And Abraham said: ‘God will aprovide Himself the lamb for a burnt-offering, my son.’ So they went both of them together." 22.9. And they came to the place which God had told him of; and Abraham built the altar there, and laid the wood in order, and bound Isaac his son, and laid him on the altar, upon the wood." 22.10. And Abraham stretched forth his hand, and took the knife to slay his son." 22.11. And the angel of the LORD called unto him out of heaven, and said: ‘Abraham, Abraham.’ And he said: ‘Here am I.’" 22.12. And he said: ‘Lay not thy hand upon the lad, neither do thou any thing unto him; for now I know that thou art a God-fearing man, seeing thou hast not withheld thy son, thine only son, from Me.’" 22.13. And Abraham lifted up his eyes, and looked, and behold behind him a ram caught in the thicket by his horns. And Abraham went and took the ram, and offered him up for a burnt-offering in the stead of his son." 22.14. And Abraham called the name of that place Adonai-jireh; as it is said to this day: ‘In the mount where the LORD is seen.’"
2. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 11.35-11.40 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 11.35. וַיְהִי כִרְאוֹתוֹ אוֹתָהּ וַיִּקְרַע אֶת־בְּגָדָיו וַיֹּאמֶר אֲהָהּ בִּתִּי הַכְרֵעַ הִכְרַעְתִּנִי וְאַתְּ הָיִיתְ בְּעֹכְרָי וְאָנֹכִי פָּצִיתִי־פִי אֶל־יְהוָה וְלֹא אוּכַל לָשׁוּב׃ 11.36. וַתֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו אָבִי פָּצִיתָה אֶת־פִּיךָ אֶל־יְהוָה עֲשֵׂה לִי כַּאֲשֶׁר יָצָא מִפִּיךָ אַחֲרֵי אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה לְךָ יְהוָה נְקָמוֹת מֵאֹיְבֶיךָ מִבְּנֵי עַמּוֹן׃ 11.37. וַתֹּאמֶר אֶל־אָבִיהָ יֵעָשֶׂה לִּי הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה הַרְפֵּה מִמֶּנִּי שְׁנַיִם חֳדָשִׁים וְאֵלְכָה וְיָרַדְתִּי עַל־הֶהָרִים וְאֶבְכֶּה עַל־בְּתוּלַי אָנֹכִי ורעיתי [וְרֵעוֹתָי׃] 11.38. וַיֹּאמֶר לֵכִי וַיִּשְׁלַח אוֹתָהּ שְׁנֵי חֳדָשִׁים וַתֵּלֶךְ הִיא וְרֵעוֹתֶיהָ וַתֵּבְךְּ עַל־בְּתוּלֶיהָ עַל־הֶהָרִים׃ 11.39. וַיְהִי מִקֵּץ שְׁנַיִם חֳדָשִׁים וַתָּשָׁב אֶל־אָבִיהָ וַיַּעַשׂ לָהּ אֶת־נִדְרוֹ אֲשֶׁר נָדָר וְהִיא לֹא־יָדְעָה אִישׁ וַתְּהִי־חֹק בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 11.35. And it came to pass, when he saw her, that he rent his clothes, and said, Alas, my daughter! thou hast brought me very low, and thou hast become the cause of trouble to me: for I have opened my mouth to the Lord, and I cannot go back." 11.36. And she said to him, My father, if thou hast opened thy mouth to the Lord, do to me according to that which has proceeded out of thy mouth; seeing that the Lord has taken vengeance for thee of thy enemies, of the children of ῾Ammon." 11.37. And she said to her father, Let this thing be done for me: let me alone two months, that I may go and wander down the mountain sides, and bewail my virginity, I and my friends." 11.38. And he said, Go. And he sent her away for two months: and she went with her companions, and wept for her virginity upon the mountains." 11.39. And it came to pass at the end of two months, that she returned to her father, who did with her according to his vow which he had vowed: and she knew no man. And it was a custom in Yisra᾽el," 11.40. that the daughters of Yisra᾽el went yearly to lament the daughter of Yiftaĥ, the Gil῾adite four days in the year."
