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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7287
Justin, First Apology, 57


nanNor can the devils persuade men that there will be no conflagration for the punishment of the wicked; as they were unable to effect that Christ should be hidden after He came. But this only can they effect, that they who live irrationally, and were brought up licentiously in wicked customs, and are prejudiced in their own opinions, should kill and hate us; whom we not only do not hate, but, as is proved, pity and endeavour to lead to repentance. For we do not fear death, since it is acknowledged we must surely die; and there is nothing new, but all things continue the same in this administration of things; and if satiety overtakes those who enjoy even one year of these things, they ought to give heed to our doctrines, that they may live eternally free both from suffering and from want. But if they believe that there is nothing after death, but declare that those who die pass into insensibility, then they become our benefactors when they set us free from sufferings and necessities of this life, and prove themselves to be wicked, and inhuman, and bigoted. For they kill us with no intention of delivering us, but cut us off that we may be deprived of life and pleasure.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

24 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 24 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

2. Plato, Symposium, 203, 202 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 60.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

60.3. ναί, δέσποτα, ἐπίφανον τὸ πρόσωπόν σου ἐφ̓ Ps. 67, 1; 80, 3. 7. 19; Num. 6, 25, 26 ἡμᾶς εἰς ἀγαθὰ ἐν εἰρήνῃ, εἰς τὸ σκεπασθῆναι ἡμᾶς τῇ χειρί σου τῇ κραταιᾷ καὶ ῥυσθῆναι ἀπὸ Gen. 50, 20; Jer. 21, 10; 24, 6; Am. 9, 4; Deut. 30, 9 πάσης ἁμαρτίας τῷ βραχίονί σου τῷ ὑψηλῷ, καὶ ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τῶν μισούντων ἡμᾶς ἀδίκως.
4. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.65-18.84 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

18.65. 4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. 18.66. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68. and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.71. She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75. and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor 18.76. who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78. When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79. whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; 18.81. 5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. 18.82. He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. 18.83. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; 18.84. at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men.
5. Juvenal, Satires, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6. New Testament, 2 Thessalonians, 3.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.10. For even when we were with you, we commanded you this: "If anyone will not work, neither let him eat.
7. New Testament, Acts, 8.9-8.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

8.9. But there was a certain man, Simon by name, who had used sorcery in the city before, and amazed the people of Samaria, making himself out to be some great one 8.10. to whom they all listened, from the least to the greatest, saying, "This man is that great power of God. 8.11. They listened to him, because for a long time he had amazed them with his sorceries. 8.12. But when they believed Philip preaching good news concerning the Kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptized, both men and women. 8.13. Simon himself also believed. Being baptized, he continued with Philip. Seeing signs and great miracles done, he was amazed. 8.14. Now when the apostles who were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of God, they sent Peter and John to them 8.15. who, when they had come down, prayed for them, that they might receive the Holy Spirit; 8.16. for as yet he had fallen on none of them. They had only been baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. 8.17. Then they laid their hands on them, and they received the Holy Spirit. 8.18. Now when Simon saw that the Holy Spirit was given through the laying on of the apostles' hands, he offered them money 8.19. saying, "Give me also this power, that whoever I lay my hands on may receive the Holy Spirit. 8.20. But Peter said to him, "May your silver perish with you, because you thought you could obtain the gift of God with money! 8.21. You have neither part nor lot in this matter, for your heart isn't right before God. 8.22. Repent therefore of this, your wickedness, and ask God if perhaps the thought of your heart may be forgiven you. 8.23. For I see that you are in the gall of bitterness and in the bondage of iniquity. 8.24. Simon answered, "Pray for me to the Lord, that none of the things which you have spoken come on me.
8. New Testament, Romans, 8.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

8.18. For I consider that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which will be revealed toward us.
9. New Testament, Mark, 13.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

13.12. Brother will deliver up brother to death, and the father his child. Children will rise up against parents, and cause them to be put to death.
10. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11. Suetonius, Tiberius, 36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Tacitus, Annals, 2.85 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.85.  In the same year, bounds were set to female profligacy by stringent resolutions of the senate; and it was laid down that no woman should trade in her body, if her father, grandfather, or husband had been a Roman knight. For Vistilia, the daughter of a praetorian family, had advertised her venality on the aediles' list — the normal procedure among our ancestors, who imagined the unchaste to be sufficiently punished by the avowal of their infamy. Her husband, Titidius Labeo, was also required to explain why, in view of his wife's manifest guilt, he had not invoked the penalty of the law. As he pleaded that sixty days, not yet elapsed, were allowed for deliberation, it was thought enough to pass sentence on Vistilia, who was removed to the island of Seriphos. — Another debate dealt with the proscription of the Egyptian and Jewish rites, and a senatorial edict directed that four thousand descendants of enfranchised slaves, tainted with that superstition and suitable in point of age, were to be shipped to Sardinia and there employed in suppressing brigandage: "if they succumbed to the pestilential climate, it was a cheap loss." The rest had orders to leave Italy, unless they had renounced their impious ceremonial by a given date.
13. Tacitus, Histories, 5.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

14. Apuleius, On The God of Socrates, 11-16, 6-10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 25-27, 24 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

