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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



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Josephus Flavius, Life, 36
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1. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 25.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

25.11. פִּינְחָס בֶּן־אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן־אַהֲרֹן הַכֹּהֵן הֵשִׁיב אֶת־חֲמָתִי מֵעַל בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּקַנְאוֹ אֶת־קִנְאָתִי בְּתוֹכָם וְלֹא־כִלִּיתִי אֶת־בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּקִנְאָתִי׃ 25.11. ’Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the priest, hath turned My wrath away from the children of Israel, in that he was very jealous for My sake among them, so that I consumed not the children of Israel in My jealousy."
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.53.1, 3.82-3.84 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2.53.1. Nor was this the only form of lawless extravagance which owed its origin to the plague. Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying and those who before had nothing succeeding to their property.
3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.5, 5.150-5.165, 6.61 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.5. 2. Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to all the Greeks worthy of their study; for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures. 1.5. He also deprived the serpent of speech, out of indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men; and suggested to them, that they should direct their strokes against his head, that being the place wherein lay his mischievous designs towards men, and it being easiest to take vengeance on him, that way. And when he had deprived him of the use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all along, and dragging himself upon the ground. 5.151. but the senate restrained them from doing so, and persuaded them, that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the same nation with them, before they discoursed them by words concerning the accusation laid against them; it being part of their law, that they should not bring an army against foreigners themselves, when they appear to have been injurious, without sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will repent or not: 5.152. and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they ought to do in obedience to their laws, that is, to send to the inhabitants of Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the offenders to them, and if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with the punishment of those offenders; but if they despised the message that was sent them, to punish them by taking, up arms against them. 5.153. Accordingly they sent to the inhabitants of Gibeah, and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair of the Levite’s wife, and required of them those that had done what was contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as having justly deserved to die for what they had done; 5.154. but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver up the young men, and thought it too reproachful to them, out of fear of war, to submit to other men’s demands upon them; vaunting themselves to be no way inferior to any in war, neither in their number nor in courage. The rest of their tribe were also making great preparation for war, for they were so insolently mad as also to resolve to repel force by force. 5.155. 10. When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of them would give his daughter in marriage to a Benjamite, but make war with greater fury against them than we have learned our forefathers made war against the Canaanites; 5.156. and sent out presently an army of four hundred thousand against them, while the Benjamites’ army-was twenty-five thousand and six hundred; five hundred of whom were excellent at slinging stones with their left hands 5.157. insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Benjamites beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two thousand men; and probably more had been destroyed had not the night came on and prevented it, and broken off the fight; 5.158. o the Benjamites returned to the city with joy, and the Israelites returned to their camp in a great fright at what had happened. On the next day, when they fought again, the Benjamites beat them; and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. 5.159. So they came to Bethel, a city that was near their camp, and fasted on the next day; and besought God, by Phineas the high priest, that his wrath against them might cease, and that he would be satisfied with these two defeats, and give them the victory and power over their enemies. Accordingly God promised them so to do, by the prophesying of Phineas. 5.161. till both the old men and the young men that were left in the city, as too weak to fight, came running out together with them, as willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were a great way from the city the Hebrews ran away no longer, but turned back to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had agreed on to those that lay in ambush 5.162. who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they perceived themselves to be deceived, they knew not what to do; and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which was in a valley, they were shot at by those that encompassed them, till they were all destroyed, excepting six hundred 5.163. which formed themselves into a close body of men, and forced their passage through the midst of their enemies, and fled to the neighboring mountains, and, seizing upon them, remained there; but the rest of them, being about twenty-five thousand, were slain. 5.164. Then did the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the males that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities of the Benjamites; and, indeed, they were enraged to that degree, that they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them orders to destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with them in fighting against the Benjamites. 5.165. Accordingly, those that were sent slew the men of war, with their children and wives, excepting four hundred virgins. To such a degree had they proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the suffering of the Levite’s wife to avenge, but the slaughter of their own soldiers. 6.61. for God is the best of beings, and they chose to have a man for their king; while kings will use their subjects as beasts, according to the violence of their own wills and inclinations, and other passions, as wholly carried away with the lust of power, but will not endeavor so to preserve the race of mankind as his own workmanship and creation, which, for that very reason, God would take cake of. “But since you have come to a fixed resolution, and this injurious treatment of God has quite prevailed over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and scepters, and cast lots.”
4. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.10, 2.427, 2.442, 2.562-2.568, 3.392-3.398, 3.462-3.502, 4.1, 4.84-4.90, 4.92-4.96, 4.101-4.120, 4.166, 4.178, 6.98, 6.129, 6.286, 6.343, 7.265 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.427. after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their obligations for paying their debts; and this was done in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records fled away, and the rest set fire to them. 2.442. Now the overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high priest Aias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant; 2.562. 3. But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overbore some of those that favored the Romans by violence, and some they persuaded [by entreaties] to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war. 2.563. Joseph also, the son of Gorion, and Aus the high priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city; 2.564. for they did not ordain Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, although he had gotten into his possession the prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, together with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper, and that his followers were, in their behavior, like guards about him. 2.565. However, the want they were in of Eleazar’s money, and the subtle tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs. 2.566. 4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Aias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders. 2.567. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene, to the toparchy of Thamma; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. 2.568. But John, the son of Matthias, was made the governor of the toparchies of Gophritica and Acrabattene; as was Josephus, the son of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala also, which was the strongest city in those parts, was put under his command. 3.392. 8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespasian. 3.393. But now all the Romans ran together to see him; and as the multitude pressed one upon another about their general, there was a tumult of a various kind; while some rejoiced that Josephus was taken, and some threatened him, and some crowded to see him very near; 3.394. but those that were more remote cried out to have this their enemy put to death, while those that were near called to mind the actions he had done, and a deep concern appeared at the change of his fortune. 3.395. Nor were there any of the Roman commanders, how much soever they had been enraged at him before, but relented when they came to the sight of him. 3.396. Above all the rest, Titus’s own valor, and Josephus’s own patience under his afflictions, made him pity him, as did also the commiseration of his age, when he recalled to mind that but a little while ago he was fighting, but lay now in the hands of his enemies, which made him consider the power of fortune, and how quick is the turn of affairs in war, and how no state of men is sure; 3.397. for which reason he then made a great many more to be of the same pitiful temper with himself, and induced them to commiserate Josephus. He was also of great weight in persuading his father to preserve him. 3.398. However, Vespasian gave strict orders that he should be kept with great caution, as though he would in a very little time send him to Nero. 3.462. 1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; 3.463. for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth. 3.464. The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias; 3.465. for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews’ revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Taricheae partook only the remains of that liberality. 3.466. Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also. 3.467. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesus and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them; 3.468. and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered anything themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships 3.469. where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land. 3.471. 2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them 3.472. “My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. 3.473. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow weary under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. 3.474. As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: 3.475. let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies: 3.476. for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war. 3.477. Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number. 3.478. Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. 3.479. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct of the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not forever desert us in our ill fortune. 3.481. We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us. 3.482. And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy. 3.483. And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. 3.484. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance.” 3.485. 3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. 3.486. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; 3.487. which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were. 3.488. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; 3.489. many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able. 3.491. and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city. 3.492. 4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; 3.493. but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another. 3.494. And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out, “Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? 