Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7237
Josephus Flavius, Life, 197
NaN


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

30 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 31.15, 35.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

31.15. שֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים יֵעָשֶׂה מְלָאכָה וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי שַׁבַּת שַׁבָּתוֹן קֹדֶשׁ לַיהוָה כָּל־הָעֹשֶׂה מְלָאכָה בְּיוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת מוֹת יוּמָת׃ 35.2. וַיֵּצְאוּ כָּל־עֲדַת בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל מִלִּפְנֵי מֹשֶׁה׃ 35.2. שֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים תֵּעָשֶׂה מְלָאכָה וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי יִהְיֶה לָכֶם קֹדֶשׁ שַׁבַּת שַׁבָּתוֹן לַיהוָה כָּל־הָעֹשֶׂה בוֹ מְלָאכָה יוּמָת׃ 31.15. Six days shall work be done; but on the seventh day is a sabbath of solemn rest, holy to the LORD; whosoever doeth any work in the sabbath day, he shall surely be put to death." 35.2. Six days shall work be done, but on the seventh day there shall be to you a holy day, a sabbath of solemn rest to the LORD; whosoever doeth any work therein shall be put to death."
2. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 15.35 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

15.35. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה מוֹת יוּמַת הָאִישׁ רָגוֹם אֹתוֹ בָאֲבָנִים כָּל־הָעֵדָה מִחוּץ לַמַּחֲנֶה׃ 15.35. And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘The man shall surely be put to death; all the congregation shall stone him with stones without the camp.’"
3. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 22.3-22.13 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

22.3. וַיְהִי בִּשְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה לַמֶּלֶךְ יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ שָׁלַח הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־שָׁפָן בֶּן־אֲצַלְיָהוּ בֶן־מְשֻׁלָּם הַסֹּפֵר בֵּית יְהוָה לֵאמֹר׃ 22.4. עֲלֵה אֶל־חִלְקִיָּהוּ הַכֹּהֵן הַגָּדוֹל וְיַתֵּם אֶת־הַכֶּסֶף הַמּוּבָא בֵּית יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר אָסְפוּ שֹׁמְרֵי הַסַּף מֵאֵת הָעָם׃ 22.5. ויתנה [וְיִתְּנֻהוּ] עַל־יַד עֹשֵׂי הַמְּלָאכָה הַמֻּפְקָדִים בבית [בֵּית] יְהוָה וְיִתְּנוּ אֹתוֹ לְעֹשֵׂי הַמְּלָאכָה אֲשֶׁר בְּבֵית יְהוָה לְחַזֵּק בֶּדֶק הַבָּיִת׃ 22.6. לֶחָרָשִׁים וְלַבֹּנִים וְלַגֹּדְרִים וְלִקְנוֹת עֵצִים וְאַבְנֵי מַחְצֵב לְחַזֵּק אֶת־הַבָּיִת׃ 22.7. אַךְ לֹא־יֵחָשֵׁב אִתָּם הַכֶּסֶף הַנִּתָּן עַל־יָדָם כִּי בֶאֱמוּנָה הֵם עֹשִׂים׃ 22.8. וַיֹּאמֶר חִלְקִיָּהוּ הַכֹּהֵן הַגָּדוֹל עַל־שָׁפָן הַסֹּפֵר סֵפֶר הַתּוֹרָה מָצָאתִי בְּבֵית יְהוָה וַיִּתֵּן חִלְקִיָּה אֶת־הַסֵּפֶר אֶל־שָׁפָן וַיִּקְרָאֵהוּ׃ 22.9. וַיָּבֹא שָׁפָן הַסֹּפֵר אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיָּשֶׁב אֶת־הַמֶּלֶךְ דָּבָר וַיֹּאמֶר הִתִּיכוּ עֲבָדֶיךָ אֶת־הַכֶּסֶף הַנִּמְצָא בַבַּיִת וַיִּתְּנֻהוּ עַל־יַד עֹשֵׂי הַמְּלָאכָה הַמֻּפְקָדִים בֵּית יְהוָה׃ 22.11. וַיְהִי כִּשְׁמֹעַ הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־דִּבְרֵי סֵפֶר הַתּוֹרָה וַיִּקְרַע אֶת־בְּגָדָיו׃ 22.12. וַיְצַו הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־חִלְקִיָּה הַכֹּהֵן וְאֶת־אֲחִיקָם בֶּן־שָׁפָן וְאֶת־עַכְבּוֹר בֶּן־מִיכָיָה וְאֵת שָׁפָן הַסֹּפֵר וְאֵת עֲשָׂיָה עֶבֶד־הַמֶּלֶךְ לֵאמֹר׃ 22.13. לְכוּ דִרְשׁוּ אֶת־יְהוָה בַּעֲדִי וּבְעַד־הָעָם וּבְעַד כָּל־יְהוּדָה עַל־דִּבְרֵי הַסֵּפֶר הַנִּמְצָא הַזֶּה כִּי־גְדוֹלָה חֲמַת יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר־הִיא נִצְּתָה בָנוּ עַל אֲשֶׁר לֹא־שָׁמְעוּ אֲבֹתֵינוּ עַל־דִּבְרֵי הַסֵּפֶר הַזֶּה לַעֲשׂוֹת כְּכָל־הַכָּתוּב עָלֵינוּ׃ 22.3. And it came to pass in the eighteenth year of king Josiah, that the king sent Shaphan the son of Azaliah, the son of Meshullam, the scribe, to the house of the LORD, saying." 22.4. ’Go up to Hilkiah the high priest, that he may sum the money which is brought into the house of the LORD, which the keepers of the door have gathered of the people;" 22.5. and let them deliver it into the hand of the workmen that have the oversight of the house of the LORD; and let them give it to the workmen that are in the house of the LORD, to repair the breaches of the house;" 22.6. unto the carpenters, and to the builders, and to the masons; and for buying timber and hewn stone to repair the house.’—" 22.7. Howbeit there was no reckoning made with them of the money that was delivered into their hand; for they dealt faithfully." 22.8. And Hilkiah the high priest said unto Shaphan the scribe: ‘I have found the book of the Law in the house of the LORD.’ And Hilkiah delivered the book to Shaphan, and he read it." 22.9. And Shaphan the scribe came to the king, and brought back word unto the king, and said: ‘Thy servants have poured out the money that was found in the house, and have delivered it into the hand of the workmen that have the oversight of the house of the LORD.’" 22.10. And Shaphan the scribe told the king, saying: ‘Hilkiah the priest hath delivered me a book.’ And Shaphan read it before the king." 22.11. And it came to pass, when the king had heard the words of the book of the Law, that he rent his clothes." 22.12. And the king commanded Hilkiah the priest, and Ahikam the son of Shaphan, and Achbor the son of Micaiah, and Shaphan the scribe, and Asaiah the king’s servant, saying:" 22.13. ’Go ye, inquire of the LORD for me, and for the people, and for all Judah, concerning the words of this book that is found; for great is the wrath of the LORD that is kindled against us, because our fathers have not hearkened unto the words of this book, to do according unto all that which is written concerning us.’"
4. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 12.12-12.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

12.12. וּבִימֵי יוֹיָקִים הָיוּ כֹהֲנִים רָאשֵׁי הָאָבוֹת לִשְׂרָיָה מְרָיָה לְיִרְמְיָה חֲנַנְיָה׃ 12.13. לְעֶזְרָא מְשֻׁלָּם לַאֲמַרְיָה יְהוֹחָנָן׃ 12.12. And in the days of Joiakim were priests, heads of fathers’houses: of Seraiah, Meraiah; of Jeremiah, Haiah;" 12.13. of Ezra, Meshullam; of Amariah, Jehoha;"
5. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 2, 29, 32, 67, 79, 17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

17. And this is what Homer appears to me to imply figuratively in the Iliad, at the beginning of the thirteenth book, by the following lines, -- "The Mysian close-fighting bands, And dwellers on the Scythian lands, Content to seek their humble fare From milk of cow and milk of mare, The justest of Mankind." As if great anxiety concerning the means of subsistence and the acquisition of money engendered injustice by reason of the inequality which it produced, while the contrary disposition and pursuit produced justice by reason of its equality, according to which it is that the wealth of nature is defined, and is superior to that which exists only in vain opinion.
6. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1.24. And this knowledge he derived also from the Egyptians, who study mathematics above all things, and he learnt with great accuracy the state of that art among both the Chaldaeans and Egyptians, making himself acquainted with the points in which they agree with and differ from each other--making himself master of all their disputes without encouraging any disputatious disposition in himself--but seeking the plain truth, since his mind was unable to admit any falsehood, as those are accustomed to do who contend violently for one particular side of a question; and who advocate any doctrine which is set before them, whatever it may be, not inquiring whether it deserves to be supported, but acting in the same manner as those lawyers who defend a cause for pay, and are wholly indifferent to the justice of their cause.
7. Philo of Alexandria, Who Is The Heir, 247 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

