Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7456
Livy, History, 1.6-1.11


nanThe feelings of the abducted maidens were now pretty completely appeased, but not so those of their parents. They went about in mourning garb, and tried by their tearful complaints to rouse their countrymen to action. Nor did they confine their remonstrances to their own cities; they flocked from all sides to Titus Tatius, the king of the Sabines, and sent formal deputations to him, for his was the most influential name in those parts. [2] The people of Caenina, Crustumerium, and Antemnae were the greatest sufferers; they thought Tatius and his Sabines were too slow in moving, so these three cities prepared to make war conjointly., Such, however, were the impatience and anger of the Caeninensians that even the Crustuminians and Antemnates did not display enough energy for them, so the men of Caenina made an attack upon Roman territory on their own account. [4] Whilst they were scattered far and wide, pillaging and destroying, Romulus came upon them with an army, and after a brief encounter taught them that anger is futile without strength. He put them to a hasty flight, and following them up, killed their king and despoiled his body; then after slaying their leader took their city at the first assault. [5] He was no less anxious to display his achievements than he had been great in performing them, so, after leading his victorious army home, he mounted to the Capitol with the spoils of his dead foe borne before him on a frame constructed for the purpose. He hung them there on an oak, which the shepherds looked upon as a sacred tree, and at the same time marked out the site for the temple of Jupiter, and addressing the god by a new title, uttered the following invocation: ‘Jupiter Feretrius!, these arms taken from a king, I, Romulus a king and conqueror, bring to thee, and on this domain, whose bounds I have in will and purpose traced, I dedicate a temple to receive the spolia opima which posterity following my example shall bear hither, taken from the kings and generals of our foes slain in battle.’ [7] Such was the origin of the first temple dedicated in Rome. And the gods decreed that though its founder did not utter idle words in declaring that posterity would thither bear their spoils, still the splendour of that offering should not be dimmed by the number of those who have rivalled his achievement. For after so many years have elapsed and so many wars been waged, only twice have the spolia opima been offered. So seldom has Fortune granted that glory to men.


nanWhilst the Romans were thus occupied, the army of the Antemnates seized the opportunity of their territory being unoccupied and made a raid into it. Romulus hastily led his legion against this fresh foe and surprised them as they were scattered over the fields. [2] At the very first battle-shout and charge the enemy were routed and their city captured. Whilst Romulus was exulting over this double victory, his wife, Hersilia, moved by the entreaties of the abducted maidens, implored him to pardon their parents and receive them into citizenship, for so the State would increase in unity and strength., He readily granted her request. He then advanced against the Crustuminians, who had commenced war, but their eagerness had been damped by the successive defeats of their neighbours, and they offered but slight resistance. [4] Colonies were planted in both places; owing to the fertility of the soil of the Crustumine district, the majority gave their names for that colony. On the other hand there were numerous migrations to Rome, mostly of the parents and relatives of the abducted maidens. [5] The last of these wars was commenced by the Sabines and proved the most serious of all, for nothing was done in passion or impatience; they masked their designs till war had actually commenced., Strategy was aided by craft and deceit, as the following incident shows. Spurius Tarpeius was in command of the Roman citadel. Whilst his daughter had gone outside the fortifications to fetch water for some religious ceremonies, Tatius bribed her to admit his troops within the citadel. [7] Once admitted, they crushed her to death beneath their shields, either that the citadel might appear to have been taken by assault, or that her example might be left as a warning that no faith should be kept with traitors. [8] A further story runs that the Sabines were in the habit of wearing heavy gold armlets on their left arms and richly jeweled rings, and that the girl made them promise to give her ‘what they had on their left arms,’ accordingly they piled their shields upon her instead of golden gifts., Some say that in bargaining for what they had in their left hands, she expressly asked for their shields, and being suspected of wishing to betray them, fell a victim to her own bargain.


nanAt the beginning of the fray, Numitor gave out that an enemy had entered the City and was attacking the palace, in order to draw off the Alban soldiery to the citadel, to defend it. When he saw the young men coming to congratulate him after the assassination, he at once called a council of his people and explained his brother's infamous conduct towards him, the story of his grandsons, their parentage and bringing up, and how he recognised them. Then he proceeded to inform them of the tyrant's death and his responsibility for it. [2] The young men marched in order through the midst of the assembly and saluted their grandfather as king; their action was approved by the whole population, who with one voice ratified the title and sovereignty of the king., After the government of Alba was thus transferred to Numitor, Romulus and Remus were seized with the desire of building a city in the locality where they had been exposed. There was the superfluous population of the Alban and Latin towns, to these were added the shepherds: it was natural to hope that with all these Alba would be small and Lavinium small in comparison with the city which was to be founded. [4] These pleasant anticipations were disturbed by the ancestral curse — ambition — which led to a deplorable quarrel over what was at first a trivial matter. As they were twins and no claim to precedence could be based on seniority, they decided to consult the tutelary deities of the place by means of augury as to who was to give his name to the new city, and who was to rule it after it had been founded. Romulus accordingly selected the Palatine as his station for observation, Remus the Aventine.