3.495. Those that have escaped our hands are in an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: 3.496. accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city.” 3.497. 5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. 3.498. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst anyone venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country 3.499. while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone abroad. 3.501. till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. 3.502. But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy. 4.1. 1. Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Taricheae, deliver themselves up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses and the cities, excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon Mount Tabor; 4.1. The people that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confidence in the situation of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them; for the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety, on account of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together. 4.1. and that even the Romans were not ignorant how the period of the seventh day was among them a cessation from all labors; and that he who should compel them to transgress the law about that day would be equally guilty with those that were compelled to transgress it: 4.84. 1. Now, no place of Galilee remained to be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose multitude yet were desirous of peace; for they were generally husbandmen, and always applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of the earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers, that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distemper. 4.85. It was John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and of a temper that could put on various shapes; very rash in expecting great things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was known to everybody that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself into authority; 4.86. and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send ambassadors in order to surrender, waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array. 4.87. Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis 4.88. while he returned to Caesarea with the two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the difficulties they were to go through afterwards; 4.89. for he saw there would be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation, and because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together thither. 4.92. 2. Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala, found it would be easy for him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew withal, that if he took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without mercy. (Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied the major part, who would then perish, without distinction, together with the guilty.) So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up to him on terms. 4.93. Accordingly, when he saw the wall full of those men that were of the corrupted party, he said to them,—That he could not but wonder what it was they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the Romans, after every other city was taken by them 4.94. especially when they have seen cities much better fortified than theirs is overthrown by a single attack upon them; while as many as have entrusted themselves to the security of the Romans’ right hands, which he now offers to them, without regarding their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety; 4.95. for that while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned; but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that to be impossible, was inexcusable; 4.96. for that if they will not comply with such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that their wall would be but a trifle, when battered by the Roman machines; in depending on which they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans that were no better than arrogant slaves and captives. 4.101. and that this delay could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should anybody think of doing anything in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them; 4.102. and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the laws of those they saved inviolable. 4.103. Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein. 4.104. Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched his camp further off the city at Cydessa. 4.105. This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation. 4.106. 4. Now, in the nighttime, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that were about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. 4.107. And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations; 4.108. for the farther every one of them was come from his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. 4.109. Many also of them missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest threw down many of them. 4.111. but John’s exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multitude that ran thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another. 4.112. 5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement; 4.113. whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody; 4.114. they also informed him of John’s flight, and besought him to spare them, and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment. 4.115. But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and brought with them almost three thousand. 4.116. However, Titus was greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. 