247. And the sun, and the moon, and the whole heaven, and the earth, and the air, and the water, and all the things that are connected with them, afford subject for strife and contention to those who are fond of examining into such subjects, and who investigate their essences, and distinctive qualities, and changes, and alterations, and moreover their origin and the method of their destruction; and making no superficial investigation into the magnitude and motion of the heavenly bodies, they adopt all sorts of different opinions, never agreeing together, until some man, who is at the same time skilful at disentangling controversies and calculated to judge, takes his seat on the tribunal, and comes to a clear perception of the progeny of each individual's soul, and discards those which do not deserve to be maintained, and preserves those which are good, and which he pronounces worthy of suitable providential care.
8. Philo of Alexandria, Plant., 151 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

151. For instance, the name of dog is beyond all question a homonymy, inasmuch as it comprehends many dissimilar things which are signified by that appellation. For there is a terrestrial barking animal called a dog; there is also a marine monster with the same name: there is also the star in heaven, which the poets calls the autumnal star, because it rises at the beginning of autumn, for the sake of ripening the fruits and bringing them to perfection. Moreover, there were the philosophers who came from the cynic school. Aristippus and Diogenes; and other too who chose to practise the same mode of life, an incalculable number of men.
9. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.69, 4.253, 4.304, 7.160, 10.79, 10.247, 13.171-13.173, 13.288-13.298, 13.400, 14.41, 15.3, 15.370-15.371, 18.4-18.12, 18.15, 18.17, 18.23, 18.25, 18.116-18.119, 20.97-20.98, 20.167-20.172, 20.199-20.201 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.69. All these proved to be of good dispositions. They also inhabited the same country without dissensions, and in a happy condition, without any misfortunes falling upon them, till they died. They also were the inventors of that peculiar sort of wisdom which is concerned with the heavenly bodies, and their order. 4.253. He that desires to be divorced from his wife for any cause whatsoever, (and many such causes happen among men,) let him in writing give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any more; for by this means she may be at liberty to marry another husband, although before this bill of divorce be given, she is not to be permitted so to do: but if she be misused by him also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband would marry her again, it shall not be lawful for her to return to him. 4.304. Accordingly, he delivered these books to the priest, with the ark; into which he also put the ten commandments, written on two tables. He delivered to them the tabernacle also, and exhorted the people, that when they had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should not forget the injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them, and inflict punishment upon them for what mischief they did them when they were in the wilderness; 10.79. Moreover, this prophet denounced beforehand the sad calamities that were coming upon the city. He also left behind him in writing a description of that destruction of our nation which has lately happened in our days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he the only prophet who delivered such predictions beforehand to the multitude, but so did Ezekiel also, who was the first person that wrote, and left behind him in writing two books concerning these events. 10.247. Accordingly, the king determined so to do. Now, after a little while, both himself and the city were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken, when he had reigned seventeen years. 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 13.288. 5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed. 13.289. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. 13.291. a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said, “Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people,” 13.292. And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, “We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. “ This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him. 13.293. 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus’s, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? 13.294. for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. 13.295. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far 13.296. that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: 13.297. but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 13.298. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs. 14.41. and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. 14.41. However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things. 15.3. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited. 15.3. He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them. 15.3. for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; 15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. 18.4. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; 18.4. When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. 18.5. as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; 18.5. But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose]. 18.6. o men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; 18.6. 2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. 18.7. one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; 18.7. and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: 18.8. whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire. 18.8. while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would. 18.9. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal 18.9. 3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high priest’s vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly 18.11. 2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now. 18.11. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter. 18.12. 3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; 18.12. 3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. 18.15. on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also. 18.15. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria. 18.17. but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them. 18.17. for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners; 18.23. 6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. 18.23. Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. 18.25. And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy. 18.25. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius; 18.116. 2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist: 18.117. for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. 18.118. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late. 18.119. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God’s displeasure to him. 20.97. 1. Now it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas, persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it; 20.98. and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. 20.167. 6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness 20.168. and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. 20.169. Moreover, there came out of Egypt about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs. 20.171. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. 20.172. But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them. 20.199. But this younger Aus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified;
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.99, 1.110-1.114, 2.118-2.119, 2.122, 2.124, 2.137, 2.141-2.142, 2.160-2.162, 2.164-2.166, 2.258-2.263, 2.409, 2.433, 3.252, 4.159, 7.253 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.99. 7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidae. Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches. 1.111. Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. 1.112. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her. 1.113. 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. 1.114. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. 2.118. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders. 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.122. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. 2.124. 4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. 2.137. 7. But now, if anyone hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. 2.141. that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. 2.142. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves. 2.161. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essenes. 2.162. 14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned: the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God 2.164. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; 2.165. and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. 2.166. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews. 2.258. 4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. 2.259. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. 2.261. 5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; 2.262. these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. 2.263. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves. 2.409. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Aias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; 2.433. 8. In the meantime, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada 3.252. However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the machines employed against it, though it had been battered without intermission. However, those within covered their bodies with their armor, and raised works over against that part which was thrown down, before those machines were laid by which the Romans were to ascend into the city. 4.159. and indeed they were Gorian the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of Gamaliel, who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assembled together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody polluters of it. 7.253. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one;
11. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.43, 1.188, 2.15-2.18, 2.146, 2.165, 2.170, 2.184-2.187, 2.192, 2.194, 2.232-2.235, 2.293-2.294 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.43. For it is no new thing for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records that contain them; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 2.15. But then as to this chronological determination of the time when he says he brought the leprous people, the blind, and the lame, out of Egypt, see how well this most accurate grammarian of ours agrees with those that have written before him. 2.15. and if I be compelled to make mention of the laws of other nations, that are contrary to ours, those ought deservedly to thank themselves for it, who have pretended to depreciate our laws in comparison of their own; nor will there, I think, be any room after that for them to pretend, either that we have no such laws ourselves, an epitome of which I will present to the reader, or that we do not, above all men, continue in the observation of them. /p 2.16. Manetho says that the Jews departed out of Egypt, in the reign of Tethmosis, three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus fled to Argos; Lysimachus says it was under king Bocchoris, that is, one thousand seven hundred years ago; 2.16. When he had therefore come to such a good resolution, and had performed such wonderful exploits, we had just reason to look upon ourselves as having him for a divine governor and counsellor; and when he had first persuaded himself that his actions and designs were agreeable to God’s will, he thought it his duty to impress, above all things, that notion upon the multitude; for those who have once believed that God is the inspector of their lives, will not permit themselves in any sin; 2.17. Molo and some others determined it as every one pleased; but this Apion of ours, as deserving to be believed before them, hath determined it exactly to have been in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of that olympiad; the very same year in which he says that Carthage was built by the Phoenicians. The reason why he added this building of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as he thought, to strengthen his assertion by so evident a character of chronology. But he was not aware that this character confutes his assertion; 2.17. The reason why the constitution of this legislation was ever better directed to the utility of all than other legislations were, is this, that Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and he ordained other virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice, and fortitude, and temperance, and a universal agreement of the members of the community with one another; 2.18. for if we may give credit to the Phoenician records as to the time of the first coming of their colony to Carthage, they relate that Hirom their king was above one hundred and fifty years earlier than the building of Carthage; concerning whom I have formerly produced testimonials out of those Phoenician records 2.18. for no other people but we Jews have avoided all discourses about God that any way contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations; and this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them have taken away his providence over mankind. 2.146. for I suppose it will thence become evident that the laws we have given us are disposed after the best manner for the advancement of piety, for mutual communion with one another, for a general love of mankind, as also for justice, and for sustaining labors with fortitude, and for a contempt of death; 2.165. but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God 2.184. 22. But while we are ourselves persuaded that our law was made agreeably to the will of God, it would be impious for us not to observe the same, for what is there in it that any body would change! and what can be invented that is better! or what can we take out of other people’s laws that will exceed it? Perhaps some would have the entire settlement of our government altered. 2.185. And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself! 2.186. which priests our legislator, at their first appointment, did not advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other possessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he intrusted the principal management of divine worship to those that exceeded others in an ability to persuade men, and in prudence of conduct. 2.187. These men had the main care of the law and of the other parts of the people’s conduct committed to them; for they were the priests who were ordained to be the inspectors of all, and the judges in doubtful cases, and the punishers of those that were condemned to suffer punishment. /p 2.192. We see his works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the generations of animals, the productions of fruits. These things hath God made, not with hands, nor with labor, nor as wanting the assistance of any to cooperate with him; but as his will resolved they should be made and be good also, they were made, and became good immediately. All men ought to follow this Being, and to worship him in the exercise of virtue; for this way of worship of God is the most holy of all others. /p 2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself. 2.232. 33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say, that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no, not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems to be the severest kind of death of all others. 2.233. Now I think, those that have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. 2.234. Nor ought men to wonder at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other men are; for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in which we are instituted; I mean, working with our hands, and eating but little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every one’s pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives, in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of rest; 2.235. while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other occasions also. /p 2.293. on which account I am so bold as to say that we are become the teachers of other men, in the greatest number of things, and those of the most excellent nature only; for what is more excellent than inviolable piety? what is more just than submission to laws? 2.294. and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to condemn death when we are in war, and in peace to apply ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or to our tillage of the ground; while we in all things and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of our actions.
12. Josephus Flavius, Life, 100, 102, 104-109, 11, 110-113, 115, 118-119, 12, 122-128, 130, 132, 134-135, 138, 141-144, 146-149, 151, 153, 155-173, 175-184, 188-196, 198-228, 230, 232, 235, 250, 252, 259, 264-265, 269-279, 28, 280-289, 29, 290-299, 30, 300-303, 309, 31, 313, 318, 32, 321, 33, 331, 336-339, 34, 340-349, 35, 350-359, 36, 360-367, 37, 370, 373, 376-379, 38, 381-384, 388-389, 39, 390-399, 40, 400-409, 41, 410, 412-413, 42, 426, 43-61, 63-76, 79-81, 84-87, 91-99, 10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