24. What need is there, in speaking to you who have searched into every department of knowledge, to mention the poets, or to examine opinions of another kind? Let it suffice to say thus much. If the poets and philosophers did not acknowledge that there is one God, and concerning these gods were not of opinion, some that they are demons, others that they are matter, and others that they once were men, - there might be some show of reason for our being harassed as we are, since we employ language which makes a distinction between God and matter, and the natures of the two. For, as we acknowledge a God, and a Son his Logos, and a Holy Spirit, united in essence - the Father, the Son, the Spirit, because the Son is the Intelligence, Reason, Wisdom of the Father, and the Spirit an effluence, as light from fire; so also do we apprehend the existence of other powers, which exercise dominion about matter, and by means of it, and one in particular, which is hostile to God: not that anything is really opposed to God, like strife to friendship, according to Empedocles, and night to day, according to the appearing and disappearing of the stars (for even if anything had placed itself in opposition to God, it would have ceased to exist, its structure being destroyed by the power and might of God), but that to the good that is in God, which belongs of necessity to Him, and co-exists with Him, as color with body, without which it has no existence (not as being part of it, but as an attendant property co-existing with it, united and blended, just as it is natural for fire to be yellow and the ether dark blue) - to the good that is in God, I say, the spirit which is about matter, who was created by God, just as the other angels were created by Him, and entrusted with the control of matter and the forms of matter, is opposed. For this is the office of the angels - to exercise providence for God over the things created and ordered by Him; so that God may have the universal and general providence of the whole, while the particular parts are provided for by the angels appointed over them. Just as with men, who have freedom of choice as to both virtue and vice (for you would not either honour the good or punish the bad, unless vice and virtue were in their own power; and some are diligent in the matters entrusted to them by you, and others faithless), so is it among the angels. Some, free agents, you will observe, such as they were created by God, continued in those things for which God had made and over which He had ordained them; but some outraged both the constitution of their nature and the government entrusted to them: namely, this ruler of matter and its various forms, and others of those who were placed about this first firmament (you know that we say nothing without witnesses, but state the things which have been declared by the prophets); these fell into impure love of virgins, and were subjugated by the flesh, and he became negligent and wicked in the management of the things entrusted to him. of these lovers of virgins, therefore, were begotten those who are called giants. And if something has been said by the poets, too, about the giants, be not surprised at this: worldly wisdom and divine differ as much from each other as truth and plausibility: the one is of heaven and the other of earth; and indeed, according to the prince of matter, - We know we oft speak lies that look like truths.
16. Hermas, Mandates, 2.4-2.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.23.2, 2.14.2-2.14.3, 2.14.6, 4.26.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

18. Justin, First Apology, 13.4, 14.3, 16.4, 23.2, 31.5-31.7, 32.3-32.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

10. But we have received by tradition that God does not need the material offerings which men can give, seeing, indeed, that He Himself is the provider of all things. And we have been taught, and are convinced, and do believe, that He accepts those only who imitate the excellences which reside in Him, temperance, and justice, and philanthropy, and as many virtues as are peculiar to a God who is called by no proper name. And we have been taught that He in the beginning did of His goodness, for man's sake, create all things out of unformed matter; and if men by their works show themselves worthy of this His design, they are deemed worthy, and so we have received - of reigning in company with Him, being delivered from corruption and suffering. For as in the beginning He created us when we were not, so do we consider that, in like manner, those who choose what is pleasing to Him are, on account of their choice, deemed worthy of incorruption and of fellowship with Him. For the coming into being at first was not in our own power; and in order that we may follow those things which please Him, choosing them by means of the rational faculties He has Himself endowed us with, He both persuades us and leads us to faith. And we think it for the advantage of all men that they are not restrained from learning these things, but are even urged thereto. For the restraint which human laws could not effect, the Word, inasmuch as He is divine, would have effected, had not the wicked demons, taking as their ally the lust of wickedness which is in every man, and which draws variously to all manner of vice, scattered many false and profane accusations, none of which attach to us.
19. Justin, Second Apology, 1.2, 8.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

20. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 2.2-2.6, 17.1, 19.2-19.3, 34.7, 46.7, 82.2, 96.2, 101.2, 108.2, 110.4-110.5, 114.4, 117.3, 117.5, 120.6, 121.2-121.3, 134.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

21. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 25.1, 25.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

22. Tertullian, Apology, 25, 46, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

14. I wish now to review your sacred rites; and I pass no censure on your sacrificing, when you offer the worn-out, the scabbed, the corrupting; when you cut off from the fat and the sound the useless parts, such as the head and the hoofs, which in your house you would have assigned to the slaves or the dogs; when of the tithe of Hercules you do not lay a third upon his altar (I am disposed rather to praise your wisdom in rescuing something from being lost); but turning to your books, from which you get your training in wisdom and the nobler duties of life, what utterly ridiculous things I find!- that for Trojans and Greeks the gods fought among themselves like pairs of gladiators; that Venus was wounded by a man, because she would rescue her son Æneas when he was in peril of his life from the same Diomede; that Mars was almost wasted away by a thirteen months' imprisonment; that Jupiter was saved by a monster's aid from suffering the same violence at the hands of the other gods; that he now laments the fate of Sarpedon, now foully makes love to his own sister, recounting (to her) former mistresses, now for a long time past not so dear as she. After this, what poet is not found copying the example of his chief, to be a disgracer of the gods? One gives Apollo to king Admetus to tend his sheep; another hires out the building labours of Neptune to Laomedon. A well-known lyric poet, too - Pindar, I mean - sings of Æsculapius deservedly stricken with lightning for his greed in practising wrongfully his art. A wicked deed it was of Jupiter - if he hurled the bolt - unnatural to his grandson, and exhibiting envious feeling to the Physician. Things like these should not be made public if they are true; and if false, they should not be fabricated among people professing a great respect for religion. Nor indeed do either tragic or comic writers shrink from setting forth the gods as the origin of all family calamities and sins. I do not dwell on the philosophers, contenting myself with a reference to Socrates, who, in contempt of the gods, was in the habit of swearing by an oak, and a goat, and a dog. In fact, for this very thing Socrates was condemned to death, that he overthrew the worship of the gods. Plainly, at one time as well as another, that is, always truth is disliked. However, when rueing their judgment, the Athenians inflicted punishment on his accusers, and set up a golden image of him in a temple, the condemnation was in the very act rescinded, and his witness was restored to its former value. Diogenes, too, makes utter mock of Hercules and the Roman cynic Varro brings forward three hundred Joves, or Jupiters they should be called, all headless.
23. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 6.12 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