3. Cicero, On Divination, 2.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect.
4. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 34, 39, 4, 40-42, 45, 49, 33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
5. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.66-2.67 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 2.66. 1.  Numa, upon taking over the rule, did not disturb the individual hearths of the curiae, but erected one common to them all in the space between the Capitoline hill and the Palatine (for these hills had already been united by a single wall into one city, and the Forum, in which the temple is built, lies between them), and he enacted, in accordance with the ancestral custom of the Latins, that the guarding of the holy things should be committed to virgins.,2.  There is some doubt, however, what it is that is kept in this temple and for what reason the care of it has been assigned to virgins, some affirming that nothing is preserved there but the fire, which is visible to everybody. And they very reasonably argue that the custody of the fire was committed to virgins, rather than to men, because fire in incorrupt and a virgin is undefiled, and the most chaste of mortal things must be agreeable to the purest of those that are divine.,3.  And they regard the fire as consecrated to Vesta because that goddess, being the earth and occupying the central place in the universe, kindles the celestial fires from herself. But there are some who say that besides the fire there are some holy things in the temple of the goddess that may not be revealed to the public, of which only the pontiffs and the virgins have knowledge. As a strong confirmation of this story they cite what happened at the burning of the temple during the First Punic War between the Romans and the Carthaginians over Sicily.,4.  For when the temple caught fire and the virgins fled from the flames, one of the pontiffs, Lucius Caecilius, called Metellus, a man of consular rank, the same who exhibited a hundred and thirty-eight elephants in the memorable triumph which he celebrated for his defeat of the Carthaginians in Sicily, neglecting his own safety for the sake of the public good, ventured to force his way into the burning structure, and, snatching up the holy things which the virgins had abandoned, saved them from the fire; for which he received the honours from the State, as the inscription upon his statue on the Capitol testifies.,5.  Taking this incident, then, as an admitted fact, they add some conjectures of their own. Thus, some affirm that the objects preserved here are a part of those holy things which were once in Samothrace; that Dardanus removed them out of that island into the city which he himself had built, and that Aeneas, when he fled from the Troad, brought them along with the other holy things into Italy. But others declare that it is the Palladium that fell from Heaven, the same that was in the possession of the people of Ilium; for they hold that Aeneas, being well acquainted with it, brought it into Italy, whereas the Achaeans stole away the copy, — an incident about which many stories have been related both by poets and by historians.,6.  For my part, I find from very many evidences that there are indeed some holy things, unknown to the public, kept by the virgins, and not the fire alone; but what they are I do not think should be inquired into too curiously, either by me of by anyone else who wishes to observe the reverence due to the gods. 2.67. 1.  The virgins who serve the goddess were originally four and were chosen by the kings according to the principles established by Numa, but afterwards, from the multiplicity of the sacred rites they perform, their number was increased of six, and has so remained down to our time. They live in the temple of the goddess, into which none who wish are hindered from entering in the daytime, whereas it is not lawful for any man to remain there at night.,2.  They were required to remain undefiled by marriage for the space of thirty years, devoting themselves to offering sacrifices and performing the other rites ordained by law. During the first ten years their duty was to learn their functions, in the second ten to perform them, and during the remaining ten to teach others. After the expiration of the term of thirty years nothing hindered those who so desired from marrying, upon laying aside their fillets and the other insignia of their priesthood. And some, though very few, have done this; but they came to ends that were not at all happy or enviable. In consequence, the rest, looking upon their misfortunes as ominous, remain virgins in the temple of the goddess till their death, and then once more another is chosen by the pontiffs to supply the vacancy.,3.  Many high honours have been granted them by the commonwealth, as a result of which they feel no desire either for marriage or for children; and severe penalties have been established for their misdeeds. It is the pontiffs who by law both inquire into and punish these offences; to Vestals who are guilty of lesser misdemeanours they scourge with rods, but those who have suffered defilement they deliver up to the most shameful and the most miserable death.,4.  While they are yet alive they are carried upon a bier with all the formality of a funeral, their friends and relations attending them with lamentations, and after being brought as far as the Colline Gate, they are placed in an underground cell prepared within the walls, clad in their funeral attire; but they are not given a monument or funeral rites or any other customary solemnities.,5.  There are many indications, it seems, when a priestess is not performing her holy functions with purity, but the principal one is the extinction of the fire, which the Romans dread above all misfortunes, looking upon it, from whatever cause it proceeds, as an omen that portends the destruction of the city; and they bring fire again into the temple with many supplicatory rites, concerning which I shall speak on the proper occasion.