13. Mishnah, Avot, 1.16 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.16. Rabban Gamaliel used to say: appoint for thyself a teacher, avoid doubt, and do not make a habit of tithing by guesswork."
14. Mishnah, Eduyot, 9.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

15. Mishnah, Peah, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

2.6. It happened that Rabbi Shimon of Mitzpah planted his field [with two different kinds] and came before Rabban Gamaliel. They both went up to the Chamber of Hewn Stone and asked [about the law]. Nahum the scribe said: I have a tradition from Rabbi Meyasha, who received it from Abba, who received it from the pairs [of sage], who received it from the prophets, a halakhah of Moses from Sinai, that one who plants his field with two species of wheat, if he makes up of it one threshing-floor, he gives only one peah, but if two threshing-floors, he gives two peahs."
16. Mishnah, Shabbat, 1.4, 6.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.4. And these are of halakhot which they stated in the upper chamber of Haiah ben Hezekiah ben Gurion, when they went up to visit him. They took a count, and Bet Shammai outnumbered Beth Hillel and on that day they enacted eighteen measures." 6.4. A man may not go out with a sword, bow, shield, club, or spear, and if he does go out, he incurs a sin-offering. Rabbi Eliezer says: they are ornaments for him. But the sages say, they are nothing but a disgrace, as it is said, “And they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more” (Isaiah 2:4). A garter is clean, and they go out [wearing] it on Shabbat. Knee-bands are unclean, and they may not go out with them on Shabbat."
17. New Testament, Acts, 5.17, 5.34, 15.5, 19.35, 23.6, 24.5-24.6, 24.14, 26.5, 28.22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5.17. But the high priest rose up, and all those who were with him (which is the sect of the Sadducees), and they were filled with jealousy 5.34. But one stood up in the council, a Pharisee named Gamaliel, a teacher of the law, honored by all the people, and commanded to take the apostles out a little while. 15.5. But some of the sect of the Pharisees who believed rose up, saying, "It is necessary to circumcise them, and to charge them to keep the law of Moses. 19.35. When the town clerk had quieted the multitude, he said, "You men of Ephesus, what man is there who doesn't know that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great goddess Artemis, and of the image which fell down from Zeus? 23.6. But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, "Men and brothers, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees. Concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am being judged! 24.5. For we have found this man to be a plague, an instigator of insurrections among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes. 24.6. He even tried to profane the temple. We arrested him. 24.14. But this I confess to you, that after the Way, which they call a sect, so I serve the God of our fathers, believing all things which are according to the law, and which are written in the prophets; 26.5. having known me from the first, if they are willing to testify, that after the strictest sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee. 28.22. But we desire to hear from you what you think. For, as concerning this sect, it is known to us that everywhere it is spoken against.
18. New Testament, Philippians, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.5. circumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews; concerning the law, a Pharisee;
19. New Testament, John, 1.35-1.51, 3.1, 7.22, 15.25, 19.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.35. Again, the next day, John was standing with two of his disciples 1.36. and he looked at Jesus as he walked, and said, "Behold, the Lamb of God! 1.37. The two disciples heard him speak, and they followed Jesus. 1.38. Jesus turned, and saw them following, and said to them, "What are you looking for?"They said to him, "Rabbi" (which is to say, being interpreted, Teacher), "where are you staying? 1.39. He said to them, "Come, and see."They came and saw where he was staying, and they stayed with him that day. It was about the tenth hour. 1.40. One of the two who heard John, and followed him, was Andrew, Simon Peter's brother. 1.41. He first found his own brother, Simon, and said to him, "We have found the Messiah!" (which is, being interpreted, Christ). 1.42. He brought him to Jesus. Jesus looked at him, and said, "You are Simon the son of Jonah. You shall be called Cephas" (which is by interpretation, Peter). 1.43. On the next day, he was determined to go out into Galilee, and he found Philip. Jesus said to him, "Follow me. 1.44. Now Philip was from Bethsaida, of the city of Andrew and Peter. 1.45. Philip found Nathanael, and said to him, "We have found him, of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets, wrote: Jesus of Nazareth, the son of Joseph. 1.46. Nathanael said to him, "Can any good thing come out of Nazareth?"Philip said to him, "Come and see. 1.47. Jesus saw Nathanael coming to him, and said about him, "Behold, an Israelite indeed, in whom is no deceit! 1.48. Nathanael said to him, "How do you know me?"Jesus answered him, "Before Philip called you, when you were under the fig tree, I saw you. 1.49. Nathanael answered him, "Rabbi, you are the Son of God! You are King of Israel! 1.50. Jesus answered him, "Because I told you, 'I saw you underneath the fig tree,' do you believe? You will see greater things than these! 1.51. He said to him, "Most assuredly, I tell you, hereafter you will see heaven opened, and the angels of God ascending and descending on the Son of Man. 3.1. Now there was a man of the Pharisees named Nicodemus, a ruler of the Jews. 7.22. Moses has given you circumcision (not that it is of Moses, but of the fathers), and on the Sabbath you circumcise a boy. 15.25. But this happened so that the word may be fulfilled which was written in their law, 'They hated me without a cause.' 19.7. The Jews answered him, "We have a law, and by our law he ought to die, because he made himself the Son of God.
20. New Testament, Luke, 7.36-7.39, 11.37-11.38, 13.15, 18.10-18.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

7.36. One of the Pharisees invited him to eat with him. He entered into the Pharisee's house, and sat at the table. 7.37. Behold, a woman in the city who was a sinner, when she knew that he was reclining in the Pharisee's house, she brought an alabaster jar of ointment. 7.38. Standing behind at his feet weeping, she began to wet his feet with her tears, and she wiped them with the hair of her head, kissed his feet, and anointed them with the ointment. 7.39. Now when the Pharisee who had invited him saw it, he said to himself, "This man, if he were a prophet, would have perceived who and what kind of woman this is who touches him, that she is a sinner. 11.37. Now as he spoke, a certain Pharisee asked him to dine with him. He went in, and sat at the table. 11.38. When the Pharisee saw it, he marveled that he had not first washed himself before dinner. 13.15. Therefore the Lord answered him, "You hypocrites! Doesn't each one of you free his ox or his donkey from the stall on the Sabbath, and lead him away to water? 18.10. Two men went up into the temple to pray; one was a Pharisee, and the other was a tax collector. 18.11. The Pharisee stood and prayed to himself like this: 'God, I thank you, that I am not like the rest of men, extortioners, unrighteous, adulterers, or even like this tax collector.
21. New Testament, Mark, 3.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him.
22. New Testament, Matthew, 12.11, 12.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.11. He said to them, "What man is there among you, who has one sheep, and if this one falls into a pit on the Sabbath day, won't he grab on to it, and lift it out? 12.14. But the Pharisees went out, and conspired against him, how they might destroy him.
23. Tosefta, Parah, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

24. Tosefta, Shabbat, 1.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

25. Tosefta, Sukkah, 2.3, 3.1, 3.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.3. The watchmen of the city who watch by day are exempt from the law of the sukkah by day, but under obligation by night; those who watch by day and by night are exempted both by day and by night. Travellers are under obligation by night, but exempted by day. Keepers of gardens and parks are exempted both by day and by night. " 3.1. The lulav suspends the Sabbath in the beginning of its duty, and the willow in the end of its duty. There is a story that some Boethusians once hid the willows under some great stones on the Sabbath eve; but when this had become known to the common people they came and dragged them out from under the stones on the Sabbath, for the Boethusians do not acknowledge that the beating of the willow suspends the Sabbath."
26. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 80 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