24. Augustine, The City of God, 9.5-9.10, 9.12-9.13, 9.15-9.22 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

9.5. We need not at present give a careful and copious exposition of the doctrine of Scripture, the sum of Christian knowledge, regarding these passions. It subjects the mind itself to God, that He may rule and aid it, and the passions, again, to the mind, to moderate and bridle them, and turn them to righteous uses. In our ethics, we do not so much inquire whether a pious soul is angry, as why he is angry; not whether he is sad, but what is the cause of his sadness; not whether he fears, but what he fears. For I am not aware that any right thinking person would find fault with anger at a wrongdoer which seeks his amendment, or with sadness which intends relief to the suffering, or with fear lest one in danger be destroyed. The Stoics, indeed, are accustomed to condemn compassion. But how much more honorable had it been in that Stoic we have been telling of, had he been disturbed by compassion prompting him to relieve a fellow-creature, than to be disturbed by the fear of shipwreck! Far better and more humane, and more consot with pious sentiments, are the words of Cicero in praise of C sar, when he says, Among your virtues none is more admirable and agreeable than your compassion. And what is compassion but a fellow-feeling for another's misery, which prompts us to help him if we can? And this emotion is obedient to reason, when compassion is shown without violating right, as when the poor are relieved, or the penitent forgiven. Cicero, who knew how to use language, did not hesitate to call this a virtue, which the Stoics are not ashamed to reckon among the vices, although, as the book of the eminent Stoic, Epictetus, quoting the opinions of Zeno and Chrysippus, the founders of the school, has taught us, they admit that passions of this kind invade the soul of the wise man, whom they would have to be free from all vice. Whence it follows that these very passions are not judged by them to be vices, since they assail the wise man without forcing him to act against reason and virtue; and that, therefore, the opinion of the Peripatetics or Platonists and of the Stoics is one and the same. But, as Cicero says, mere logomachy is the bane of these pitiful Greeks, who thirst for contention rather than for truth. However, it may justly be asked, whether our subjection to these affections, even while we follow virtue, is a part of the infirmity of this life? For the holy angels feel no anger while they punish those whom the eternal law of God consigns to punishment, no fellow-feeling with misery while they relieve the miserable, no fear while they aid those who are in danger; and yet ordinary language ascribes to them also these mental emotions, because, though they have none of our weakness, their acts resemble the actions to which these emotions move us; and thus even God Himself is said in Scripture to be angry, and yet without any perturbation. For this word is used of the effect of His vengeance, not of the disturbing mental affection. 9.6. Deferring for the present the question about the holy angels, let us examine the opinion of the Platonists, that the demons who mediate between gods and men are agitated by passions. For if their mind, though exposed to their incursion, still remained free and superior to them, Apuleius could not have said that their hearts are tossed with passions as the sea by stormy winds. Their mind, then - that superior part of their soul whereby they are rational beings, and which, if it actually exists in them, should rule and bridle the turbulent passions of the inferior parts of the soul - this mind of theirs, I say, is, according to the Platonist referred to, tossed with a hurricane of passions. The mind of the demons, therefore, is subject to the emotions of fear, anger, lust, and all similar affections. What part of them, then, is free, and endued with wisdom, so that they are pleasing to the gods, and the fit guides of men into purity of life, since their very highest part, being the slave of passion and subject to vice, only makes them more intent on deceiving and seducing, in proportion to the mental force and energy of desire they possess? 9.7. But if any one says that it is not of all the demons, but only of the wicked, that the poets, not without truth, say that they violently love or hate certain men, - for it was of them Apuleius said that they were driven about by strong currents of emotion - how can we accept this interpretation, when Apuleius, in the very same connection, represents all the demons, and not only the wicked, as intermediate between gods and men by their aerial bodies? The fiction of the poets, according to him, consists in their making gods of demons, and giving them the names of gods, and assigning them as allies or enemies to individual men, using this poetical license, though they profess that the gods are very different in character from the demons, and far exalted above them by their celestial abode and wealth of beatitude. This, I say, is the poets' fiction, to say that these are gods who are not gods, and that, under the names of gods, they fight among themselves about the men whom they love or hate with keen partisan feeling. Apuleius says that this is not far from the truth, since, though they are wrongfully called by the names of the gods, they are described in their own proper character as demons. To this category, he says, belongs the Minerva of Homer, who interposed in the ranks of the Greeks to restrain Achilles. For that this was Minerva he supposes to be poetical fiction; for he thinks that Minerva is a goddess, and he places her among the gods whom he believes to be all good and blessed in the sublime ethereal region, remote from intercourse with men. But that there was a demon favorable to the Greeks and adverse to the Trojans, as another, whom the same poet mentions under the name of Venus or Mars (gods exalted above earthly affairs in their heavenly habitations), was the Trojans' ally and the foe of the Greeks, and that these demons fought for those they loved against those they hated - in all this he owned that the poets stated something very like the truth. For they made these statements about beings to whom he ascribes the same violent and tempestuous passions as disturb men, and who are therefore capable of loves and hatreds not justly formed, but formed in a party spirit, as the spectators in races or hunts take fancies and prejudices. It seems to have been the great fear of this Platonist that the poetical fictions should be believed of the gods, and not of the demons who bore their names. 9.8. The definition which Apuleius gives of demons, and in which he of course includes all demons, is that they are in nature animals, in soul subject to passion, in mind reasonable, in body aerial, in duration eternal. Now in these five qualities he has named absolutely nothing which is proper to good men and not also to bad. For when Apuleius had spoken of the celestials first, and had then extended his description so as to include an account of those who dwell far below on the earth, that, after describing the two extremes of rational being, he might proceed to speak of the intermediate demons, he says, Men, therefore, who are endowed with the faculty of reason and speech, whose soul is immortal and their members mortal, who have weak and anxious spirits, dull and corruptible bodies, dissimilar characters, similar ignorance, who are obstinate in their audacity, and persistent in their hope, whose labor is vain, and whose fortune is ever on the wane, their race immortal, themselves perishing, each generation replenished with creatures whose life is swift and their wisdom slow, their death sudden and their life a wail - these are the men who dwell on the earth. In recounting so many qualities which belong to the large proportion of men, did he forget that which is the property of the few when he speaks of their wisdom being slow? If this had been omitted, this his description of the human race, so carefully elaborated, would have been defective. And when he commended the excellence