6. Livy, History, 4.9.3, 22.1.16, 22.41.2, 22.42.3-22.42.10, 22.57.2-22.57.4, 22.57.6-22.57.7, 23.42.4, 25.6.6, 26.27.14, 27.16.8, 27.38.1, 29.18.10, 42.28.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
7. Ovid, Fasti, 1.527-1.528, 1.530, 3.143, 3.417-3.428 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) 1.527. Sacred father here: Vesta, receive the gods of Troy! 1.528. In time the same hand will guard the world and you 1.530. The safety of the country will lie with Augustus’ house: 3.143. Also, it’s said, a new fire is lit at her secret shrine 3.417. Give thanks to her, and offer incense on the Trojan hearth. 3.418. To the countless titles Caesar chose to earn 3.419. The honour of the High Priesthood was added. 3.420. Caesar’s eternal godhead protects the eternal fire 3.421. You may see the pledges of empire conjoined. 3.422. Gods of ancient Troy, worthiest prize for that Aenea 3.423. Who carried you, your burden saving him from the enemy 3.424. A priest of Aeneas’ line touches your divine kindred: 3.425. Vesta in turn guard the life of your kin! 3.426. You fires, burn on, nursed by his sacred hand: 3.427. Live undying, our leader, and your flames, I pray. 3.428. The Nones of March are free of meetings, because it’s thought
8. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.223-1.234 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) 1.223. Abraham also placed his own happiness in this prospect, that, when he should die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition; which accordingly he obtained by the will of God: who being desirous to make an experiment of Abraham’s religious disposition towards himself, appeared to him, and enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed on him; 1.224. how he had made him superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part of his present happiness, was derived from him; and he said that he required this son of his as a sacrifice and holy oblation. Accordingly he commanded him to carry him to the mountain Moriah, and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it for that this would best manifest his religious disposition towards him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God, before the preservation of his own son. 1.225. 2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing, but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their life by his providence, and the kindness he bestows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also from every one of his servants, otherwise he should have been hindered from his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. 1.226. Now the two servants went along with him two days; but on the third day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants that were with him till then in the plain, and, having his son alone with him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which king David afterwards built the temple. 1.227. Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice, excepting the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years old. And as he was building the altar, he asked his father what he was about to offer, since there was no animal there for an oblation:—to which it was answered, “That God would provide himself an oblation, he being able to make a plentiful provision for men out of what they have not, and to deprive others of what they already have, when they put too much trust therein; that therefore, if God pleased to be present and propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an oblation.” 1.228. 3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, “O son, I poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son; when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing that could contribute to thy support for which I was not greatly solicitous, nor any thing wherein I thought myself happier than to see thee grown up to man’s estate, and that I might leave thee at my death the successor to my dominion; 1.229. but since it was by God’s will that I became thy father, and it is now his will that I relinquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous mind; for I resign thee up to God who has thought fit now to require this testimony of honor to himself, on account of the favors he hath conferred on me, in being to me a supporter and defender. 1.231. but so that he will receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion, and will place thee near to himself, and thou wilt there be to me a succorer and supporter in my old age; on which account I principally brought thee up, and thou wilt thereby procure me God for my Comforter instead of thyself.” 1.232. 4. Now Isaac was of such a generous disposition as became the son of such a father, and was pleased with this discourse; and said, “That he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject the determination of God and of his father, and should not resign himself up readily to both their pleasures; since it would have been unjust if he had not obeyed, even if his father alone had so resolved.” So he went immediately to the altar to be sacrificed. 1.233. And the deed had been done if God had not opposed it; for he called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbade him to slay his son; and said, “It was not out of a desire of human blood that he was commanded to slay his son, nor was he willing that he should be taken away from him whom he had made his father, but to try the temper of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a command. 1.234. Since therefore he now was satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the surprising readiness he showed in this his piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings upon him; and that he would not be wanting in all sort of concern about him, and in bestowing other children upon him; and that his son should live to a very great age; that he should live a happy life, and bequeath a large principality to his children, who should be good and legitimate.”