nanRemus is said to have been the first to receive an omen: six vultures appeared to him. The augury had just been announced to Romulus when double the number appeared to him. Each was saluted as king by his own party. [2] The one side based their claim on the priority of the appearance, the other on the number of the birds. Then followed an angry altercation; heated passions led to bloodshed; in the tumult Remus was killed. The more common report is that Remus contemptuously jumped over the newly raised walls and was forthwith killed by the enraged Romulus, who exclaimed, ‘So shall it be henceforth with every one who leaps over my walls.’, Romulus thus became sole ruler, and the city was called after him, its founder. His first work was to fortify the Palatine hill where he had been brought up. The worship of the other deities he conducted according to the use of Alba, but that of Hercules in accordance with the Greek rites as they had been instituted by Evander. [4] It was into this neighbourhood, according to the tradition, that Hercules, after he had killed Geryon, drove his oxen, which were of marvellous beauty. He swam across the Tiber, driving the oxen before him, and wearied with his journey, lay down in a grassy place near the river to rest himself and the oxen, who enjoyed the rich pasture. [5] When sleep had overtaken him, as he was heavy with food and wine, a shepherd living near, called Cacus, presuming on his strength, and captivated by the beauty of the oxen, determined to secure them. If he drove them before him into the cave, their hoof-marks would have led their owner in his search for them in the same direction, so he dragged the finest of them backwards by their tails into his cave. At the first streak of dawn Hercules awoke, and on surveying his herd and saw that some were missing., He proceeded towards the nearest cave, to see if any tracks pointed in that direction, but he found that every hoof-mark led from the cave and none towards it. Perplexed and bewildered he began to drive the herd away from so dangerous a neighbourhood. Some of the cattle, missing those which were left behind, lowed as they often do, and an answering low sounded from the cave. [7] Hercules turned in that direction, and as Cacus tried to prevent him by force from entering the cave, he was killed by a blow from Hercules' club, after vainly appealing for help to his comrades. The king of the country at that time was Evander, a refugee from Peloponnesus, who ruled more by personal ascendancy than by the exercise of power. [8] He was looked up to with reverence for his knowledge of letters — a new and marvellous thing for uncivilized men — but he was still more revered because of his mother, who was believed to be a divine being and regarded with wonder, by all as an interpreter of Fate, in the days before the arrival of the Sibyl in Italy., This Evander, alarmed by the crowd of excited shepherds standing round a stranger whom they accused of open murder, ascertained from them the nature of his act and what led to it. As he observed the bearing and stature of the man to be more than human in greatness and august dignity, he asked who he was. [10] When he heard his name, and learnt his father and his country, he said, ‘Hercules, son of Jupiter, hail! My mother, who speaks truth in the name of the gods, has prophesied that thou shalt join the company of the gods, and that here a shrine shall be dedicated to thee, which in ages to come the most powerful nation in all the world shall call their Ara Maxima and honour with thine own special worship.’ [11] Hercules grasped Evander's right hand and said that he took the omen to himself and would fulfil the prophecy by building and consecrating the altar., Then a heifer of conspicuous beauty was taken from the herd, and the first sacrifice was offered; the Potitii and Pinarii, the two principal families in those parts, were invited by Hercules to assist in the sacrifice and at the feast which followed. [13] It so happened that the Potitii were present at the appointed time and the entrails were placed before them; the Pinarii arrived after these were consumed and came in for the rest of the banquet. [14] It became a permanent institution from that time that as long as the family of the Pinarii survived they should not eat of the entrails of the victims. The Potitii, after being instructed by Evander, presided over that rite for many ages, until they handed over this ministerial office to public servants after which the whole race of the Potitii perished., This, out of all foreign rites, was the only one which Romulus adopted, as though he felt that an immortality won through courage, of which this was the memorial, would one day be his own reward.


nanAfter the claims of religion had been duly acknowledged, Romulus called his people to a council. As nothing could unite them into one political body but the observance of common laws and customs, he gave them [2] a body of laws, which he thought would only be respected by a rude and uncivilised race of men if he inspired them with awe by assuming the outward symbols of power. He surrounded himself with greater state, and in particular he called into his service twelve lictors., Some think that he fixed upon this number from the number of the birds who foretold his sovereignty; but I am inclined to agree with those who think that as this class of public officers was borrowed from the same people from whom the ‘sella curulis’9 and the ‘toga praetexta’ 10 were adopted — their neighbours, the Etruscans — so the number itself also was taken from them. Its use amongst the Etruscans is traced to the custom of the twelve sovereign cities of Etruria, when jointly electing a king furnishing him each with one lictor. [4] Meantime the City was growing by the extension of its walls in various directions an increase due rather to the anticipation of its future population than to any present overcrowding. His next care was to secure an addition to the population that the size of the City might not be a source of weakness. [5] It had been the ancient policy of the founders of cities to get together a multitude of people of obscure and low origin and then to spread the fiction that they were the children of the soil. In accordance with this policy, Romulus opened a place of refuge on the spot where, as you go down from the Capitol, you find an enclosed space between two groves., A promiscuous crowd of freemen and slaves, eager for change, fled thither from the neighbouring states. This was the first accession of strength to the nascent greatness of the city. [7] When he was satisfied as to its strength, his next step was to provide for that strength being wisely directed. He created a hundred senators; either, because that number was adequate, or because there were only a hundred heads of houses who could be created. In any case they were called the ‘Patres’ in virtue of their rank, and their descendants were called ‘Patricians.’