of the gods, he affirmed that they excelled in that very blessedness to which he thinks men must attain by wisdom. And therefore, if he had wished us to believe that some of the demons are good, he should have inserted in his description something by which we might see that they have, in common with the gods, some share of blessedness, or, in common with men, some wisdom. But, as it is, he has mentioned no good quality by which the good may be distinguished from the bad. For although he refrained from giving a full account of their wickedness, through fear of offending, not themselves but their worshippers, for whom he was writing, yet he sufficiently indicated to discerning readers what opinion he had of them; for only in the one article of the eternity of their bodies does he assimilate them to the gods, all of whom, he asserts, are good and blessed, and absolutely free from what he himself calls the stormy passions of the demons; and as to the soul, he quite plainly affirms that they resemble men and not the gods, and that this resemblance lies not in the possession of wisdom, which even men can attain to, but in the perturbation of passions which sway the foolish and wicked, but is so ruled by the good and wise that they prefer not to admit rather than to conquer it. For if he had wished it to be understood that the demons resembled the gods in the eternity not of their bodies but of their souls, he would certainly have admitted men to share in this privilege, because, as a Platonist, he of course must hold that the human soul is eternal. Accordingly, when describing this race of living beings, he said that their souls were immortal, their members mortal. And, consequently, if men have not eternity in common with the gods because they have mortal bodies, demons have eternity in common with the gods because their bodies are immortal. 9.9. How, then, can men hope for a favorable introduction to the friendship of the gods by such mediators as these, who are, like men, defective in that which is the better part of every living creature, viz., the soul, and who resemble the gods only in the body, which is the inferior part? For a living creature or animal consists of soul and body, and of these two parts the soul is undoubtedly the better; even though vicious and weak, it is obviously better than even the soundest and strongest body, for the greater excellence of its nature is not reduced to the level of the body even by the pollution of vice, as gold, even when tarnished, is more precious than the purest silver or lead. And yet these mediators, by whose interposition things human and divine are to be harmonized, have an eternal body in common with the gods, and a vicious soul in common with men, - as if the religion by which these demons are to unite gods and men were a bodily, and not a spiritual matter. What wickedness, then, or punishment has suspended these false and deceitful mediators, as it were head downwards, so that their inferior part, their body, is linked to the gods above, and their superior part, the soul, bound to men beneath; united to the celestial gods by the part that serves, and miserable, together with the inhabitants of earth, by the part that rules? For the body is the servant, as Sallust says: We use the soul to rule, the body to obey; adding, the one we have in common with the gods, the other with the brutes. For he was here speaking of men; and they have, like the brutes, a mortal body. These demons, whom our philosophic friends have provided for us as mediators with the gods, may indeed say of the soul and body, the one we have in common with the gods, the other with men; but, as I said, they are as it were suspended and bound head downwards, having the slave, the body, in common with the gods, the master, the soul, in common with miserable men, - their inferior part exalted, their superior part depressed. And therefore, if any one supposes that, because they are not subject, like terrestrial animals, to the separation of soul and body by death, they therefore resemble the gods in their eternity, their body must not be considered a chariot of an eternal triumph, but rather the chain of an eternal punishment. 9.10. Plotinus, whose memory is quite recent, enjoys the reputation of having understood Plato better than any other of his disciples. In speaking of human souls, he says, The Father in compassion made their bonds mortal; that is to say, he considered it due to the Father's mercy that men, having a mortal body, should not be forever confined in the misery of this life. But of this mercy the demons have been judged unworthy, and they have received, in conjunction with a soul subject to passions, a body not mortal like man's, but eternal. For they should have been happier than men if they had, like men, had a mortal body, and, like the gods, a blessed soul. And they should have been equal to men, if in conjunction with a miserable soul they had at least received, like men, a mortal body, so that death might have freed them from trouble, if, at least, they should have attained some degree of piety. But, as it is, they are not only no happier than men, having, like them, a miserable soul, they are also more wretched, being eternally bound to the body; for he does not leave us to infer that by some progress in wisdom and piety they can become gods, but expressly says that they are demons forever. 9.12. But at present we are speaking of those beings whom he described as being properly intermediate between gods and men, in nature animals, in mind rational, in soul subject to passion, in body aerial, in duration eternal. When he had distinguished the gods, whom he placed in the highest heaven, from men, whom he placed on earth, not only by position but also by the unequal dignity of their natures, he concluded in these words: You have here two kinds of animals: the gods, widely distinguished from men by sublimity of abode, perpetuity of life, perfection of nature; for their habitations are separated by so wide an interval that there can be no intimate communication between them, and while the vitality of the one is eternal and indefeasible, that of the others is fading and precarious, and while the spirits of the gods are exalted in bliss, those of men are sunk in miseries. Here I find three opposite qualities ascribed to the extremes of being, the highest and lowest. For, after mentioning the three qualities for which we are to admire the gods, he repeated, though in other words, the same three as a foil to the defects of man. The three qualities are, sublimity of abode, perpetuity of life, perfection of nature. These he again mentioned so as to bring out their contrasts in man's condition. As he had mentioned sublimity of abode, he says, Their habitations are separated by so wide an interval; as he had mentioned perpetuity of life, he says, that while divine life is eternal and indefeasible, human life is fading and precarious; and as he had mentioned perfection of nature, he says, that while the spirits of the gods are exalted in bliss, those of men are sunk in miseries. These three things, then, he predicates of the gods, exaltation, eternity, blessedness; and of man he predicates the opposite, lowliness of habitation, mortality, misery. 