80. The opinion of Justin with regard to the reign of a thousand years. Several Catholics reject it Trypho: I remarked to you sir, that you are very anxious to be safe in all respects, since you cling to the Scriptures. But tell me, do you really admit that this place, Jerusalem, shall be rebuilt; and do you expect your people to be gathered together, and made joyful with Christ and the patriarchs, and the prophets, both the men of our nation, and other proselytes who joined them before your Christ came? Or have you given way, and admitted this in order to have the appearance of worsting us in the controversies? Justin: I am not so miserable a fellow, Trypho, as to say one thing and think another. I admitted to you formerly, that I and many others are of this opinion, and [believe] that such will take place, as you assuredly are aware; but, on the other hand, I signified to you that many who belong to the pure and pious faith, and are true Christians, think otherwise. Moreover, I pointed out to you that some who are called Christians, but are godless, impious heretics, teach doctrines that are in every way blasphemous, atheistical, and foolish. But that you may know that I do not say this before you alone, I shall draw up a statement, so far as I can, of all the arguments which have passed between us; in which I shall record myself as admitting the very same things which I admit to you. For I choose to follow not men or men's doctrines, but God and the doctrines [delivered] by Him. For if you have fallen in with some who are called Christians, but who do not admit this [truth], and venture to blaspheme the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob; who say there is no resurrection of the dead, and that their souls, when they die, are taken to heaven; do not imagine that they are Christians, even as one, if he would rightly consider it, would not admit that the Sadducees, or similar sects of Genistæ, Meristæ, Galilæans, Hellenists, Pharisees, Baptists, are Jews (do not hear me impatiently when I tell you what I think), but are [only] called Jews and children of Abraham, worshipping God with the lips, as God Himself declared, but the heart was far from Him. But I and others, who are right-minded Christians on all points, are assured that there will be a resurrection of the dead, and a thousand years in Jerusalem, which will then be built, adorned, and enlarged, [as] the prophets Ezekiel and Isaiah and others declare.
27. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