nanThe Roman State had now become so strong that it was a match for any of its neighbours in war, but its greatness threatened to last for only one generation, since through the absence of women there was no hope of offspring, and there was no right of intermarriage with their neighbours. [2] Acting on the advice of the senate, Romulus sent envoys amongst the surrounding nations to ask for alliance and the right of intermarriage on behalf of his new community., It was represented that cities, like everything else, sprung from the humblest beginnings, and those who were helped on by their own courage and the favour of heaven won for themselves great power and great renown. [4] As to the origin of Rome, it was well known that whilst it had received divine assistance, courage and self-reliance were not wanting. There should, therefore, be no reluctance for men to mingle their blood with their fellow-men. [5] Nowhere did the envoys meet with a favourable reception. Whilst their proposals were treated with contumely, there was at the same time a general feeling of alarm at the power so rapidly growing in their midst. Usually they were dismissed with the question, ‘whether they had opened an asylum for women, for nothing short of that would secure for them inter-marriage on equal terms.’, The Roman youth could ill brook such insults, and matters began to look like an appeal to force. To secure a favourable place and time for such an attempt, Romulus, disguising his resentment, made elaborate preparations for the celebration of games in honour of ‘Equestrian Neptune,’ which he called ‘the Consualia.’ [7] He ordered public notice of the spectacle to be given amongst the adjoining cities, and his people supported him in making the celebration as magnificent as their knowledge and resources allowed, so that expectations were raised to the highest pitch. [8] There was a great gathering; people were eager to see the new City, all their nearest neighbours — the people of Caenina, Antemnae, and Crustumerium-were there, and the whole Sabine population came, with their wives and families., They were invited to accept hospitality at the different houses, and after examining the situation of the City, its walls and the large number of dwelling-houses it included, they were astonished at the rapidity with which the Roman State had grown. [10] When the hour for the games had come, and their eyes and minds were alike riveted on the spectacle before them, the preconcerted signal was given and the Roman youth dashed in all directions to carry off the maidens who were present. [11] The larger part were carried off indiscriminately, but some particularly beautiful girls who had been marked out for the leading patricians were carried to their houses by plebeians told off for the task., One, conspicuous amongst them all for grace and beauty, is reported to have been carried off by a group led by a certain Talassius, and to the many inquiries as to whom she was intended for, the invariable answer was given, ‘For Talassius.’ [13] Hence the use of this word in the marriage rites. Alarm and consternation broke up the games, and the parents of the maidens fled, distracted with grief, uttering bitter reproaches on the violators of the laws of hospitality and appealing to the god to whose solemn games they had come, only to be the victims of impious perfidy. [14] The abducted maidens were quite as despondent and indignant. Romulus, however, went round in person, and pointed out to them that it was all owing to the pride of their parents in denying right of intermarriage to their neighbours. They would live in honourable wedlock, and share all their property and civil rights, and — dearest of all to human nature — would be the mothers of freemen., He begged them to lay aside their feelings of resentment and give their affections to those whom fortune had made masters of their persons. An injury had often led to reconciliation and love; they would find their husbands all the more affectionate because each would do his utmost, so far as in him lay to make up for the loss of parents and country. [16] These arguments were reinforced by the endearments of their husbands who excused their conduct by pleading the irresistible force of their passion — a plea effective beyond all others in appealing to a woman's nature.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

11 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 21.21 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

21.21. וּרְאִיתֶם וְהִנֵּה אִם־יֵצְאוּ בְנוֹת־שִׁילוֹ לָחוּל בַּמְּחֹלוֹת וִיצָאתֶם מִן־הַכְּרָמִים וַחֲטַפְתֶּם לָכֶם אִישׁ אִשְׁתּוֹ מִבְּנוֹת שִׁילוֹ וַהֲלַכְתֶּם אֶרֶץ בִּנְיָמִן׃ 21.21. and see, and, behold, if the daughters of Shilo come out to dance in the dances, then come out of the vineyards, and catch you every man his wife of the daughters of Shilo, and go to the land of Binyamin."
2. Herodotus, Histories, 1.94 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.94. The customs of the Lydians are like those of the Greeks, except that they make prostitutes of their female children. They were the first men whom we know who coined and used gold and silver currency; and they were the first to sell by retail. ,And, according to what they themselves say, the games now in use among them and the Greeks were invented by the Lydians: these, they say, were invented among them at the time when they colonized Tyrrhenia. This is their story: ,In the reign of Atys son of Manes there was great scarcity of food in all Lydia . For a while the Lydians bore this with what patience they could; presently, when the famine did not abate, they looked for remedies, and different plans were devised by different men. Then it was that they invented the games of dice and knuckle-bones and ball and all other forms of game except dice, which the Lydians do not claim to have discovered. ,Then, using their discovery to lighten the famine, every other day they would play for the whole day, so that they would not have to look for food, and the next day they quit their play and ate. This was their way of life for eighteen years. ,But the famine did not cease to trouble them, and instead afflicted them even more. At last their king divided the people into two groups, and made them draw lots, so that the one group should remain and the other leave the country; he himself was to be the head of those who drew the lot to remain there, and his son, whose name was Tyrrhenus, of those who departed. ,Then the one group, having drawn the lot, left the country and came down to Smyrna and built ships, in which they loaded all their goods that could be transported aboard ship, and sailed away to seek a livelihood and a country; until at last, after sojourning with one people after another, they came to the Ombrici, where they founded cities and have lived ever since. ,They no longer called themselves Lydians, but Tyrrhenians, after the name of the king's son who had led them there.The Lydians, then, were enslaved by the Persians.
3. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 3.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3.5. Very well," rejoined Cotta, "let us then proceed as the argument itself may lead us. But before we come to the subject, let me say a few words about myself. I am considerably influenced by your authority, Balbus, and by the plea that you put forward at the conclusion of your discourse, when you exhorted me to remember that I am both a Cotta and a pontife. This no doubt meant that I ought to uphold the beliefs about the immortal gods which have come down to us from our ancestors, and the rites and ceremonies and duties of religion. For my part I always shall uphold them and always have done so, and no eloquence of anybody, learned or unlearned, shall ever dislodge me from the belief as to the worship of the immortal gods which I have inherited from our forefathers. But on any question of el I am guided by the high pontifes, Titus Coruncanius, Publius Scipio and Publius Scaevola, not by Zeno or Cleanthes or Chrysippus; and I have Gaius Laelius, who was both an augur and a philosopher, to whose discourse upon religion, in his famous oration, I would rather listen than to any leader of the Stoics. The religion of the Roman people comprises ritual, auspices, and the third additional division consisting of all such prophetic warnings as the interpreters of the Sybil or the soothsayers have derived from portents and prodigies. While, I have always thought that none of these departments of religion was to be despised, and I have held the conviction that Romulus by his auspices and Numa by his establishment of our ritual laid the foundations of our state, which assuredly could never have been as great as it is had not the fullest measure of divine favour been obtained for it.
4. Cicero, Republic, 2.12-2.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2.12. Atque haec quidem perceleriter confecit; nam et urbem constituit, quam e suo nomine Romam iussit nominari, et ad firmandam novam civitatem novum quoddam et subagreste consilium, sed ad muniendas opes regni ac populi sui magni hominis et iam tum longe providentis secutus est, cum Sabinas honesto ortas loco virgines, quae Romam ludorum gratia venissent, quos tum primum anniversarios in circo facere instituisset, Consualibus rapi iussit easque in familiarum amplissimarum matrimoniis collocavit. 2.13. Qua ex causa cum bellum Romanis Sabini intulissent proeliique certamen varium atque anceps fuisset, cum T. Tatio, rege Sabinorum, foedus icit matronis ipsis, quae raptae erant, orantibus; quo foedere et Sabinos in civitatem adscivit sacris conmunicatis et regnum suum cum illorum rege sociavit. 2.14. Post interitum autem Tatii cum ad eum dominatus omnis reccidisset, quamquam cum Tatio in regium consilium delegerat principes (qui appellati sunt propter caritatem patres) populumque et suo et Tatii nomine et Lucumonis, qui Romuli socius in Sabino proelio occiderat, in tribus tris curiasque triginta discripserat (quas curias earum nominibus nuncupavit, quae ex Sabinis virgines raptae postea fuerant oratrices pacis et foederis)—sed quamquam ea Tatio sic erant discripta vivo, tamen eo interfecto multo etiam magis Romulus patrum auctoritate consilioque regnavit.
5. Livy, History, 1.6-1.9, 1.11-1.13, 1.13.4, 1.18-1.21, 1.58.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6. Ovid, Fasti, 3.167, 3.170, 3.177, 3.183-3.188, 3.218 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

3.167. ‘If it’s right for the secret promptings of the god 3.183. If you ask where my son’s palace was 3.184. See there, that house made of straw and reeds. 3.185. He snatched the gifts of peaceful sleep on straw 3.186. Yet from that same low bed he rose to the stars. 3.187. Already the Roman’s name extended beyond his city 3.188. Though he possessed neither wife nor father-in-law.
7. Propertius, Elegies, 4.11 (1st cent. BCE

8. Plutarch, Romulus, 15, 19-20, 14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

104a. איבעי לך לאתויי בדוולא,אמר רב פפא הני תרתי מתניתא קמייתא משכחת לה בין בחכרנותא בין בקבלנותא מכאן ואילך דאיתא בקבלנותא ליתא בחכרנותא ודאיתא בחכרנותא ליתא בקבלנותא:,אם אמר לו חכור לי שדה בית השלחין זה [וכו']: ואמאי לימא ליה שמא בעלמא אמרי לך מי לא תניא האומר לחבירו בית כור עפר אני מוכר לך אע"פ שאין בו אלא לתך הגיעו שלא מכר לו אלא שמא והוא דמתקרי בית כור,כרמא אני מוכר לך אע"פ שאין בו גפנים הגיעו שלא מכר לו אלא שמא והוא דמתקרי כרמא פרדס אני מוכר לך אע"פ שאין בו רמונים הגיעו שלא מכר לו אלא שמא והוא דמתקרי פרדסא אלמא אמר ליה שמא בעלמא אמרי לך הכא נמי נימא ליה שמא בעלמא אמרי לך,אמר שמואל לא קשיא הא דאמר ליה מחכיר לחוכר הא דאמר ליה חוכר למחכיר אמר ליה מחכיר לחוכר שמא בעלמא א"ל א"ל חוכר למחכיר קפידא,רבינא אמר אידי ואידי דא"ל מחכיר לחוכר מדקאמר זה מכלל דקאי בגוה עסקינן בית השלחין למה ליה למימר דקאמר ליה בית השלחין כדקיימא השתא:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big המקבל שדה מחבירו והובירה שמין אותה כמה ראויה לעשות ונותן לו שכך כותב לו אם אוביר ולא אעביד אשלם במיטבא:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ר"מ היה דורש לשון הדיוט דתניא ר"מ אומר אם אוביר ולא אעביד אשלם במיטבא,רבי יהודה היה דורש לשון הדיוט דתניא ר' יהודה אומר אדם מביא קרבן עשיר על אשתו וכן כל קרבן וקרבן שהיא חייבת שכך כותב לה אחריות דאית ליך עלי מן קדמת דנא,הלל הזקן היה דורש לשון הדיוט דתניא אנשי אלכסנדריא היו מקדשין את נשותיהם ובשעת כניסתן לחופה באין אחרים וחוטפים אותם מהן ובקשו חכמים לעשות בניהם ממזרים,אמר להן הלל הזקן הביאו לי כתובת אמכם הביאו לו כתובת אמן ומצא שכתוב בהן לכשתכנסי לחופה הוי לי לאינתו ולא עשו בניהם ממזרים,ר"י בן קרחה היה דורש לשון הדיוט דתניא ר"י בן קרחה אומר המלוה את חבירו לא ימשכננו יותר מחובו שכך כותב לו תשלומתא דאית לך עלי כל קבל דיכי,טעמא דכתב ליה הכי הא אי לא כתב ליה הכי לא קניא והא אמר רבי יוחנן משכנו והשיב לו המשכון ומת שומטו מעל גבי בניו 104a. bYou should have broughtwater bin a bucket. /b, bRav Pappa said:With regard to bthese first two imishnayot /i, you findthat they are correct, bconcerning both tecy,where the tet farmer gives a certain amount of produce to the owner and keeps the rest, bas well asthe case of ba contractor,who gives a set proportion, e.g., one-quarter or one-third, of the yield to the owner, and keeps the rest. bFrom thispoint bforward,i.e., from the third mishna of the