9.13. If, now, we endeavor to find between these opposites the mean occupied by the demons, there can be no question as to their local position; for, between the highest and lowest place, there is a place which is rightly considered and called the middle place. The other two qualities remain, and to them we must give greater care, that we may see whether they are altogether foreign to the demons, or how they are so bestowed upon them without infringing upon their mediate position. We may dismiss the idea that they are foreign to them. For we cannot say that the demons, being rational animals, are neither blessed nor wretched, as we say of the beasts and plants, which are void of feeling and reason, or as we say of the middle place, that it is neither the highest nor the lowest. The demons, being rational, must be either miserable or blessed. And, in like manner, we cannot say that they are neither mortal nor immortal; for all living things either live eternally or end life in death. Our author, besides, stated that the demons are eternal. What remains for us to suppose, then, but that these mediate beings are assimilated to the gods in one of the two remaining qualities, and to men in the other? For if they received both from above, or both from beneath, they should no longer be mediate, but either rise to the gods above, or sink to men beneath. Therefore, as it has been demonstrated that they must possess these two qualities, they will hold their middle place if they receive one from each party. Consequently, as they cannot receive their eternity from beneath, because it is not there to receive, they must get it from above; and accordingly they have no choice but to complete their mediate position by accepting misery from men. According to the Platonists, then, the gods, who occupy the highest place, enjoy eternal blessedness, or blessed eternity; men, who occupy the lowest, a mortal misery, or a miserable mortality; and the demons, who occupy the mean, a miserable eternity, or an eternal misery. As to those five things which Apuleius included in his definition of demons, he did not show, as he promised, that the demons are mediate. For three of them, that their nature is animal, their mind rational, their soul subject to passions, he said that they have in common with men; one thing, their eternity, in common with the gods; and one proper to themselves, their aerial body. How, then, are they intermediate, when they have three things in common with the lowest, and only one in common with the highest? Who does not see that the intermediate position is abandoned in proportion as they tend to, and are depressed towards, the lowest extreme? But perhaps we are to accept them as intermediate because of their one property of an aerial body, as the two extremes have each their proper body, the gods an ethereal, men a terrestrial body, and because two of the qualities they possess in common with man they possess also in common with the gods, namely, their animal nature and rational mind. For Apuleius himself, in speaking of gods and men, said, You have two animal natures. And Platonists are wont to ascribe a rational mind to the gods. Two qualities remain, their liability to passion, and their eternity - the first of which they have in common with men, the second with the gods; so that they are neither wafted to the highest nor depressed to the lowest extreme, but perfectly poised in their intermediate position. But then, this is the very circumstance which constitutes the eternal misery, or miserable eternity, of the demons. For he who says that their soul is subject to passions would also have said that they are miserable, had he not blushed for their worshippers. Moreover, as the world is governed, not by fortuitous haphazard, but, as the Platonists themselves avow, by the providence of the supreme God, the misery of the demons would not be eternal unless their wickedness were great. If, then, the blessed are rightly styled eudemons, the demons intermediate between gods and men are not eudemons. What, then, is the local position of those good demons, who, above men but beneath the gods, afford assistance to the former, minister to the latter? For if they are good and eternal, they are doubtless blessed. But eternal blessedness destroys their intermediate character, giving them a close resemblance to the gods, and widely separating them from men. And therefore the Platonists will in vain strive to show how the good demons, if they are both immortal and blessed, can justly be said to hold a middle place between the gods, who are immortal and blessed, and men, who are mortal and miserable. For if they have both immortality and blessedness in common with the gods, and neither of these in common with men, who are both miserable and mortal, are they not rather remote from men and united with the gods, than intermediate between them. They would be intermediate if they held one of their qualities in common with the one party, and the other with the other, as man is a kind of mean between angels and beasts - the beast being an irrational and mortal animal, the angel a rational and immortal one, while man, inferior to the angel and superior to the beast, and having in common with the one mortality, and with the other reason, is a rational and mortal animal. So, when we seek for an intermediate between the blessed immortals and miserable mortals, we should find a being which is either mortal and blessed, or immortal and miserable. 9.15. But if, as is much more probable and credible, it must needs be that all men, so long as they are mortal, are also miserable, we must seek an intermediate who is not only man, but also God, that, by the interposition of His blessed mortality, He may bring men out of their mortal misery to a blessed immortality. In this intermediate two things are requisite, that He become mortal, and that He do not continue mortal. He did become mortal, not rendering the divinity of the Word infirm, but assuming the infirmity of flesh. Neither did He continue mortal in the flesh, but raised it from the dead; for it is the very fruit of His mediation that those, for the sake of whose redemption He became the Mediator, should not abide eternally in bodily death. Wherefore it became the Mediator between us and God to have both a transient mortality and a permanent blessedness, that by that which is transient He might be assimilated to mortals, and might translate them from mortality to that which is permanent. Good angels, therefore, cannot mediate between miserable mortals and blessed immortals, for they themselves also are both blessed and immortal; but evil angels can mediate, because they are immortal like the one party, miserable like the other. To these is opposed the good Mediator, who, in opposition to their immortality and misery, has chosen to be mortal for a time, and has been able to continue blessed in eternity. It is thus He has destroyed, by the humility of His death and the benignity of His blessedness, those proud immortals and hurtful wretches, and has prevented them from seducing to misery by their boast of immortality those men whose hearts He has cleansed by faith, and whom He has thus freed from their impure dominion. Man, then, mortal and miserable, and far removed from the immortal and the blessed, what medium shall he choose by which he may be united to immortality and blessedness? The immortality of the demons, which might have some charm for man, is miserable; the mortality of Christ, which might offend man, exists no longer. In the one there is the fear of an eternal misery; in the other, death, which could not be eternal, can no longer be feared, and blessedness, which is eternal, must be loved. For the immortal and miserable mediator interposes himself to prevent us from passing to a blessed immortality, because that which hinders such a passage, namely, misery, continues in him; but the mortal and blessed Mediator interposed Himself, in order that, having passed through mortality, He might of mortals make immortals (showing His power to do this in His own resurrection), and from being miserable to raise them to the blessed company from the number of whom He had Himself never departed. There is, then, a wicked mediator, who separates friends, and a good Mediator, who reconciles enemies. And those who separate are numerous, because the multitude of the blessed are blessed only by their participation in the one God; of which participation the evil angels being deprived, they are wretched, and interpose to hinder rather than to help to this blessedness, and by their very number prevent us from reaching that one beatific good, to obtain which we need not many but one Mediator, the uncreated Word of God, by whom all things were made, and in partaking of whom we are blessed. I do not say that He is Mediator because He is the Word, for as the Word He is supremely blessed and supremely immortal, and therefore far from miserable mortals; but He is Mediator as He is man, for by His humanity He shows us that, in order to obtain that blessed and beatific good, we need not seek other mediators to lead us through the successive steps of this attainment, but that the blessed and beatific God, having Himself become a partaker of our humanity, has afforded us ready access to the participation of His divinity. For in delivering us from our mortality and misery, He does not lead us to the immortal and blessed angels, so that we should become immortal and blessed by participating in their nature, but He leads us straight to that Trinity, by participating in which the angels themselves are blessed. Therefore, when He chose to be in the form of a servant, and lower than the angels, that He might be our Mediator, He remained higher than the angels, in the form of God - Himself at once the way of life on earth and life itself in heaven. 