9. Plutarch, Marcellus, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 8.6. The Romans were so overjoyed at this victory and the ending of the war that they sent to the Pythian Apollo at Delphi a golden bowl The indication of its source or value which follows in the Greek, is uncertain. . . . as a thank-offering, gave a splendid share of the spoils to their allied cities, and sent many to Hiero, the king of Syracuse, who was their friend and ally.
10. Tacitus, Annals, 4.1.1, 6.28, 12.43.1, 12.64.1, 13.24.1-13.24.2, 13.58, 15.44.1-15.44.2, 15.47.1-15.47.2, 16.13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 4.1.1.  The consulate of Gaius Asinius and Gaius Antistius was to Tiberius the ninth year of public order and of domestic felicity (for he counted the death of Germanicus among his blessings), when suddenly fortune disturbed the peace and he became either a tyrant himself or the source of power to the tyrannous. The starting-point and the cause were to be found in Aelius Sejanus, prefect of the praetorian cohorts. of his influence I spoke above: now I shall unfold his origin, his character, and the crime by which he strove to seize on empire. Born at Vulsinii to the Roman knight Seius Strabo, he became in early youth a follower of Gaius Caesar, grandson of the deified Augustus; not without a rumour that he had disposed of his virtue at a price to Apicius, a rich man and a prodigal. Before long, by his multifarious arts, he bound Tiberius fast: so much so that a man inscrutable to others became to Sejanus alone unguarded and unreserved; and the less by subtlety (in fact, he was beaten in the end by the selfsame arts) than by the anger of Heaven against that Roman realm for whose equal damnation he flourished and fell. He was a man hardy by constitution, fearless by temperament; skilled to conceal himself and to incriminate his neighbour; cringing at once and insolent; orderly and modest to outward view, at heart possessed by a towering ambition, which impelled him at whiles to lavishness and luxury, but oftener to industry and vigilance — qualities not less noxious when assumed for the winning of a throne. 6.28.  In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of 1461 years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were less than two hundred and fifty years: whence the belief has been held that this was a spurious phoenix, not originating on the soil of Arabia, and following none of the practices affirmed by ancient tradition. For — so the tale is told — when its sum of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative influence, from which springs a young one, whose first care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire. Nor is that task performed at random, but, after raising a weight of myrrh and proving it by a far flight, so soon as he is a match for his burden and the course before him, he lifts up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the Sun, and consigns him to the flames. — The details are uncertain and heightened by fable; but that the bird occasionally appears in Egypt is unquestioned. 12.43.1.  Many prodigies occurred during the year. Ominous birds took their seat on the Capitol; houses were overturned by repeated shocks of earthquake, and, as the panic spread, the weak were trampled underfoot in the trepidation of the crowd. A shortage of corn, again, and the famine which resulted, were construed as a supernatural warning. Nor were the complaints always whispered. Claudius, sitting in judgement, was surrounded by a wildly clamorous mob, and, driven into the farthest corner of the Forum, was there subjected to violent pressure, until, with the help of a body of troops, he forced a way through the hostile throng. It was established that the capital had provisions for fifteen days, no more; and the crisis was relieved only by the especial grace of the gods and the mildness of the winter. And yet, Heaven knows, in the past, Italy exported supplies for the legions into remote provinces; nor is sterility the trouble now, but we cultivate Africa and Egypt by preference, and the life of the Roman nation has been staked upon cargo-boats and accidents. 12.64.1.  