chapter until its end, that bwhich isrelevant to the case bof a contractor is notapplicable bto tecy, andthat bwhich isrelevant bto tecy is notapplicable btothe case of ba contractor. /b,§ The mishna teaches: bIfthe cultivator bsaid tothe landowner explicitly: bLease me this irrigated field,or he said: Lease me this field with trees, and the spring dried up or the trees were cut down, he may subtract from the produce he owes as part of his tecy. The Gemara asks: bBut whyis this so? bLetthe owner bsay to him: I told you only the name,i.e., the type, of the field, but this does not mean it would actually be irrigated during the time you are cultivating it. bIsn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: In the case of bone who says to another: I am selling you a ibeit kor /ifield bof dirt, althoughthe field bcontains only a half- ikor /i,once the buyer purchases the dirt bit has come to him,i.e., he may not retract from the transaction, basthe seller bsold himthe dirt bonlyby bthe name,and he did not mean that its size was precisely a ibeit kor /i. The ibaraitaadds: bAndthis bisthe ihalakhaonly bwherethat field bis calledby people ba ibeit kor /i. /b,The ibaraitacontinues: Similarly, if he said: bI am selling you a vineyard,then balthough it does not have vines,once he purchases the land bit has come to him, asthe seller bsold himthe field bonlyby bthe name; andthis bisthe ihalakhaonly bwhere it is called a vineyard.Likewise, if he said: bI am selling you an orchard,then beven though it does not have pomegranates,once he purchases the land bit has come to him, as he sold him onlyby bthe name; andagain this bisthe case only bwhere it is called an orchard. Apparently,the seller can bsay to him: I told you only the name. So toohere, bletthe seller bsay to him: I told you only the name. /b, bShmuel said:It is bnot difficult; this ibaraitais comparable to a case bwhere the owner of the land said to the tet farmerwhat he was leasing him, while in bthatmishna bthe tet farmer said to the owner of the landwhat he was leasing from him. The reason for the difference is that if bthe owner of the land saidthe terms bto the tet farmer,then he can claim that bhe told him only the name,and the tet farmer cannot object. But if bthe tet farmer saidthe terms bto the owner of the land,then he was clearly bparticularto receive a field that would be irrigated when he cultivated it., bRavina said:Both bthis ibaraita band thatmishna are referring to a case bwhere the owner of the land told the tet farmerwhat he was leasing him, as implied by the mishna, but bsincethe owner bsaid: Thisirrigated field, bby inference we are dealing withone bwho is standing inside it. Why,then, bdoesthe owner bneed to statethe fact that it is ban irrigated field?It is obvious simply from looking at it that it is irrigated. Rather, the owner must have bsaid to himby way of emphasis that he is providing ban irrigatedfield bas it currently stands. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong With regard to bone who receives a field from anotheras a contractor bandthen blets it lie fallowand does not work the land at all, the court bappraises itby evaluating bhow much it was able to produceif cultivated, band he giveshis share of this amount btothe owner. The reason is bthat thisis what a cultivator bwrites tothe owner in a standard contract: bIf I letthe field blie fallow and do not cultivateit, bI will pay with best /b-quality produce., strongGEMARA: /strong bRabbi Meir would expound common languageused in legal documents written by ordinary Jews to deduce halakhic conclusions. Although these formulations were not prescribed by the Sages, one can nevertheless infer ihalakhotfrom them if they are used in legal documents. bAs it is taughtin a ibaraitathat presents a similar case to the mishna: bRabbi Meir sayshe is liable to pay, as the document states: bIf I letthe field blie fallow and do not cultivateit, bI will pay with best /b-quality produce.,Likewise, bRabbi Yehuda wouldalso bexpound common language, as it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bRabbi Yehuda says:In a case where a woman who has given birth is commanded to bring the offering of a childbearing woman and her husband is sufficiently wealthy, ba person brings the offering of the rich on behalf of his wife.This is so even if his wife does not possess money of her own and perhaps should have been considered poor. bSimilarly,he may bring bevery offering that she is obligatedto bring, such as a sin offering or guilt offering. He pays for all these offerings bbecause thisis what bhe writes to herin her marriage contract: I accept bupon myselfto repay you for all bobligations that you have,even those bfrom beforehand.Consequently, he must fund all of her offerings.,Similarly, bHillel the Elder would expound common languageas well, bas it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThe inhabitants of Alexandria would betroth their wivesa significant amount of time before the wedding, as was customary in those days, band at the time of their entry to the wedding canopy, otherswould bcome and snatchthe women bfrom theirhusbands. bThe Sagesconsequently bsought to establish the childrenof these women as imamzerim /i.This is because with regard to sexual intercourse with other men, a betrothed woman has the status of a married woman. Consequently, if she is taken by another man, her children fathered by that man are imamzerim /i, just like children of a married woman who were fathered by a man other than her husband., bHillel the Elder said tothe children who came before him for a ruling on their status: bBring me your mother’s marriage contractfor examination. bThey brought him their mother’s marriage contract, and he found thatthe following formulation bwas written in it: When you will enter the wedding canopy, be for me a wife.This shows that the marriage would not take effect at the time of her betrothal, but only after she would enter the wedding canopy. Consequently, the marriage did not occur at all, as she never entered the wedding canopy, bandtherefore these women bdid not cause their childrento be imamzerim /iby engaging in intercourse with the other man.,The Gemara adds: bRabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa wouldalso bexpound common language. As it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bRabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa says:One bwho lendsmoney to banother may not take more collateral from him thanthe value of bhis debt, as thisis what the debtor bwrites tothe creditor if the creditor temporarily returns a deposit for the debtor’s use: bThe paymentto bwhich you havea right, which it is bupon meto pay, bcorresponds to the entirevalue of bthisitem, indicating that the item cannot be greater in value than the debt itself.,The Gemara infers: bThe reasonthe creditor acquires the collateral is bthat he wrote this to him. But ifthe creditor bdid not write this tothe debtor, would the creditor bnot acquirethe collateral? bBut doesn’t Rabbi Yoḥa say:If a creditor btook collateralfrom the debtor band returned the collateral to him andthen the debtor bdied,the creditor bremovesthe collateral bfromthe debtor’s bchildren.The reason for this is that although movable property of orphans is not acquired by their father’s creditor, the collateral is considered to belong to the creditor, and he can collect the debt from it.
10. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

110a. מאי לאו דלא בעל לא דבעל אי דבעל מאי טעמא דשמואל קסבר כל הבועל על דעת קדושין הראשונים הוא בועל,והא פליגי בה חדא זימנא דאיתמר קדשה על תנאי וכנסה סתם רב אמר צריכה הימנו גט ושמואל אמר אינה צריכה הימנו גט,רב אמר צריכה הימנו גט כיון דנסבה אחולי אחליה לתנאיה ושמואל אמר אינה צריכה הימנו גט כל הבועל על דעת קדושין הראשונים הוא בועל,צריכא דאי איתמר ההיא בההיא קאמר רב משום דאיכא תנאה וכיון דבעל אחליה לתנאיה אבל בהא אימא מודה ליה לשמואל ואי איתמר בהא בהך קאמר שמואל אבל בהך אימא מודה ליה לרב צריכא,ומי אמר רב כי בעל אין אי לא בעל לא והא ההיא עובדא דהוה בנרש ואיקדישה כשהיא קטנה וגדלה ואותביה אבי כורסייא ואתא אחרינא וחטפה מיניה ורב ברונא ורב חננאל תלמידי דרב הוו התם ולא הצריכוה גיטא מבתרא,אמר רב פפא בנרש מינסב נסיבי והדר מותבי אבי כורסייא רב אשי אמר הוא עשה שלא כהוגן לפיכך עשו בו שלא כהוגן ואפקעינהו רבנן לקידושי מיניה,אמר ליה רבינא לרב אשי תינח דקדיש בכספא קדיש בביאה מאי שויוה רבנן לבעילתו בעילת זנות אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל הלכה כרבי אליעזר וכן אמר רבי אלעזר הלכה כרבי אליעזר:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big מי שהיה נשוי לשתי יתומות קטנות ומת ביאתה או חליצתה של אחת מהם פוטרת צרתה וכן שתי חרשות קטנה וחרשת אין ביאת אחת מהן פוטרת צרתה,פקחת וחרשת ביאת הפקחת פוטרת החרשת ואין ביאת החרשת פוטרת את הפקחת גדולה וקטנה ביאת הגדולה פוטרת הקטנה ואין ביאת הקטנה פוטרת הגדולה:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big וחרשת בת חליצה היא והתנן חרש שנחלץ וחרשת שחלצה וחולצת מן הקטן חליצתה פסולה,אמר רב גידל אמר רב אביאה רבא אמר אפילו תימא אחליצה כאן בחרשת מעיקרא כאן בפקחת ואח"כ נתחרשה,חרשת מעיקרא כי היכי דעל הכי נפק פקחת ואחר כך נתחרשה לא דמעכבא בה קרייה,איתיביה אביי וחרשת מעיקרא בת חליצה היא והתנן שני אחין אחד פקח ואחד חרש נשואין לשתי נכריות אחת פקחת ואחת חרשת מת חרש בעל חרשת מה יעשה פקח בעל פקחת כונס ואם רצה להוציא יוציא,מת פקח בעל פקחת מה יעשה חרש בעל חרשת כונס ואינו מוציא לעולם מאי לאו בחרשת מעיקרא וקתני כונס אין 110a. bWhat, is it nota case bwhere he did not have intercoursewith her after she reached majority? If so, Rav thinks that even when he did not have intercourse with her, her marriage is fully realized once she reaches majority. The Gemara rejects this: bNo,this is referring to a case bwhere he did have intercourse with her.The Gemara asks: bIfit is referring to a case bwhere he had intercourse with her, what is Shmuel’s reasoning?If the first one engaged in intercourse with her after she reached majority, then the marriage was fully realized. Under such circumstances, the second betrothal would not take effect. The Gemara answers: Shmuel bholds thatwhen banyone has sexual intercoursewith a woman he married as a minor, his bintention is that the intercourseis within the framework established by bthe initial betrothaland is not a new act of acquisition.,The Gemara asks: bButif this is the basis of the dispute, bthey already disagreed about this once, as it was statedwith regard to the following case: A man bbetrotheda woman bonsome bcondition, and married her without mentioningthe condition, and the condition was not fulfilled. bRav says: She requires a bill of divorce from him, and Shmuel says: She does not require a bill of divorce from him. /b,The Gemara explains: bRav says she requires a bill of divorce from him,for bsince he married her, heapparently bretracted his condition,and is therefore married to her even though the condition was not met. bAnd Shmuel says: She does not require a bill of divorce from him,because banyone who has sexual intercoursewith his wife, his bintention is that the intercourseis within the framework established by bthe initial betrothaland the condition he set at the time of betrothal still stands. Since it was not fulfilled, the marriage is annulled. If so, Rav and Shmuel already disagreed about this same issue.,The Gemara answers: It is bnecessaryto state the dispute in both contexts, bfor if only that ihalakhaabout conditional betrothal bwas stated,one might think: bIn this case Rav saysshe needs a divorce bsince there is a conditionwith regard to the betrothal, bbut when he had intercoursewith her, bhe retracted the condition. But in thiscase of betrothal to a minor, bsay thatRav bwould concede to Shmuelthat the intercourse was not performed with the intention of it constituting a full betrothal. bAnd if only thiscase of betrothal to a minor bwas stated,one might think: bShmuel said thatthe marriage is effective bin thiscase of betrothal to a minor, bbut in thatcase of a conditional betrothal, bsaythat bhe would concede to Rav.Therefore, it was bnecessaryto state the dispute explicitly in both instances.,The Gemara asks: bAnd did Ravactually bsaythat bwhen he engaged in sexual intercourse with her, yes,the original marriage is valid, band if he did not have intercourse with her, no,it is not valid? bWasn’t there an incident inthe city of bNeresh wherea woman bwas betrothed when she was a minor, and she reached majority, andthe husband bseated her in a bridal chairunder the marriage canopy and had not yet had intercourse with her, band