9.16. That opinion, which the same Platonist avers that Plato uttered, is not true, that no god holds intercourse with men. And this, he says, is the chief evidence of their exaltation, that they are never contaminated by contact with men. He admits, therefore, that the demons are contaminated; and it follows that they cannot cleanse those by whom they are themselves contaminated, and thus all alike become impure, the demons by associating with men, and men by worshipping the demons. Or, if they say that the demons are not contaminated by associating and dealing with men, then they are better than the gods, for the gods, were they to do so, would be contaminated. For this, we are told, is the glory of the gods, that they are so highly exalted that no human intercourse can sully them. He affirms, indeed, that the supreme God, the Creator of all things, whom we call the true God, is spoken of by Plato as the only God whom the poverty of human speech fails even passably to describe; and that even the wise, when their mental energy is as far as possible delivered from the trammels of connection with the body, have only such gleams of insight into His nature as may be compared to a flash of lightning illumining the darkness. If, then, this supreme God, who is truly exalted above all things, does nevertheless visit the minds of the wise, when emancipated from the body, with an intelligible and ineffable presence, though this be only occasional, and as it were a swift flash of light athwart the darkness, why are the other gods so sublimely removed from all contact with men, as if they would be polluted by it? As if it were not a sufficient refutation of this to lift up our eyes to those heavenly bodies which give the earth its needful light. If the stars, though they, by his account, are visible gods, are not contaminated when we look at them, neither are the demons contaminated when men see them quite closely. But perhaps it is the human voice, and not the eye, which pollutes the gods; and therefore the demons are appointed to mediate and carry men's utterances to the gods, who keep themselves remote through fear of pollution? What am I to say of the other senses? For by smell neither the demons, who are present, nor the gods, though they were present and inhaling the exhalations of living men, would be polluted if they are not contaminated with the effluvia of the carcasses offered in sacrifice. As for taste, they are pressed by no necessity of repairing bodily decay, so as to be reduced to ask food from men. And touch is in their own power. For while it may seem that contact is so called, because the sense of touch is specially concerned in it, yet the gods, if so minded, might mingle with men, so as to see and be seen, hear and be heard; and where is the need of touching? For men would not dare to desire this, if they were favored with the sight or conversation of gods or good demons; and if through excessive curiosity they should desire it, how could they accomplish their wish without the consent of the god or demon, when they cannot touch so much as a sparrow unless it be caged? There is, then, nothing to hinder the gods from mingling in a bodily form with men, from seeing and being seen, from speaking and hearing. And if the demons do thus mix with men, as I said, and are not polluted, while the gods, were they to do so, should be polluted, then the demons are less liable to pollution than the gods. And if even the demons are contaminated, how can they help men to attain blessedness after death, if, so far from being able to cleanse them, and present them clean to the unpolluted gods, these mediators are themselves polluted? And if they cannot confer this benefit on men, what good can their friendly mediation do? Or shall its result be, not that men find entrance to the gods, but that men and demons abide together in a state of pollution, and consequently of exclusion from blessedness? Unless, perhaps, some one may say that, like sponges or things of that sort, the demons themselves, in the process of cleansing their friends, become themselves the filthier in proportion as the others become clean. But if this is the solution, then the gods, who shun contact or intercourse with men for fear of pollution, mix with demons who are far more polluted. Or perhaps the gods, who cannot cleanse men without polluting themselves, can without pollution cleanse the demons who have been contaminated by human contact? Who can believe such follies, unless the demons have practised their deceit upon him? If seeing and being seen is contamination, and if the gods, whom Apuleius himself calls visible, the brilliant lights of the world, and the other stars, are seen by men, are we to believe that the demons, who cannot be seen unless they please, are safer from contamination? Or if it is only the seeing and not the being seen which contaminates, then they must deny that these gods of theirs, these brilliant lights of the world, see men when their rays beam upon the earth. Their rays are not contaminated by lighting on all manner of pollution, and are we to suppose that the gods would be contaminated if they mixed with men, and even if contact were needed in order to assist them? For there is contact between the earth and the sun's or moon's rays, and yet this does not pollute the light. 9.17. I am considerably surprised that such learned men, men who pronounce all material and sensible things to be altogether inferior to those that are spiritual and intelligible, should mention bodily contact in connection with the blessed life. Is that sentiment of Plotinus forgotten?- We must fly to our beloved fatherland. There is the Father, there our all. What fleet or flight shall convey us there? Our way is, to become like God. If, then, one is nearer to God the more alike he is to Him, there is no other distance from God than unlikeness to Him. And the soul of man is unlike that incorporeal and unchangeable and eternal essence, in proportion as it craves things temporal and mutable. And as the things beneath, which are mortal and impure, cannot hold intercourse with the immortal purity which is above, a mediator is indeed needed to remove this difficulty; but not a mediator who resembles the highest order of being by possessing an immortal body, and the lowest by having a diseased soul, which makes him rather grudge that we be healed than help our cure. We need a Mediator who, being united to us here below by the mortality of His body, should at the same time be able to afford us truly divine help in cleansing and liberating us by means of the immortal righteousness of His spirit, whereby He remained heavenly even while here upon earth. Far be it from the incontaminable God to fear pollution from the man He assumed, or from the men among whom He lived in the form of a man. For, though His incarnation showed us nothing else, these two wholesome facts were enough, that true divinity cannot be polluted by flesh, and that demons are not to be considered better than ourselves because they have not flesh. This, then, as Scripture says, is the Mediator between God and man, the man Christ Jesus, 1 Timothy 2:5 of whose divinity, whereby He is equal to the Father, and humanity, whereby He has become like us, this is not the place to speak as fully as I could. 