In the consulate of Marcus Asinius and Manius Acilius, it was made apparent by a sequence of prodigies that a change of conditions for the worse was foreshadowed. Fire from heaven played round the standards and tents of the soldiers; a swarm of bees settled on the pediment of the Capitol; it was stated that hermaphrodites had been born, and that a pig had been produced with the talons of a hawk. It was counted among the portents that each of the magistracies found its numbers diminished, since a quaestor, an aedile, and a tribune, together with a praetor and a consul, had died within a few months. But especial terror was felt by Agrippina. Disquieted by a remark let fall by Claudius in his cups, that it was his destiny first to suffer and finally to punish the infamy of his wives, she determined to act — and speedily. First, however, she destroyed Domitia Lepida on a feminine quarrel. For, as the daughter of the younger Antonia, the grand-niece of Augustus, the first cousin once removed of Agrippina, and also the sister of her former husband Gnaeus Domitius, Lepida regarded her family distinctions as equal to those of the princess. In looks, age, and fortune there was little between the pair; and since each was as unchaste, as disreputable, and as violent as the other, their competition in the vices was not less keen than in such advantages as they had received from the kindness of fortune. But the fiercest struggle was on the question whether the domit influence with Nero was to be his aunt or his mother: for Lepida was endeavouring to captivate his youthful mind by a smooth tongue and an open hand, while on the other side Agrippina stood grim and menacing, capable of presenting her son with an empire but not of tolerating him as emperor. 13.24.1.  At the end of the year, the cohort usually present on guard at the Games was withdrawn; the objects being to give a greater appearance of liberty, to prevent the troops from being corrupted by too close contact with the licence of the theatre, and to test whether the populace would continue its orderly behaviour when its custodians were removed. A lustration of the city was carried out by the emperor at the recommendation of the soothsayers, since the temples of Jupiter and Minerva had been struck by lightning. 13.58.  In the same year, the tree in the Comitium, known as the Ruminalis, which eight hundred and thirty years earlier had sheltered the infancy of Remus and Romulus, through the death of its boughs and the withering of its stem, reached a stage of decrepitude which was regarded as a portent, until it renewed its verdure in fresh shoots. 15.44.1.  So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. 15.47.1.  At the close of the year, report was busy with portents heralding disaster to come — lightning-flashes in numbers never exceeded, a comet (a phenomenon to which Nero always made atonement in noble blood); two-headed embryos, human or of the other animals, thrown out in public or discovered in the sacrifices where it is the rule to kill pregt victims. Again, in the territory of Placentia, a calf was born close to the road with the head grown to a leg; and there followed an interpretation of the soothsayers, stating that another head was being prepared for the world; but it would be neither strong nor secret, as it had been repressed in the womb, and had been brought forth at the wayside. 16.13.1.  Upon this year, disgraced by so many deeds of shame, Heaven also set its mark by tempest and disease. Campania was wasted by a whirlwind, which far and wide wrecked the farms, the fruit trees, and the crops, and carried its fury to the neighbourhood of the capital, where all classes of men were being decimated by a deadly epidemic. No outward sign of a distempered air was visible. Yet the houses were filled with lifeless bodies, the streets with funerals. Neither sex nor age gave immunity from danger; slaves and the free-born populace alike were summarily cut down, amid the laments of their wives and children, who, themselves infected while tending or mourning the victims, were often burnt upon the same pyre. Knights and senators, though they perished on all hands, were less deplored — as if, by undergoing the common lot, they were cheating the ferocity of the emperor. In the same year, levies were held in Narbonese Gaul, Africa, and Asia, to recruit the legions of Illyricum, in which all men incapacitated by age or sickness were being discharged from the service. The emperor alleviated the disaster at Lugdunum by a grant of four million sesterces to repair the town's losses: the same amount which Lugdunum had previously offered in aid of the misfortunes of the capital.
11. Tacitus, Histories, 1.86, 3.56.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 1.86.  Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people's minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes.
12. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 6.1.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
13. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.8.34 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) 22.8.34. For these peoples offer human victims to the gods and sacrifice strangers to Diana, whom they call Orsiloche, and affix the skulls of the slain to the walls of her temple, as a lasting memorial of their valorous deeds. See Strabo, vii. 3, 6; Mela, ii. 1, 13; Ovid, Ex Pont, iii. 2, 45 K. The story of Iphigenia.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
aemilius paullus, l., auspicates before moving army	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
aeneas	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
ancestors	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
ancilia, the salian shields	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
anger, divine	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
anger, in roman epic	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
ardea	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
augustan religious innovations	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
augustus, caesar (augustus)	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
auspication, and historical tradition	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
auspicato, contra auspicia	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
auspicato, precedence of	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
authority, of ammianus, priestly	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
caesar, julius	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
cannae, battle of, auspices at	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
cannae, battle of	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
cannae	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
canusium	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
chastity, lack of chastity, impudicitia	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
civil war	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
consuls, alternate military command	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
cultural appropriation, romans and	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 350
decemuiri sacris faciundis	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68, 205
decemviri sacris faciundis	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
decline, of religion	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
delphi	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
delphic oracle	Mowat, Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic (2021) 108
dictator, appointed after calamity caused by vitium	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
divinity (of a mortal)	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
epic poetry, roman	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
ethnicity, ethnography	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
eulogy	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
exile poetry of ovid	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
expiation	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
fabius cunctator	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, addresses religious concerns as	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
fabius pictor, q., delphi, mission to	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
fabius pictor, quintus	Mowat, Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic (2021) 108
fabius pictor	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
festivals, salian festival	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
ficus ruminalis	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
flaccus, fulvius	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
flaminius, c., enemies of	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
gens, gentes	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
gods, agency deduced	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
gods, and success/failure	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
gods, intervention	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
gods, negotiation with	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
hannibal	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
hirpini	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
historiography greek, latin	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
immortality, of augustus	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
incestum	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
intersexuality	Mowat, Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic (2021) 108
ira deorum	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68, 205
jephthah, judge	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
julius caesar, deification, divinity	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
juno lacinia	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
livia drusilla, julia augusta	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
livy	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
locri/locrian	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
lucan	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
magic	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
mars	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
minime romano sacro	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
mos	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
nero, and signs	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
numen	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
oracles, sibylline	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
palatine	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
palladium	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
parricidium	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
pax deorum	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68, 205
penates	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
perseus	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
phallus	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
philip	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
phoenix	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
pledges of the empire, imperii pignora	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
pleminius	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
pontifex maximus	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
priest	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
priests, in error	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
prodigies, as wrath of gods	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
prodigies, assessment	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
prodigies, lists	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
prodigies, symbolic	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
prodigies, under claudius	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
prodigies, under tiberius (lack of)	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
prodigium, cannae, surrounding	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
prodigy	Mowat, Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic (2021) 108
proserpina	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
pullarius	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
pulli, feeding eagerly	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
pulli, refuse to eat	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
religio	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
religion, roman	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
religious innovations	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
ritual, error	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
roman, and non-roman elements	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 350
romanitas	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
rome and romans, cultural adaptation and appropriation	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 350
sacrifice, human	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
sacrifice	Mowat, Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic (2021) 108
sacrifice banned, human	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
sacrificium	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
salii	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
senate, and priests	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
senate, failure of authority'	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 205
sibyl, sibylline books	Mowat, Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic (2021) 108
sibylline books	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68; Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
somenzi, chiara	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
tarentum/tarentine	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
terentius varro, c., auspices, observed by	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
terentius varro, c., auspices at cannae, questioned about	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
terentius varro, c., enemies of	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
tiberius	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
trasimene	Braund and Most, Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen (2004) 235
trasumene lake, battle of	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
trojan	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
twelve tables	Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 350
vergil	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
vesta	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
vestal virgins, stuprum of	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
vestal virgins	Mowat, Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic (2021) 108
vestals, inhumation	Davies, Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods (2004) 68
vestas fire	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208
virginity	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
vitium, at auspices for battle	Konrad, The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic (2022) 263
vow/oath	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 106
war, weapons (arma)	Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 208