4.117. So he entered the city in the midst ofacclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions; 4.118. for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fearsthan to destroy with him anyone that did not deserve it; 4.119. for that probably such a one might be taught prudence, by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved. 4.166. O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them, that have nourished them? 4.178. Is it not that we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own country? 6.98. At these words of his a great sadness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides; and at last added this withal, that he did never fear the taking of the city, because it was God’s own city. 6.129. 5. As Josephus explained these things from the mouth of Caesar, both the robbers and the tyrant thought that these exhortations proceeded from Titus’s fear, and not from his goodwill to them, and grew insolent upon it. 6.286. Now, there was then a great number of false prophets suborned by the tyrants to impose on the people, who denounced this to them, that they should wait for deliverance from God; and this was in order to keep them from deserting, and that they might be buoyed up above fear and care by such hopes. 6.343. then did you Jews show yourselves to be our enemies. You sent embassies to those of your nation that are beyond Euphrates to assist you in your raising disturbances; new walls were built by you round your city, seditions arose, and one tyrant contended against another, and a civil war broke out among you; such, indeed, as became none but so wicked a people as you are. 7.265. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant?
5. Josephus Flavius, Life, 102, 104-113, 115, 118-119, 122-128, 130, 132, 134-135, 138, 141-144, 146-149, 151, 153, 155-173, 175-184, 188-228, 230, 232, 235, 250, 252, 259, 264-265, 269-279, 28, 280-289, 29, 290-299, 30, 300-303, 309, 31, 313, 318, 32, 321, 33, 331, 336-339, 34, 340-349, 35, 350-367, 37, 370, 373, 376-379, 38, 381-384, 388-389, 39, 390-399, 40, 400-409, 41, 410, 412-414, 42-61, 63-76, 79-81, 84-87, 91-100 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, 35b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

35b. מיתיבי (יחזקאל מד, יט) ולבשו בגדים אחרים ולא יקדשו את העם בבגדיהם,מאי לאו אחרים חשובין מהן לא אחרים פחותים מהן,תני רב הונא בר יהודה ואמרי לה רב שמואל בר יהודה אחר שכלתה עבודת ציבור כהן שעשתה לו אמו כתונת לובשה ועובד בה עבודת יחיד ובלבד שימסרנה לציבור פשיטא,מהו דתימא ניחוש שמא לא ימסרנה יפה יפה קמ"ל אמרו עליו על רבי ישמעאל בן פאבי שעשתה לו אמו כתונת של מאה מנה ולובשה ועובד בה עבודת יחיד ומסרה לציבור,אמרו עליו על ר' אלעזר בן חרסום שעשתה לו אמו כתונת משתי ריבוא ולא הניחוהו אחיו הכהנים ללובשה מפני שנראה כערום ומי מתחזי והאמר מר חוטן כפול ששה אמר אביי כחמרא במזגא,ת"ר עני ועשיר ורשע באין לדין לעני אומרים לו מפני מה לא עסקת בתורה אם אומר עני הייתי וטרוד במזונותי אומרים לו כלום עני היית יותר מהלל,אמרו עליו על הלל הזקן שבכל יום ויום היה עושה ומשתכר בטרפעיק חציו היה נותן לשומר בית המדרש וחציו לפרנסתו ולפרנסת אנשי ביתו פעם אחת לא מצא להשתכר ולא הניחו שומר בית המדרש להכנס עלה ונתלה וישב על פי ארובה כדי שישמע דברי אלהים חיים מפי שמעיה ואבטליון,אמרו אותו היום ערב שבת היה ותקופת טבת היתה וירד עליו שלג מן השמים כשעלה עמוד השחר אמר לו שמעיה לאבטליון אבטליון אחי בכל יום הבית מאיר והיום אפל שמא יום המעונן הוא הציצו עיניהן וראו דמות אדם בארובה עלו ומצאו עליו רום שלש אמות שלג פרקוהו והרחיצוהו וסיכוהו והושיבוהו כנגד המדורה אמרו ראוי זה לחלל עליו את השבת,עשיר אומרים לו מפני מה לא עסקת בתורה אם אומר עשיר הייתי וטרוד הייתי בנכסי אומרים לו כלום עשיר היית יותר מרבי אלעזר אמרו עליו על רבי אלעזר בן חרסום שהניח לו אביו אלף עיירות ביבשה וכנגדן אלף ספינות בים ובכל יום ויום נוטל נאד של קמח על כתיפו ומהלך מעיר לעיר וממדינה למדינה ללמוד תורה,פעם אחת מצאוהו עבדיו ועשו בו אנגריא אמר להן בבקשה מכם הניחוני ואלך ללמוד תורה אמרו לו חיי רבי אלעזר בן חרסום שאין מניחין אותך ומימיו לא הלך וראה אותן אלא יושב ועוסק בתורה כל היום וכל הלילה,רשע אומרים לו מפני מה לא עסקת בתורה אם אמר נאה הייתי וטרוד ביצרי הייתי אומרים לו כלום נאה היית מיוסף אמרו עליו על יוסף הצדיק בכל יום ויום היתה אשת פוטיפר משדלתו בדברים בגדים שלבשה לו שחרית לא לבשה לו ערבית בגדים שלבשה לו ערבית לא לבשה לו שחרית,אמרה לו השמע לי אמר לה לאו אמרה לו הריני חובשתך בבית האסורין אמר לה (תהלים קמו, ז) ה' מתיר אסורים הריני כופפת קומתך (תהלים קמו, ח) ה' זוקף כפופים הריני מסמא את עיניך (תהלים קמו, ח) ה' פוקח עורים נתנה לו אלף ככרי כסף לשמוע אליה לשכב אצלה להיות עמה ולא רצה לשמוע אליה,לשכב אצלה בעוה"ז להיות עמה לעוה"ב נמצא הלל מחייב את העניים רבי אלעזר בן חרסום מחייב את העשירים יוסף מחייב את הרשעים, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big בא לו אצל פרו ופרו היה עומד בין האולם ולמזבח ראשו לדרום ופניו למערב והכהן עומד במזרח ופניו למערב וסומך שתי ידיו עליו ומתודה,וכך היה אומר אנא השם עויתי פשעתי חטאתי לפניך אני וביתי אנא השם כפר נא לעונות ולפשעים ולחטאים שעויתי ושפשעתי ושחטאתי לפניך אני וביתי ככתוב בתורת משה עבדך (ויקרא טז, ל) כי ביום הזה יכפר וגו' והן עונין אחריו ברוך שם כבוד מלכותו לעולם ועד 35b. bThe Gemara raises an objection.It is stated: “And it shall be that when they enter in at the gates of the inner court, they shall be clothed with linen garments; and no wool shall come upon them, while they minister in the gates of the inner court, and within” (Ezekiel 44:17). This verse is referring to the Yom Kippur service, as during the year the High Priest performed the service in eight priestly vestments made partially of wool. Two verses later the prophet says: “And when they go forth into the outer court, into the outer court to the people, they shall remove their garments in which they serve, and lay them in the sacred chambers, band they shall put on other garments, so that they do not sanctify the people with their garments”(Ezekiel 44:19).,The Gemara infers: bWhat, doesn’t “other”mean bmore important thanthe first set of linen garments? The Gemara rejects this: bNo,although b“other”means different garments, it means garments binferior to them,the first set of linen garments. The High Priest does not don a second set of garments to effect atonement; rather, he dons them in deference to God to remove the spoon and the coal pan from the Holy of Holies., bRav Huna bar