8a. אלו ת"ח ור"ל סבר לה כדדרש רבא (שיר השירים ח, י) אני חומה זו כנסת ישראל ושדי כמגדלות אלו בתי כנסיות ובתי מדרשות,רב נחמן בר רב חסדא רמא כרגא ארבנן א"ל רב נחמן בר יצחק עברת אדאורייתא ואדנביאי ואדכתובי,אדאורייתא דכתיב (דברים לג, ג) אף חובב עמים כל קדושיו בידך אמר משה לפני הקב"ה רבונו של עולם אפילו בשעה שאתה מחבב עמים כל קדושיו יהיו בידך והם תכו לרגלך תני רב יוסף אלו תלמידי חכמים שמכתתים רגליהם מעיר לעיר וממדינה למדינה ללמוד תורה ישא מדברותיך לישא וליתן בדבורותיו של מקום,אדנביאי דכתיב (הושע ח, י) גם כי יתנו בגוים עתה אקבצם ויחלו מעט ממשא מלך ושרים אמר עולא פסוק זה בלשון ארמית נאמר אי תנו כולהו עתה אקבצם ואם מעט מהם יחלו ממשא מלך ושרים,אדכתובי דכתיב (עזרא ז, כד) מנדה בלו והלך לא שליט למרמא עליהם ואמר רב יהודה מנדה זו מנת המלך בלו זו כסף גולגלתא והלך זו ארנונא,רב פפא רמא כריא חדתא איתמי א"ל רב שישא בריה דרב אידי לרב פפא ודילמא לא מידויל אמר ליה מישקל שקילנא מנייהו אי מידויל מידויל ואי לא מהדרנא לה ניהלייהו,אמר רב יהודה הכל לאגלי גפא אפילו מיתמי אבל רבנן לא צריכי נטירותא הכל לכריא פתיא אפילו מרבנן ולא אמרן אלא דלא נפקי באכלוזא אבל נפקי באכלוזא רבנן לאו בני מיפק באכלוזא נינהו:,רבי פתח אוצרות בשני בצורת אמר יכנסו בעלי מקרא בעלי משנה בעלי גמרא בעלי הלכה בעלי הגדה אבל עמי הארץ אל יכנסו דחק רבי יונתן בן עמרם ונכנס אמר לו רבי פרנסני אמר לו בני קרית אמר לו לאו שנית אמר לו לאו אם כן במה אפרנסך [אמר לו] פרנסני ככלב וכעורב פרנסיה,בתר דנפק יתיב רבי וקא מצטער ואמר אוי לי שנתתי פתי לעם הארץ אמר לפניו ר' שמעון בר רבי שמא יונתן בן עמרם תלמידך הוא שאינו רוצה ליהנות מכבוד תורה מימיו בדקו ואשכח אמר רבי יכנסו הכל,רבי לטעמיה דאמר רבי אין פורענות בא לעולם אלא בשביל עמי הארץ כההוא דמי כלילא דשדו אטבריא אתו לקמיה דרבי ואמרו ליה ליתבו רבנן בהדן אמר להו לא אמרו ליה ערוקינן [אמר להו] ערוקו ערקו פלגיהון דליוה פלגא,אתו הנהו פלגא קמי דרבי א"ל ליתבו רבנן בהדן אמר להו לא ערוקינן ערוקו ערקו כולהו פש ההוא כובס שדיוה אכובס ערק כובס פקע כלילא א"ר ראיתם שאין פורענות בא לעולם אלא בשביל עמי הארץ:,וכמה יהא בעיר ויהא כאנשי העיר וכו': ורמינהי החמרת והגמלת העוברת ממקום למקום ולנה בתוכה והודחה עמהן הן בסקילה וממונן פלט,ואם נשתהו שם שלשים יום הן בסייף וממונן אבד,אמר רבא לא קשיא הא לבני מתא הא ליתובי מתא כדתניא המודר הנאה מאנשי העיר כל שנשתהא שם שנים עשר חדש אסור ליהנות ממנו פחות מכאן מותר מיושבי העיר כל שנשתהא שם שלשים יום אסור ליהנות ממנו פחות מכאן מותר ליהנות ממנו,ולכל מילי מי בעינן י"ב חדש והתניא שלשים יום לתמחוי שלשה חדשים לקופה ששה לכסות תשעה לקבורה שנים עשר לפסי העיר אמר ר' אסי אמר ר' יוחנן כי תנן נמי מתניתין שנים עשר חדש לפסי העיר תנן:,וא"ר אסי אמר ר' יוחנן הכל לפסי העיר ואפי' מיתמי אבל רבנן לא דרבנן לא צריכי נטירותא אמר רב פפא לשורא ולפרשאה ולטרזינא אפילו מיתמי אבל רבנן לא צריכי נטירותא כללא דמילתא כל מילתא דאית להו הנאה מיניה אפילו מיתמי,רבה רמא צדקה איתמי דבי בר מריון א"ל אביי והתני רב שמואל בר יהודה אין פוסקין צדקה על היתומים אפילו לפדיון שבוים אמר ליה אנא לאחשובינהו קא עבידנא,איפרא הורמיז אימיה דשבור מלכא שדרה ארנקא דדינרי לקמיה דרב יוסף אמרה ליהוי למצוה רבה יתיב רב יוסף וקא מעיין בה מאי מצוה רבה א"ל אביי מדתני רב שמואל בר יהודה אין פוסקין צדקה על היתומים אפילו לפדיון שבוים שמע מינה 8a. bthese are Torah scholars,and towers do not require additional protection? The Gemara comments: bAnd Reish Lakish,who did not cite this verse, bholdsin accordance with the way that bRava expoundedthe verse: b“I am a wall”; thisis referring to bthe Congregation of Israel. “And my breasts are like towers”; these are the synagogues and study halls. /b,It is similarly related that bRav Naḥman bar Rav Ḥisdaonce bim-posedpayment of bthepoll btax [ ikarga /i]even bon the Sages. Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said to him: You have transgressedthe words of bthe Torah, the Prophets, and the Writings. /b,You have transgressed the words of bthe Torah, as it is written: “Even when He loves the peoples, all His holy ones are in Your hand”(Deuteronomy 33:3), which is understood to mean that bMoses said to the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, even when You hold theother bnations dearand grant them dominion over Israel, let b“all His holy ones,”meaning the Torah scholars, bbeexclusively bin Your handand free from the authority of the nations, and therefore be exempt from pay-ing taxes. The continuation of that verse can also be understood as referring to Torah scholars, as it states: b“And they sit [ itukku /i] at Your feet,receiving Your words” (Deuteronomy 33:3), and bRav Yosef teaches: These are Torah scholars who pound [ imekhatetim /i] their feet from city to city and from country to country to study Torah; “receiving [ iyissa /i] Your words,” to discuss [ ilissa velitten /i] the utterances of God. /b,And you have transgressed the words of bthe Prophets, as it is written: “Though they have hired lovers [ iyitnu /i] among the nations, now I will gather them, and they will begin to be diminished by reason of the burden of kings and princes”(Hosea 8:10). With regard to this verse, bUlla says:Part of bthis verse is stated in the Aramaic language;the word iyitnushould be understood here in its Aramaic sense: To learn. And the verse should be interpreted as follows: bIf allof Israel blearnsTorah, bI will gather themalready bnow; and ifonly ba few of themlearn Torah, bthey will be excused from the burdenimposed bby kings and princes.This indicates that those who study Torah should not be subject to paying taxes.,And furthermore, you have transgressed the words of bthe Writings, as it is written: “It shall not be lawful to impose tribute, impost or toll upon them”(Ezra 7:24), i.e., upon the priests and Levites who serve in the Temple. This ihalakhawould apply to Torah scholars as well. bAnd Rav Yehuda says: “Tribute”; thisis referring to bthe king’s portion,a tax given to the king. b“Impost”; thisis referring to bthe head tax. “Toll”; thisis referring to ba tax [ iarnona /i]paid with property that was imposed from time to time.,It is related that bRav Pappaonce bimposeda tax for bthe digging of a newcistern even bon orphans. Rav Sheisha, son of Rav Idi, said to Rav Pappa: Perhapsthey will dig, but in the end bthey will not drawany bwaterfrom there, and it will turn out that the money will have been spent for nothing. The rest of the townspeople can relinquish their rights to their money, but orphans who are minors cannot do so. Rav Pappa bsaid to him: I shall collectmoney bfromthe orphans; bif they drawwater, btheywill bdrawwater, band if not, I will returnthe money btothe orphans., bRav Yehuda says: Allof the city’s residents must contribute btothe building and upkeep of bthe city gates [ ile’aglei gappa /i],and for this purpose money is collected beven from orphans. But the Sages do not require protectionand are therefore exempt from this payment. bAllof the city’s residents must contribute bto the digging of cisterns [ ilekarya patya /i],and for this purpose money is collected beven from the Sages,since they too need water. The Gemara comments: bAnd we saidthis bonly whenthe people are bnotrequired to bgo out en masse [ ibe’akhluza /i]and do the actual digging, but are obligated merely to contribute money for that purpose. bBut ifthe people are required to bgo out en masseand actually dig, bthe Sagesare bnotexpected to bgo outwith them ben masse,but rather they are exempt from such labor.,It is related that bRabbiYehuda HaNasi once bopenedhis bstorehousesto distribute food bduring years of drought. He said: Masters of Bible, masters of Mishna, masters of Talmud, masters of ihalakha /i, masters of iaggadamay enterand receive food from me, bbut ignoramuses should not enter. Rabbi Yonatan ben Amram,whom Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi did not know, bpushedhis way in, band entered,and bsaid to him: RabbiYehuda HaNasi, bsustain me.Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi bsaid to him: My son, have you readthe Bible? Rabbi Yonatan ben Amram bsaid to him,out of modesty: bNo.Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi continued: bHave you studiedMishna? Once again, Rabbi Yonatan ben Amram bsaid to him: No.Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi then asked him: bIf so, by whatmerit bshould I sustain you?Rabbi Yonatan ben Amram bsaid to him: Sustain me like a dog and like a raven,who are given food even though they have not learned anything. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi was moved by his words and bfed him. /b, bAfterRabbi Yonatan bleft, RabbiYehuda HaNasi bsat, and was distressed, and said: Woe is me, that I have given my bread to an ignoramus.His son, bRabbi Shimon bar RabbiYehuda HaNasi, bsaid to him: Perhaps he was your disciple Yonatan ben Amram, who never in his life wanted tomaterially bbenefit from the honorshown to the bTorah? They investigatedthe matter band foundthat such was the case. bRabbiYehuda HaNasi then bsaid: Let everyone enter,as there may also be others who hide the fact that they are true Torah scholars.,Commenting on Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi’s opinion, the Gemara notes that bRabbiYehuda HaNasi conformed bto hisstandard line of breasoning,as bRabbiYehuda HaNasi bsays: Suffering comes to the world only due to ignoramuses.This is blikethe incident of bthe crown tax [ ikelila /i] that was imposed onthe residents of the city of bTiberias.The heads of the city bcame before RabbiYehuda HaNasi band said to him: The Sages should contributealong bwith us.Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi bsaid to them: No,the Sages are exempt. bThey said to him:Then bwe will run awayand the entire burden will fall on the Torah scholars. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi bsaid to them: Run awayas you please. bHalfof the city’s residents bran away.The authorities then bwaived halfthe sum that they had initially imposed on the city., bThe halfof the population that remained in the city then bcame before RabbiYehuda HaNasi, and bsaid to him: The Sages should contributealong bwith us.Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi bsaid to them: No,the Sages are exempt. They said to him: Then bwetoo bwill run away.Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to them: bRun awayas you please. bThey all ran away,so that only bone launderer was leftin the city. The authorities bimposedthe entire tax bon the launderer. The laundererthen bran awayas well. bThe crown tax wasthen bcanceledin its entirety. bRabbiYehuda HaNasi bsaid: You seefrom this bthat suffering comes to the world only due to ignoramuses,for as soon as they all fled from the city, the crown tax was completely canceled.,§ The mishna teaches: bAnd how longmust one live bin the city to beconsidered blikeone of bthe people of the city?Twelve months. bAnd we raise a contradictionfrom what is taught in a ibaraita /i: In the case of ba donkey caravan or a camel caravan that was journeying from place to place, and it lodged insidean idolatrous city, band itsmembers bwere led astrayalong bwiththe other residents of the city, and they too engaged in idol worship, bthey,the members of the caravan, are liable to death bby stoninglike ordinary individual idolaters, band their property escapesdestruction, i.e., they are not treated like the residents of an idolatrous city, who are liable to death by the sword and whose property is destroyed.,The ibaraitacontinues: bAnd ifthe caravan members bhad remainedin that city for bthirty days, theyare liable to death bby the sword and their property is destroyed,just as it is for the rest of the residents of the city. This seems to indicate that once an individual has lived in a city for thirty days, he is already considered one of its residents., bRava said:This is bnot difficult. Thisperiod, i.e., twelve months, is required in order to be considered one of the bmembers of the city;and bthatperiod, i.e., thirty days, suffices in order to be considered one of the bresidents of the city. As it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bOne who is prohibited by a vow from deriving benefit from the people of aparticular bcityis bprohibited from deriving benefit from anyone who has stayed therefor btwelve months,but it is permitted for him to derive benefit from anyone who has stayed there for blesstime bthan that.By contrast, if he prohibited himself by way of a vow from deriving benefit bfrom the residents of aparticular bcity,he is bprohibited from deriving benefit from anyone who has stayed therefor bthirty days,but bit is permitted for him to derive benefit fromanyone who has stayed there for blesstime bthan that. /b,The Gemara asks: bAnd do we requirethat one live in a city for btwelve months for all matters? But isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: If one lives in city for bthirty days,he must contribute btothe bcharity platterfrom which food is distributed to the poor. If he lives there for bthree months,he must contribute btothe charity bbox.If he lives there for bsixmonths, he must contribute btothe bclothingfund. If he lives there for bninemonths, he must contribute btothe bburialfund. If he lives there for btwelvemonths, he must contribute btothe bcolumns of the city [ ilepassei ha’ir /i],i.e., for the construction of a security fence. bRabbi Asi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: When we learned twelve months in the mishna, we learnedthat with regard to contributing btothe bcolumns of the city,money used for protecting and strengthening the city, but not for other matters., bAnd Rabbi Asi saysthat bRabbi Yoḥa says: Allare required to contribute btothe bcolumns of the city, andmoney is collected for that purpose beven from orphans. But the Sagesare bnotrequired to contribute, bsince the Sages do not need protection. Rav Pappa said:Money is collected beven from orphans for thecity bwall, for thecity bhorseman, and for the guard [ iuletarzina /i]of the city armory, bbut the Sages do not require protection. The principle of the matteris: Money is collected beven from orphansfor banything from which theyderive bbenefit. /b,It is reported that bRabba imposeda contribution to a certain bcharity on the orphans of the house of bar Maryon. Abaye said to him: But didn’t Rav Shmuel bar Yehuda teach: One does not impose a charityobligation bon orphans even forthe sake of bredeeming captives,since they are minors and are not obligated in the mitzvot? Rabba bsaid to him: I did this to elevate themin standing, i.e., so that people should honor them as generous benefactors; not in order that the poor should benefit.,Incidental to this story, the Gemara relates that bIfera Hurmiz, the mother of King Shapur,king of Persia, bsent a purse [ iarneka /i]full bof dinars to Rav Yosef. She saidto him: bLetthe money be used bfor a great mitzva. Rav Yosef sat and consideredthe question: bWhatdid Ifera Hurmiz mean when she attached a condition to the gift, saying that it should be used for ba great mitzva? Abaye said to him: From what Rav Shmuel bar Yehuda taught,that bone does not impose a charityobligation bon orphans even forthe sake of bredeeming captives, learn from this /b
28. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