9.18. As to the demons, these false and deceitful mediators, who, though their uncleanness of spirit frequently reveals their misery and malignity, yet, by virtue of the levity of their aerial bodies and the nature of the places they inhabit, do contrive to turn us aside and hinder our spiritual progress; they do not help us towards God, but rather prevent us from reaching Him. Since even in the bodily way, which is erroneous and misleading, and in which righteousness does not walk - for we must rise to God not by bodily ascent, but by incorporeal or spiritual conformity to Him - in this bodily way, I say, which the friends of the demons arrange according to the weight of the various elements, the aerial demons being set between the ethereal gods and earthy men, they imagine the gods to have this privilege, that by this local interval they are preserved from the pollution of human contact. Thus they believe that the demons are contaminated by men rather than men cleansed by the demons, and that the gods themselves should be polluted unless their local superiority preserved them. Who is so wretched a creature as to expect purification by a way in which men are contaminating, demons contaminated, and gods contaminable? Who would not rather choose that way whereby we escape the contamination of the demons, and are cleansed from pollution by the incontaminable God, so as to be associated with the uncontaminated angels? 9.19. But as some of these demonolators, as I may call them, and among them Labeo, allege that those whom they call demons are by others called angels, I must, if I would not seem to dispute merely about words, say something about the good angels. The Platonists do not deny their existence, but prefer to call them good demons. But we, following Scripture, according to which we are Christians, have learned that some of the angels are good, some bad, but never have we read in Scripture of good demons; but wherever this or any cognate term occurs, it is applied only to wicked spirits. And this usage has become so universal, that, even among those who are called pagans, and who maintain that demons as well as gods should be worshipped, there is scarcely a man, no matter how well read and learned, who would dare to say by way of praise to his slave, You have a demon, or who could doubt that the man to whom he said this would consider it a curse? Why, then, are we to subject ourselves to the necessity of explaining away what we have said when we have given offense by using the word demon, with which every one, or almost every one, connects a bad meaning, while we can so easily evade this necessity by using the word angel? 9.20. However, the very origin of the name suggests something worthy of consideration, if we compare it with the divine books. They are called demons from a Greek word meaning knowledge. Now the apostle, speaking with the Holy Spirit, says, Knowledge puffs up, but charity builds up. 1 Corinthians 8:1 And this can only be understood as meaning that without charity knowledge does no good, but inflates a man or magnifies him with an empty windiness. The demons, then, have knowledge without charity, and are thereby so inflated or proud, that they crave those divine honors and religious services which they know to be due to the true God, and still, as far as they can, exact these from all over whom they have influence. Against this pride of the demons, under which the human race was held subject as its merited punishment, there was exerted the mighty influence of the humility of God, who appeared in the form of a servant; but men, resembling the demons in pride, but not in knowledge, and being puffed up with uncleanness, failed to recognize Him. 9.21. The devils themselves knew this manifestation of God so well, that they said to the Lord though clothed with the infirmity of flesh, What have we to do with You, Jesus of Nazareth? Have You come to destroy us before the time? Mark 1:24 From these words, it is clear that they had great knowledge, and no charity. They feared His power to punish, and did not love His righteousness. He made known to them so much as He pleased, and He was pleased to make known so much as was needful. But He made Himself known not as to the holy angels, who know Him as the Word of God, and rejoice in His eternity, which they partake, but as was requisite to strike with terror the beings from whose tyranny He was going to free those who were predestined to His kingdom and the glory of it, eternally true and truly eternal. He made Himself known, therefore, to the demons, not by that which is life eternal, and the unchangeable light which illumines the pious, whose souls are cleansed by the faith that is in Him, but by some temporal effects of His power, and evidences of His mysterious presence, which were more easily discerned by the angelic senses even of wicked spirits than by human infirmity. But when He judged it advisable gradually to suppress these signs, and to retire into deeper obscurity, the prince of the demons doubted whether He were the Christ, and endeavored to ascertain this by tempting Him, in so far as He permitted Himself to be tempted, that He might adapt the manhood He wore to be an example for our imitation. But after that temptation, when, as Scripture says, He was ministered to Matthew 4:3-11 by the angels who are good and holy, and therefore objects of terror to the impure spirits, He revealed more and more distinctly to the demons how great He was, so that, even though the infirmity of His flesh might seem contemptible, none dared to resist His authority. 9.22. The good angels, therefore, hold cheap all that knowledge of material and transitory things which the demons are so proud of possessing - not that they are ignorant of these things, but because the love of God, whereby they are sanctified, is very dear to them, and because, in comparison of that not merely immaterial but also unchangeable and ineffable beauty, with the holy love of which they are inflamed, they despise all things which are beneath it, and all that is not it, that they may with every good thing that is in them enjoy that good which is the source of their goodness. And therefore they have a more certain knowledge even of those temporal and mutable things, because they contemplate their principles and causes in the word of God, by which the world was made - those causes by which one thing is, approved, another rejected, and all arranged. But the demons do not behold in the wisdom of God these eternal, and, as it were, cardinal causes of things temporal, but only foresee a larger part of the future than men do, by reason of their greater acquaintance with the signs which are hidden from us. Sometimes, too, it is their own intentions they predict. And, finally, the demons are frequently, the angels never, deceived. For it is one thing, by the aid of things temporal and changeable, to conjecture the changes that may occur in time, and to modify such things by one's own will and faculty - and this is to a certain extent permitted to the demons - it is another thing to foresee the changes of times in the eternal and immutable laws of God, which live in His wisdom, and to know the will of God, the most infallible and powerful of all causes, by participating in His spirit; and this is granted to the holy angels by a just discretion. And thus they are not only eternal, but blessed. And the good wherein they are blessed is God, by whom they were created. For without end they enjoy the contemplation and participation of Him.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
academy Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
aged, the Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
angels; fall of Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
aphrodite Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
apollo Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
apollonius Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325
apologists Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
arson, fire Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
asclepius Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
atoms Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