Yehuda, and some say Rav Shmuel bar Yehuda, taught: After the public service concluded, a priest whose mother had made hima priestly btunicmay bwear it and perform an individual servicewhile wearing bit,such as removal of the spoon and the coal pan, which is not a service in and of itself, bprovided he transfers it tothe possession of bthe public.All services performed by the priest must be performed while he is wearing sacred garments owned by the public, as all the Temple vessels are. The Gemara asks: This is bobvious;once he transfers it to the possession of the public, it is Temple property like any other vessel that an individual donates to the Temple. What is novel in this statement?,The Gemara answers: bLest you saythat the concern is that since he is the one wearing it bperhapshe will intend to retain ownership band will not transfer it wholeheartedly;therefore, bit teaches usthat if he transfers possession to the public, that is not a concern. Apropos this ihalakha /i, the Gemara relates: bThey said aboutthe High Priest bRabbi Yishmael ben Pabi that his mother made him a tunic worth one hundred imaneh /i. He donned it and performed an individual service and transferredpossession of it bto the public. /b,And similarly, bthey said aboutthe High Priest bRabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum that his mother made him a tunicworth btwenty thousanddinars, bbut his fellow priests did not allow him to wear it becauseit was transparent and bhe appeared asone who is bnaked.The Gemara asks: bAnd couldhe bbe seenthrough a garment made to the specifications of the priestly vestments? bDidn’t the Master say: The threadsof the priestly vestments bwere six-fold?Since the clothes were woven from threads that thick, his body could not have been seen through them. bAbaye said: It is like wine ina thick bglasscup. His flesh could not actually be seen, but since it was very fine linen, it was somewhat translucent and his skin color was discernible.,§ Apropos the great wealth of Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum, the Gemara cites that which bthe Sages taught: A poorperson, band a wealthyperson, band a wickedperson bcome toface bjudgmentbefore the Heavenly court for their conduct in this world. bTo the poorperson, the members of the court bsay: Why did you not engage in Torah? If herationalizes his conduct band says: I was poor and preoccupied withearning enough to pay for bmy susteceand that is why I did not engage in Torah study, bthey say to him: Were you any poorer than Hillel,who was wretchedly poor and nevertheless attempted to study Torah?, bThey said about Hillel the Elder that each and every day he would work and earn a half-dinar, half of which he would give to the guard of the study hall and half of whichhe spent bfor his sustece and the sustece of the members of his family. One time he did not findemployment bto earna wage, band the guard of the study hall did not allow him to enter. He ascendedto the roof, bsuspendedhimself, band sat at the edge of the skylight in order to hear the wordsof the Torah bof the living God from the mouths of Shemaya and Avtalyon,the spiritual leaders of that generation.,The Sages continued and bsaid: That day was Shabbat eve and it was thewinter bseason of Tevet, and snow fell upon him from the sky. When it was dawn, Shemaya said to Avtalyon: Avtalyon, my brother, every dayat this hour bthestudy bhallis already bbrightfrom the sunlight streaming through the skylight, band today it is dark; is it perhaps a cloudy day? They focused their eyes and saw the image of a man in the skylight. They ascended and found himcovered with bsnow three cubits high. They extricated himfrom the snow, band they washed him and smearedoil bon him, and they sat him opposite the bonfireto warm him. bThey said: Thisman bis worthyfor us bto desecrate Shabbat for him.Saving a life overrides Shabbat in any case; however, this great man is especially deserving. Clearly, poverty is no excuse for the failure to attempt to study Torah.,And if ba wealthyman comes before the heavenly court, the members of the court bsay to him: Why did you not engage in Torah? If he says: I was wealthy and preoccupied withmanaging bmy possessions, they say to him: Were you any wealthier than Rabbi Elazar,who was exceedingly wealthy and nevertheless studied Torah? bThey said about Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum that his father left himan inheritance of bone thousand villages on land, and corresponding to them, one thousand ships at sea. And each and every day he takesa leather bjug of flour on his shoulder and walks from city to city and from state to state to study Torahfrom the Torah scholars in each of those places., bOne timeas he passed through the villages in his estate and bhis servants found him,did not recognize him, band,thinking he was a resident of the town, bthey pressed him into service [ iangarya /i]for the master of the estate. bHe said to them: I beseech you; let me be and I will go study Torah. They said:We swear bby the life of Rabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum thatwe bwill not let you be.The Gemara comments: bAnd in all his days, he never went and sawall his possessions and his property; brather,he would bsit and engage inthe study of bTorah all day and all night. /b,And if a wicked man comes to judgment, the members of the court bsay to him: Why did you not engage in Torah? If he said: I was handsome and preoccupied with myevil binclination,as I had many temptations, bthey say to him: Were you any more handsome than Joseph,who did not neglect Torah despite his beauty? bThey said about Joseph the righteous: Each and every day, the wife of Potiphar seduced him with words.In addition, bthe clothes that she wore toentice bhim in the morning, she did not wear toentice bhim in the evening. The clothes that she wore toentice bhim in the evening, she did not wear toentice