13b. (דברים ו, ו) אשר אנכי מצוך היום על לבבך מכאן אתה למד שכל הפרשה כולה צריכה כוונה,אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר ר' יוחנן הלכה כר"ע,איכא דמתני לה אהא דתניא הקורא את שמע צריך שיכוין את לבו ר' אחא משום ר' יהודה אומר כיון שכוון לבו בפרק ראשון שוב אינו צריך אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר ר' יוחנן הלכה כר' אחא שאמר משום ר' יהודה,תניא אידך והיו שלא יקרא למפרע על לבבך ר' זוטרא אומר עד כאן מצות כוונה מכאן ואילך מצות קריאה רבי יאשיה אומר עד כאן מצות קריאה מכאן ואילך מצות כוונה,מ"ש מכאן ואילך מצות קריאה דכתיב לדבר בם הכא נמי הא כתיב ודברת בם,ה"ק עד כאן מצות כוונה וקריאה מכאן ואילך קריאה בלא כוונה,ומאי שנא עד כאן מצות כוונה וקריאה דכתיב על לבבך ודברת בם התם נמי הא כתיב על לבבכם לדבר בם,ההוא מבעי ליה לכדרבי יצחק דאמר (דברים יא, יח) ושמתם את דברי אלה צריכה שתהא שימה כנגד הלב:,אמר מר ר' יאשיה אומר עד כאן מצות קריאה מכאן ואילך מצות כוונה מ"ש מכאן ואילך מצות כוונה משום דכתיב על לבבכם הכא נמי הא כתיב על לבבך,ה"ק עד כאן מצות קריאה וכוונה מכאן ואילך כוונה בלא קריאה,ומ"ש עד כאן מצות קריאה וכוונה דכתיב על לבבך ודברת בם התם נמי הא כתיב על לבבכם לדבר בם,ההוא בדברי תורה כתיב וה"ק רחמנא אגמירו בנייכו תורה כי היכי דליגרסו בהו:,ת"ר (דברים ו, ד) שמע ישראל ה' אלהינו ה' אחד עד כאן צריכה כוונת הלב דברי ר"מ אמר רבא הלכה כר"מ,תניא סומכוס אומר כל המאריך באחד מאריכין לו ימיו ושנותיו אמר רב אחא בר יעקב ובדלי"ת אמר רב אשי ובלבד שלא יחטוף בחי"ת,ר' ירמיה הוה יתיב קמיה דר' [חייא בר אבא] חזייה דהוה מאריך טובא א"ל כיון דאמליכתיה למעלה ולמטה ולארבע רוחות השמים תו לא צריכת:,אמר רב נתן בר מר עוקבא אמר רב יהודה על לבבך בעמידה על לבבך סלקא דעתך אלא אימא עד על לבבך בעמידה מכאן ואילך לא ורבי יוחנן אמר כל הפרשה כולה בעמידה,ואזדא ר' יוחנן לטעמיה דאמר רבה בר בר חנה א"ר יוחנן הלכה כר' אחא שאמר משום ר' יהודה:,ת"ר שמע ישראל ה' אלהינו ה' אחד זו ק"ש של ר' יהודה הנשיא א"ל רב לר' חייא לא חזינא ליה לרבי דמקבל עליה מלכות שמים אמר ליה בר פחתי בשעה שמעביר ידיו על פניו מקבל עליו עול מלכות שמים,חוזר וגומרה או אינו חוזר וגומרה בר קפרא אומר אינו חוזר וגומרה רבי שמעון ברבי אומר חוזר וגומרה א"ל בר קפרא לר"ש ברבי בשלמא לדידי דאמינא אינו חוזר וגומרה היינו דמהדר רבי אשמעתא דאית בה יציאת מצרים אלא לדידך דאמרת חוזר וגומרה למה ליה לאהדורי,כדי להזכיר יציאת מצרים בזמנה,אמר ר' אילא בריה דרב שמואל בר מרתא משמיה דרב אמר שמע ישראל ה' אלהינו ה' אחד ונאנס בשינה יצא אמר ליה רב נחמן לדרו עבדיה בפסוקא קמא צערן טפי לא תצערן אמר ליה רב יוסף לרב יוסף בריה דרבה אבוך היכי הוה עביד אמר ליה בפסוקא קמא הוה קא מצער נפשיה טפי לא הוה מצער נפשיה,אמר רב יוסף פרקדן לא יקרא קריאת שמע מקרא הוא דלא ליקרי הא מיגנא שפיר דמי והא רבי יהושע בן לוי לייט אמאן דגני אפרקיד,אמרי מיגנא כי מצלי שפיר דמי מקרא אע"ג דמצלי נמי אסור,והא ר' יוחנן מצלי וקרי,שאני ר' יוחנן דבעל בשר הוה:,ובפרקים שואל וכו',משיב מחמת מאי אילימא מפני הכבוד השתא משאל שאיל אהדורי מבעיא אלא שואל מפני הכבוד ומשיב שלום לכל אדם אימא סיפא ובאמצע שואל מפני היראה ומשיב,משיב מחמת מאי אילימא מפני היראה השתא משאל שאיל אהדורי מבעיא אלא מפני הכבוד היינו דר"י דתנן ר"י אומר באמצע שואל מפני היראה ומשיב מפני הכבוד ובפרקים שואל מפני הכבוד ומשיב שלום לכל אדם,חסורי מחסרא והכי קתני בפרקים שואל מפני הכבוד ואין צריך לומר שהוא משיב ובאמצע שואל מפני היראה ואין צריך לומר שהוא משיב דברי ר"מ רבי יהודה אומר באמצע שואל מפני היראה ומשיב מפני הכבוד 13b. b“Which I command you this day, will be upon your heart.”Surely the word these, does not come to limit the mitzva of intent. On the contrary, bfrom here you derive that the entire portion requires intent. /b, bRabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: The ihalakhais in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Akiva;the entire portion requires intent., bSome teach this ihalakhastated by Rabbi Yoḥa bwith regard to that which was taughtin a iTosefta /i, where there is a tannaitic dispute. The first itannaholds: bOne who recites iShemamust focus his heartfor the entire iShema /i. bRabbi Aḥa says in the name of Rabbi Yehuda: Once he focused his heart for the first paragraphalone, bhe no longer requiresintent. With regard to this iTosefta /i, bRabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: The ihalakhais in accordance with Rabbi Aḥa who said in the name of Rabbi Yehuda.While this differs from the previous version in form, it arrives at the same conclusion., bIt was taughtin banother ibaraitaon this subject, which cited different opinions. From: bAnd they will be,recited in iShema /i, it is derived that bit may not be recited out of order.From: bUpon your heart, Rav Zutra says: To this point,there is bthe mitzva of intent; from here on,beginning with the second paragraph, there is only bthe mitzva of recitation. Rabbi Yoshiya saysthat it means the opposite: bTo this point,there is bthe mitzva of recitation; from here onthere is only bthe mitzva of intent. /b,At first the Gemara understands that Rav Zutra required recitation only in the second paragraph, while in the first paragraph only intent was required. Therefore, the Gemara asks: bWhat is different,that bfrom here on,beginning with the second paragraph, there is bthe mitzva of recitation?Is it because bit is written:“And you shall teach them to your children, bto speak of them”(Deuteronomy 11:19)? This is no proof, as bhere too,in the first paragraph bit is written: “And you shall speak of them.”The mitzva of recitation applies to the first paragraph as well.,Rather, bhe is saying as follows: To this pointthere is bthe mitzva ofboth bintent and recitation,but bfrom here on,there is only the mitzva of brecitation without intent. /b,Again the Gemara asks: According to Rav Zutra, bwhat is different,that bto this point,in the first paragraph, there is bthe mitzva ofboth bintent and recitationbecause there are two requirements in the first paragraph, bas it is written: “Upon your heart…and you shall speak of them”? There, too,in the second paragraph bit is also written: “And you shall place these words upon your heart…to speak of them,”indicating that intent is also required in that paragraph.,The Gemara responds: bThat verse is necessary to derivethat which was taught by bRabbi Yitzḥak, who said: “And you shall place these words”refers literally to the paragraphs of iShemafound in the phylacteries. The verse teaches bthat the placementof the phylacteries of the arm bmust be opposite the heart. /b,The Gemara now attempts to clarify the second opinion in the ibaraita /i. bThe Master said, Rabbi Yoshiya says: To this pointat the end of the first paragraph, there is bthe mitzva of recitation; from here onthere is bthe mitzva of intent.The Gemara asks: bWhat is different,that bfrom here on,beginning with the second paragraph, there is bthe mitzva of intent?Is it bbecause it is writtenin the second paragraph: “And you shall place these words bupon your heart”?That is no proof, as bhere too,in the first paragraph bit is written: “Upon your heart.” /b,The Gemara responds that bhe is saying as follows: To this point,there is bthe mitzva ofboth brecitation and intent,but bfrom here on,there is only the mitzva of bintent without recitation. /b,The Gemara continues: bAnd what is different,that bto this point,in the first paragraph, there is bthe mitzva of recitation and intentbecause there are two requirements, bas it is written: Upon your heartas well as: bAnd you shall speak of them? There, too,with regard to the second paragraph bisn’t it written:And you shall place these words bupon your heart /b…and you shall teach them to your children, bto speak of them? /b,Rabbi Yoshiya responded: bThatverse refers to bTorah studyin general, not to the recitation of iShemain particular. bAnd the Torah says the following: Teach your children Torah, that they will be well-versed in them. /b, bThe Sages taughtin another ibaraitawith regard to one who recites iShemaand utters the verse, b“Hear, Israel, the Lord is our God, the Lord is One.” Intent of the heart isonly brequired to this point.This is bthe statement of Rabbi Meir. Rava said:In this matter, bthe ihalakhais in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Meir. /b, bIt was taughtin a ibaraita /i, bSumakhos says: One who extendshis intonation bofthe word bOne [ ieḥad /i]while reciting iShema /i, is rewarded that bhis days and years are extended. Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov said:This is only true if he extends btheletter idalet /i,so the word ieḥadis sounded in its entirety. bRav Ashi said:This is bonly so long as one does notpronounce the letter iḥethurriedly. /b,The Gemara relates that bRabbi Yirmeya was seated before Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba. He saw that he was greatly extendinghis pronunciation of ieḥad /i. bHe said to him: Once you have crowned Himin your thoughts bovereverything babove,in Heaven, bbelow,on earth, band in the four corners of the heavens, you need notextend any bfurther. /b, bRav Natan bar Mar Ukva saidthat bRav Yehuda said:One must recite bupon your heart, while standingin one place. The Gemara is perplexed: bDoes it enter your mindthat bupon your heartalone must be recited while standing in one place? What distinguishes that phrase from the rest of iShema /i? bRather, say:One must recite buntil upon your heartwhile bstandingin one place. bFrom here on,one need bnotstand in one place. bRabbi Yoḥa said:One must recite bthe entirefirst bportionwhile bstandingin one place.,The Gemara notes: bRabbi Yoḥais consistent band follows his reasoningexpressed elsewhere, as bRabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: The ihalakhais in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Aḥa who said in the name of Rabbi Yehuda;one is required to recite the entire first paragraph of iShemawith intent., bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraita /i: The single verse, b“Hear, Israel, the Lord is our God, the Lord is One”; this is Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi’s recitation of iShema /i.The Gemara relates: bRav said tohis uncle, bRabbi Ḥiyya: I did not see RabbiYehuda HaNasi baccept the kingship of Heaven upon himself,meaning that he did not see him recite iShema /i. Rabbi Ḥiyya bsaid to him: Son of noblemen [ ibar paḥtei/b], bwhenRabbi Yehuda HaNasi bpassed his hands over his facein the study hall in the middle of his lesson, bhe accepted the yoke of the kingdom of Heaven upon himself,as his iShemawas comprised of a single verse.,Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi’s students and members of his household disputed: bDoes he complete iShema blater or does he not complete it later? Bar Kappara says: He does not complete it later. Rabbi Shimon, son of RabbiYehuda HaNasi, bsays: He completes it later. Bar Kappara said to Rabbi Shimon, son of RabbiYehuda HaNasi: bGranted, according to myposition, bthat I say thatRabbi Yehuda HaNasi bdoes not complete iShema blater, that is whywhen he taught, bRabbiYehuda HaNasi would specifically bseek a topic that included the exodus from Egypt,as by so doing he fulfills the mitzva to remember the Exodus; a mitzva that others fulfill in their recitation of the last paragraph of iShema /i. bBut according to you, who says that he completeshis recitation of iShema blater, why,when he teaches, bwouldhe specifically bseeka topic that included the exodus from Egypt?,Rabbi Shimon responded: Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi did so bin order to mention the exodus from Egypt at itsappointed btime,during the time of the recitation of iShema /i.,Based on this ihalakha /i, bRabbi Ila, son of Rav Shmuel bar Marta, said in the name of Rav: One who recitedthe verse, b“Hear, Israel, the Lord is our God, the Lord is One,” and wasimmediately bovercome by sleep, fulfilledhis obligation to recite iShema /i. Similarly, bRav Naḥman said to his slave, Daru:If you see that I have fallen asleep, bbother meto recite bthe first verse, do not bother meto recite any bmorethan that. Similarly, bRav Yosef said to Rav Yosef, son of Rabba: What would your father do?Rav Yosef, son of Rabba, bsaid to him: He would exert himselfnot to fall asleep in order to recite bthe first verse, he would not exert himselfto recite any bmorethan that., bRav Yosef said: One who is lying [ iperakdan /i] on his back may not recite iShema /i,for lying that way is unbecoming. The Gemara asks: Is that to say that bone may not recite iShemain this position, bbut tosleep blyingin that position bis permissible? Didn’t Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi curse one whosleeps blying on his back? /b,The Gemara answers: bIf onelies on his back bwhile leaningslightly to the side, bit is permissible.Nonetheless, bto recite iShemain this position, beven though he is leaning, is prohibited. /b,The Gemara asks: bWouldn’t Rabbi Yoḥalie on his back, bleanslightly band recite iShema /i?,The Gemara responds: The case of bRabbi Yoḥa is different,because bhe was corpulentand it was difficult for him to read any other way.,The mishna cited Rabbi Meir’s statement: bAt thebreaks between bparagraphs, one may greetan individual due to the respect that he is obligated to show him, and may respond. And in the middle of each paragraph, one may greet an individual due to the fear that the individual may harm him if he fails do so, and may respond.,About this, the Gemara asks: He may brespond due to whatcircumstance? bIf you saythat one may respond bdue to respect; now thatwe learned that bone may greetanother due to respect, bis it necessaryto say that bone may responddue to respect? bRather,it must be explained as follows: bOne may greet due to respect and respond with a greeting to any person.But if that is the case, bsay the latter clauseof the mishna: bIn the middleof each paragraph bone may greet due to fear and returnanother’s greeting due to fear.,Here too, it must be clarified: He may brespond due to whatcircumstance? bIf you saythat one may respond bdue to fear; now thatwe have learned that bone may greetanother due to fear, bis it necessaryto say that bone may responddue to fear? bRather,it must mean that one may respond to another’s greeting even bdue to honor.If so, bthat isidentical to the opinion of bRabbi Yehuda, as we learnedin the mishna: bIn the middleof each paragraph, bone may greetanother bdue to fear and respond due to respect. At thebreaks between bparagraphs, one may greetanother bdue to respect and respond with a greeting to any person.If so, what is the dispute between them?,The Gemara says: The mishna bis incomplete;it is missing an important element, band it teaches the following: At thebreaks between the bparagraphs, one may greet due to respect, and, needless to say, he may responddue to respect. bIn the middleof each paragraph bone may greet due to fear, and, needless to say, he may responddue to fear. This is the bstatement of Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yehuda says: In the middleof each paragraph bone may greet due to fear and respond due to respect. /b
29. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