anotherman bcame and seized her from himand married her? bAnd Rav Bruna and Rav Ḥael, the students of Rav, were there and they did not require herto receive ba bill of divorce from the latterhusband. Presumably, they regarded her as fully married to the first husband, so the marriage to the second marriage never took effect, despite the fact that the first marriage had not yet been consummated., bRav Pappa said:There is a difference, because bin Neresh theirpractice is to first bmarrya woman and have intercourse with her, band afterward they seat her in the bridal chair.In this incident, the husband had already had intercourse with her once she was an adult, and that is why Rav’s students did not require a bill of divorce from the second man. bRav Ashi says:There was a different reason, even if the practice was not as Rav Pappa describes. bThisbride snatcher bacted improperly. Consequently, they treated him improperlyby annulling the legal validity of his actions, band the Sages abrogated his betrothal. /b, bRavina said to Rav Ashi:This bworks out well ifthe second man bbetrothed her with money,as then the Sages could declare that money to be ownerless property and void the betrothal. bIf he betrothed her by means of intercourse, whatis the ihalakha /i? How can the Sages dissolve the betrothal when the sexual act took place? The Gemara answers: bThe Sages rendered his sexual act a licentious sexual act,which does not create a bond of betrothal. With regard to the dispute in the mishna, bRav Yehuda saidthat bShmuel said: The ihalakhais in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Eliezer,and the minor is instructed to make a declaration of refusal. bLikewise, Rabbi Elazar said: The ihalakhais in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Eliezer. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong If ba man was married to two orphaned minors and died, consummationof levirate marriage bor iḥalitzawith one of them exempts her rival wifefrom either levirate marriage or iḥalitza /i, rendering her free to remarry. bLikewise,if btwo deaf-muteswere married to one man who died, consummation of levirate marriage or iḥalitzawith one of them exempts her rival wife. In both of these cases, both women are married by rabbinic law and consequently become iyevamotby rabbinic law. Since their statuses are equal, one can exempt the other. If one wife is a bminor andthe other is ba deaf-mute, consummationof levirate marriage or iḥalitza bwith one of them does not exempt her rival wife.Although both women are married by rabbinic law, their statuses are not the same and one cannot exempt the other.,If one of them bwashalakhically bcompetent andone was ba deaf-mute, consummationof levirate marriage bwith thehalakhically bcompetentwife bexempts the deaf-mute,as the halakhically competent women’s marriage and levirate marriage are by Torah law. bBut consummationof levirate marriage bwith the deaf-mute does not exempt thehalakhically bcompetentwife. Likewise, if one was ban adult woman and one a minor girl, consummationof levirate marriage bwith the adult exempts the minor but consummationof levirate marriage bwith the minor does not exempt the adult. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The mishna states that iḥalitzaby one deaf-mute exempts the other. The Gemara asks: bCan a deaf-mute perform iḥalitza /i? Didn’t we learnin a mishna (104b): If ba male deaf-mute performs iḥalitza /i, andif ba female deaf-mute performs iḥalitza /i, andif a woman bperforms iḥalitzaon a minor boy, her iḥalitzais disqualified? /b, bRav Giddel saidthat bRav said:The mishna is not referring to a deaf-mute’s iḥalitza /i, but rather bto consummationof levirate marriage with one of the deaf-mutes. bRava said: Youcan beven say it is referring to iḥalitza /i. Here,the mishna is referring btoa woman who was ba deaf-mute from the outset,when he married her, and btherethe mishna that disqualifies the iḥalitzais referring btosomeone who was halakhically bcompetentwhen she was married band afterward became a deaf-mute. /b,The difference is that ba deaf-mute from the outset, just as she enteredinto marriage with her first husband bso she leavesthe levirate bond by means of iḥalitza /i. Both her marriage and her status as a iyevamaare by rabbinic law. However, bone who washalakhically bcompetent,so that she was married by Torah law, band later became a deaf-mute, no,she cannot be released by iḥalitza /i, bsince recitation is indispensable for her iḥalitza /i, and she cannot recite the text that a iyevamamust recite., bAbaye raised an objection to this: And is one who is a deaf-mute from the outset a candidate for iḥalitza /i? Didn’t we learnin a mishna ( iYevamot112b): bTwo brothers, onewho is halakhically bcompetent and onewho is ba deaf-mute,are bmarriedto btwo unrelatedwomen, bonewho is halakhically bcompetent and one deaf-mute.If bthe male deaf-mute,who is bthe husband of the female deaf-mute, dies, what should thehalakhically bcompetentman, who is bthe husband of thehalakhically bcompetent woman, do? He may consummatethe levirate marriage, but there is no option of performing iḥalitza /i. bAnd if he wants to divorceher later, bhe may divorce her. /b, bIf thehalakhically bcompetent man, husband of thehalakhically bcompetent woman, dies, what should themale bdeaf-mute,who is bthe husband of the female deaf-mute, do? He may consummate thelevirate marriage, bbut he may never divorce her,as a deaf-mute is not halakhically competent to divorce a woman to whom he is married by Torah law. bWhat, is it notreferring to ba deaf-mute from the outset? And it is taught: Yes, he may consummate the levirate marriage, /b
11. Pseudo-Quintilian, Major Declamations, 18.5



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
adultery Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
augury Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 165
augustus Ruiz and Puertas, Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives (2021) 55
cato the elder Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
child-rearing, willingness for Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
childlessness, among lower classes Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