banishment Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
baptism Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
bible Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
birth Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
bishop Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
business, commerce Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
calendar Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
care of the poor Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84, 102
children Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
christians, numbers of Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84, 102, 103
citizenship, political rights Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
clivus Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102, 103
community Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
compassion, pity Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
cosmos, cosmology, nature Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
creation Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
cross Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
cults Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
deacon Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
demons, xii; in philosophers thought Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
demons, xii; origin, nature and activity of Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
demons, xii; socrates daimon Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
demons Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
dionysus, mysteries of Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
dwellings Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
educated, erudite Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102, 325, 423
egypt, egyptian Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84, 325
end of the world Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
epicurean Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
epicureanism, epicureans Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
ethics Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102, 103, 423
family Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
fraud, deceit Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
freedpersons (and their descendants), manumission Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84, 102
friendship Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
fullers (cloth) Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
gnosticism, gnostic Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
god, concept of Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
godlessness, reproach of Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
grain Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
hatred of the human race Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
hell Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
hercules (heracles) Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325
hope Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
house community Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
humiliores Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84, 102
idolatry; instigated by demons Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
integration Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102, 103
jerusalem Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
jews, jewish Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
justin Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102, 103, 423
laborers, manual Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
lamb Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
latinitas iunia Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
lex aelia sentia Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
logos, doctrine of Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325, 423
lords day Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
magic, magic papyri Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
magic Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
marcion Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
melito Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
military Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
miracle-healing Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
mixed marriages Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
monism Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
mysteries Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
mythology Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325
nero Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
new testament Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
old testament Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
orthodoxy, orthodox Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
passover Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
perennis Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325
peripatetics Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
persecution, martyrs Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84, 103, 325
persecutors, persecution Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
persephone Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
philosophers; know of evil spirits Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
philosophers Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
philosophy Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
plato; believed in angels Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
plato Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
platonism Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
poetry, poets Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
possessions, wealth Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
provincials, immigrants Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
pythagoreans Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
religious background Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
residences (tenement houses) Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
revelation, xii, ; general Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
sabbath Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
sardinia Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
satan (devil); corruptor Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
satan (devil); leader of corrupted angels Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
satan (devil); the name Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
shoemakers Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
slaves, slavery Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84, 103
socially elevated Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102
socrates; daimon of Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
sorcery, sorcerers Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
soul; instinctively knows satan Sider, Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian (2001) 46
stoicism, stoics Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325, 423
stratification, social Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102, 103
students Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
substance Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
suffering Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
sunday Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
syria, syrian Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325
temple Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
tiberius Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 84
trials Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 325
universe Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
vacuum, void Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 160
wisdom' Vinzent, Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament (2013) 207
women Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 103
world conflagrations Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 423
worldliness Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 102