bhim in the morningof the next day.,One day bshe said to him: Submit to meand have relations with me. br bHe said to her: No. br bShe said to him: I will incarcerate you in the prison. He said to her:I do not fear you, as it is stated: b“God releases prisoners”(Psalms 146:7). br bShe said to him: I willcause you to be bbent overwith suffering. brHe said: b“God straightens those who are bent over”(Psalms 146:8). brShe said bI will blind your eyes. brHe said to her b“God opens the eyes of the blind”(Psalms 146:8). br bShe gave him a thousand talents of silver to submit to her, “to lie with her and be with her”(Genesis 39:10), band he refused. /b,The Gemara elaborates: Had he submitted to her bto lie with her in this world,it would have been decreed in Heaven that he would bbe with her in the World-to-Come.Therefore, he refused. bConsequently, Hillel obligates the poorto study Torah, bRabbi Elazar ben Ḥarsum obligates the wealthy,and bJoseph obligates the wicked.For each category of people, there is a role model who overcame his preoccupations and temptations to study Torah., strongMISHNA: /strong The High Priest bcomesand stands bnext to his bull, and his bull was standing between the Entrance Hall and the altarwith bits headfacing bto the south and its face to the west. And the priest stands to the eastof the bull, band his facepoints bto the west. Andthe priest bplaces his two hands onthe bull band confesses. /b, bAnd this is what he would sayin his confession: bPlease, God, I have sinned, I have done wrong,and bI have rebelled before You, I and my family. Please, God, grant atonement, please, for the sins, and for the wrongs, and for the rebellions that I have sinned, and done wrong, and rebelled before You, I and my family, as it is written in the Torah of Moses your servant: “For on this day atonement shall be madefor you to cleanse you of all your sins; you shall be clean before the Lord” (Leviticus 16:30). bAndthe priests and the people who were in the courtyard brespond after herecites the name of God: bBlessed be the name of His glorious kingdom forever and all time. /b
7. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 3.5.2-3.5.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

3.5.3. But the people of the church in Jerusalem had been commanded by a revelation, vouchsafed to approved men there before the war, to leave the city and to dwell in a certain town of Perea called Pella. And when those that believed in Christ had come there from Jerusalem, then, as if the royal city of the Jews and the whole land of Judea were entirely destitute of holy men, the judgment of God at length overtook those who had committed such outrages against Christ and his apostles, and totally destroyed that generation of impious men.
8. Epiphanius, De Mensuris Et Ponderibus, 15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

9. Anon., Seder Eliyahu Rabbah, 11



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
agrippa ii Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
arbel Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
archon Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
batlanim Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
benjaminite affair of the concubine, josephus interpretation of Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 646
berenice, agrippa iis sister Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
christians Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
claudius, roman emperor, expulsion of jews from rome by Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 469, 474, 476, 486, 646
coins and coinage, bronze revolt, at gamla Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 117
first jewish war Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
gadara Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
galilee Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
gaulanitis Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
gischala Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
hazzan, communal functionary Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
jerusalem Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
jewish war Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
josephus Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
justus of tiberias Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
lod, lydda Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
magdala Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
meturgeman Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
midrash, and synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
paytan Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
pella Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
preacher, preaching Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
priests, and their influence Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
prophets (books of) Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
rome, romans Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
sardis, jewish community Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
sepphoris Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
shamash Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
sheliah tzibbur, prayer leader Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
syon, danny Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 117
taricheae Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
teacher' Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 384
tiberias Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 117; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
titus Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
torah Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
vespasian Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 117; Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 176
yodefat Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17