childlessness, voluntary Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
children, as disappointments Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 89
children, as future citizens Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
children, illegitimate Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
children, marriage and Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88, 89
children, proving paternity of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
children, resemblance to fathers Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
cicero Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
constantine the great Ruiz and Puertas, Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives (2021) 55
conubium Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
cornelia (daughter of scribonia) Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 89
death, of spouses Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 89
declamatory sources Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
demography, citizen population Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
dionysus of halicarnassus Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
divorce Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
dowry Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
fathers, childrens resemblance to Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
fathers, illegitimate children Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
fathers, proving paternity Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
fecunditas, as female virtue Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88, 89
fecunditas, praise for Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
hillel Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
horatia Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
identity as hybrid and malleable, in roman perception Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
idols; in procession at games Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 89
imperial expansionism Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
infanticide Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 89
intermarriage, romans and sabines Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
israelite Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
juridical authorities, on establishing paternity Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
kiddushin Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
latin Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
liber; originated games Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 89
livy Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
livy (t. livius) Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
lucretia Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
lydians; games named from Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 89
marriage, and children Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88, 89
marriage Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306; Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
mars; games in honor of Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 89
men, duty to roman state Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
moses Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
mythic origins as identity marker, of romans Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
myths, numa pompilius Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 165
numa; initiated games Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 89
paternity Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
pignora/pignora pacis Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 89
plutarch Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
poverty Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
proletarii Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
propertius (sex. propertius) Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 89
pudicitia, fecunditas and Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88, 89
rabbis Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
rape Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
rapere Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 306
reproduction, social obligation of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
resemblance, family Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88
rites Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 165
robigo; games in honor of Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 89
roman state, duty owed to Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
roman state, expansion of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
roman state, health of Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
roman state, voluntary childlessness Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
rome/romans, and sabines Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
rome/romans, conglomerate character of Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
romulus Ruiz and Puertas, Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives (2021) 55; Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 165
sabine, and marriage Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
sabine women Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 88, 89, 145
sabines Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
sabines as austere, women rape of Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
skepticism, academic' Wynne, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage (2019) 165
sparta/spartans Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
spolia Ruiz and Puertas, Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives (2021) 55
titus tatius Gruen, Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter (2020) 75
voluntary childlessness Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
women, duty to roman state Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 145
women, ideal Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 89
women and girls, as objects and subjects Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146
women and girls Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146