66a. שורך נרבע והלה שותק נאמן ותנא תונא ושנעבדה בו עבירה ושהמית על פי עד אחד או ע"פ הבעלים נאמן האי ע"פ עד אחד היכי דמי אי דקא מודו בעלים היינו ע"פ הבעלים אלא לאו דשתיק,וצריכא דאי אשמעינן הך קמייתא אי לאו דקים ליה בנפשיה דעבד חולין בעזרה לא הוה מייתי,אבל נטמאו טהרותיך מימר אמרינן האי דשתיק דסבר חזי ליה בימי טומאתו,ואי אשמעינן הא משום דקא מפסיד ליה בימי טהרתו אבל שורו נרבע מימר אמר כל השוורים לאו לגבי מזבח קיימי צריכא,איבעיא להו אשתו זינתה בעד אחד ושותק מהו אמר אביי נאמן רבא אמר אינו נאמן הוי דבר שבערוה ואין דבר שבערוה פחות משנים,אמר אביי מנא אמינא לה דההוא סמיא דהוה מסדר מתנייתא קמיה דמר שמואל יומא חד נגה ליה ולא הוה קאתי שדר שליחא אבתריה אדאזיל שליח בחדא אורחא אתא איהו בחדא כי אתא שליח אמר אשתו זינתה אתא לקמיה דמר שמואל א"ל אי מהימן לך זיל אפקה ואי לא לא תפיק,מאי לאו אי מהימן עלך דלאו גזלנא הוא ורבא אי מהימן לך כבי תרי זיל אפקה ואי לא לא תפקה,ואמר אביי מנא אמינא לה דתניא מעשה בינאי המלך שהלך לכוחלית שבמדבר וכיבש שם ששים כרכים ובחזרתו היה שמח שמחה גדולה וקרא לכל חכמי ישראל אמר להם אבותינו היו אוכלים מלוחים בזמן שהיו עסוקים בבנין בית המקדש אף אנו נאכל מלוחים זכר לאבותינו והעלו מלוחים על שולחנות של זהב ואכלו,והיה שם אחד איש לץ לב רע ובליעל ואלעזר בן פועירה שמו ויאמר אלעזר בן פועירה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך לבם של פרושים עליך ומה אעשה הקם להם בציץ שבין עיניך הקים להם בציץ שבין עיניו,היה שם זקן אחד ויהודה בן גדידיה שמו ויאמר יהודה בן גדידיה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך רב לך כתר מלכות הנח כתר כהונה לזרעו של אהרן שהיו אומרים אמו נשבית במודיעים ויבוקש הדבר ולא נמצא ויבדלו חכמי ישראל בזעם,ויאמר אלעזר בן פועירה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך הדיוט שבישראל כך הוא דינו ואתה מלך וכהן גדול כך הוא דינך ומה אעשה אם אתה שומע לעצתי רומסם ותורה מה תהא עליה הרי כרוכה ומונחת בקרן זוית כל הרוצה ללמוד יבוא וילמוד,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מיד נזרקה בו אפיקורסות דהוה ליה למימר תינח תורה שבכתב תורה שבעל פה מאי מיד ותוצץ הרעה על ידי אלעזר בן פועירה ויהרגו כל חכמי ישראל והיה העולם משתומם עד שבא שמעון בן שטח והחזיר את התורה ליושנה,היכי דמי אילימא דבי תרי אמרי אישתבאי ובי תרי אמרי לא אישתבאי מאי חזית דסמכת אהני סמוך אהני,אלא בעד אחד וטעמא דקא מכחשי ליה בי תרי הא לאו הכי מהימן,ורבא לעולם תרי ותרי וכדאמר רב אחא בר רב מניומי בעדי הזמה הכא נמי בעדי הזמה,ואיבעית אימא כדרבי יצחק דאמר רבי יצחק שפחה הכניסו תחתיה,אמר רבא 66a. bYour ox was usedby a man bfor an act of bestialityand is therefore unfit for an offering, band the other,the owner of the ox, bis silent,the witness is bdeemed credible. And the itanna /iof the mishna also btaught( iBekhorot41a): bAndwith regard to an animal bthat was used for a transgressionor bthat killed,if this is attested to bby one witness or by the owner,he is bdeemed credible.The Gemara clarifies this case: bWhat are the circumstancesof bthiscase of the mishna, where the knowledge is established bby one witness? If the owner admitsto the claim, bthis isthe same as: bBy the owner. Rather, is it notreferring to a case bwherethe owner remains bsilent? /b,The Gemara comments: bAndeach of these statements of Abaye is bnecessary. As, had he taught usonly bthat firstcase, where the witness said someone ate forbidden fat, one might have said that he is deemed credible for the following reason: bWere it notfor the fact bthat he himselfwas bconvinced that he had committeda transgression, bhe would notcommit the transgression of bbringing a non-sacredanimal btothe Temple bcourtyardon the basis of the testimony of one witness. Consequently, his silence is evidently an admission., bButif the witness said: bYour ritually purefoods bwere rendered ritually impure,and the accused was silent, bwe would say:The reason bthathe is bsilentand refrains from denying the claim is bthat he thinkshe is not suffering any significant loss, as the food bis fit for himto eat bon his days of ritual impurity,because he is not required to destroy ritually impure foods., bAnd hadAbaye btaught usonly the case of: Your ritually pure food was rendered ritually impure, one might have said that the reason bthiswitness is deemed credible is bthat he causes him a loss on his days of ritual impurity,and therefore his silence is tantamount to a confession. bButin the case of: bHis ox was usedby a man bfor an act of bestiality,the owner of the ox bcan saywith regard to his animal: bNot all the oxen standready to be sacrificed basan offering on the baltar.Perhaps one would think that the owner does not bother denying the claim because he merely forfeits the possibility of sacrificing his ox as an offering, which he considers an inconsequential matter. It is only if there were two witnesses to the act that the animal is put to death, whereas here there was only one witness. It is therefore bnecessaryfor Abaye to specify all these cases.,§ bA dilemma was raised beforethe Sages: If a husband is told bby one witnessthat bhis wife committed adultery, andthe husband remains bsilent, what isthe ihalakha /i? bAbaye said:The witness is bdeemed credible. Rava said: He is not deemed credible.Why not? Because bit is a matter involving forbidden relations, and there is no matterof testimony bfor forbidden sexual relationsthat can be attested to by bfewer than twowitnesses., bAbaye said: From where do I saythis claim of mine? It happened bthatthere was ba certain blind man who would review imishnayotbefore Mar Shmuel. One daythe blind man bwas late for him and was not arriving.Mar Shmuel bsent a messenger after himto assist him. bWhilethe bmessenger was goingto the blind man’s house bby one way,the blind man barrivedat the house of study bby a differentroute, and therefore the messenger missed him and reached his house. bWhenthe bmessenger cameback, bhe saidthat he had been to the blind man’s house and saw that bhis wife committed adultery.The blind man bcame before Mar Shmuelto inquire whether he must pay heed to this testimony. Mar Shmuel bsaid to him: Ifthis messenger bis trusted by you, goand bdivorce her, but if not, do not divorceher.,Abaye comments: bWhat, is it notcorrect to say that this means that bif he is trusted by you that he is not a thiefbut is a valid witness, you must rely on him? This would prove that a single witness can testify in a case of this kind. bAnd Ravaexplains that Mar Shmuel meant: bIfhe bis trusted by you like twowitnesses, bgoand bdivorce her, but if not, do not divorceher. Consequently, Rava maintains that this episode affords no proof., bAnd Abaye said: From where do I saythis claim of mine? bAs it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bAn incidentoccurred bwith King Yannai, who went tothe region of bKoḥalit in the desert and conquered sixty cities there. And upon his return he rejoicedwith ba great happinessover his victory. bAnd hesubsequently bsummoned all the Sages of the Jewish peopleand bsaid to them: Our ancestorsin their poverty bwould eat salty foods when they were busy with the building of the Temple; we too shall eat salty foods in memory of our ancestors. And they brought salty food on tables of gold, and ate. /b, bAnd there was oneperson bpresent, a scoffer,a man of ban evil heart and a scoundrel called Elazar ben Po’ira. And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the hearts of the Pharisees,the Sages, bare against you.In other words, they harbor secret resentment against you and do not like you. The king replied: bAnd what shall I doto clarify this matter? Elazar responded: bHave them stand bywearing bthe frontplate between your eyes.Since the frontplate bears the Divine Name, they should stand in its honor. Yannai, who was a member of the priestly Hasmonean family, also served as High Priest, who wears the frontplate. bHe hadthe Pharisees bstand bywearing bthe frontplate between his eyes. /b,Now bthere was a certain elder present called Yehuda ben Gedidya, and Yehuda ben Gedidya said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the crown of the monarchy suffices for you,i.e., you should be satisfied that you are king. bLeave the crown of the priesthood for the descendants of Aaron.The Gemara explains this last comment: bAs they would saythat Yannai’s bmother was taken captive in Modi’in,and she was therefore disqualified from marrying into the priesthood, which meant that Yannai was a iḥalal /i. bAnd the matter was investigated and was not discovered,i.e., they sought witnesses for that event but none were found. bAnd the Sages of Israel were expelled inthe king’s brage,due to this rumor., bAnd Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, such is the judgment of a common person in Israel.In other words, merely expelling a slanderer is appropriate if the subject of the slander is a commoner. bBut you are a king and a High Priest.Is bthis your judgmentas well? Yannai replied: bAnd what should I do?Elazar responded: bIf you listen to my advice, crush them.Yannai countered: bBut what will become of the Torah?He retorted: bBehold,it bis wrapped and placed in the corner. Anyone who wishes to study can come and study.We have no need for the Sages.,The Gemara interjects: bRav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: Immediately, heresy was injected intoYannai, bas he should have saidto Elazar ben Po’ira: This bworks out wellwith regard to bthe Written Torah,as it can be studied by all on their own, but bwhatwill become of bthe Oral Torah?The Oral Torah is transmitted only by the Sages. The ibaraitacontinues: bImmediately, the evilarose and bcaught fire through Elazar ben Po’ira, and all the Sages of the Jewish people were killed. And the world was desolateof Torah buntil Shimon ben Shataḥ came and restored the Torah to its formerglory. This completes the ibaraita /i.,Abaye asks: bWhat are the circumstancesof this case? How did those who conducted the investigation refute the rumor that Yannai’s mother had been taken captive? bIf we say that twowitnesses bsaidthat bshe was taken captive, and twoothers bsaidthat bshe was not taken captive, what did you see that you rely on thesewho said that she was not taken captive? Instead, brely on thesewho said that she was taken captive. In such a scenario, one cannot say definitively that the matter was investigated and found to be false., bRather,it must be referring bto one witnesswho testified she was taken captive, and two testified that she was not taken captive. bAnd the reasonthat the lone witness is not deemed credible is only bthat he is contradicted by theother btwo,from which it may be inferred that bif not for thatfact, bhe would be deemed credible.This supports Abaye’s claim that an uncontested lone witness is deemed credible in a case of this kind., bAnd Ravacould reply that this incident affords no proof, for the following reason: bActually,one can say that there were btwowitnesses who testified that she was captured band twowho testified that she was not, bandthe case was decided bin accordance with thatwhich bRav Aḥa bar Rav Minyumi saysin a different context, that it is referring bto conspiring witnesses.The second pair of witnesses did not contradict the testimony of the first pair but established them as liars by stating that the first pair were not there to witness the event. This serves to disqualify the testimony of the first pair altogether. bHere too,it is referring btowitnesses who rendered the first set bconspiring witnesses. /b, bAnd if you wish, saythat this is bin accordance withthe version of the story stated bby Rabbi Yitzḥak, as Rabbi Yitzḥak says: They replacedYannai’s mother bwith a maidservant.The first witnesses saw that Yannai’s mother was about to be taken captive, but the second pair revealed that she had actually been replaced with a maidservant, thereby negating the testimony of the first set., bRava says: /b
30. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

15a. שלמה גזר לקדשים ואתו אינהו וגזור אף לתרומה,גופא אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל י"ח גזרו ובי"ח נחלקו והתניא הושוו בו ביום נחלקו ולמחר הושוו,גופא אמר רב הונא בג' מקומות נחלקו שמאי והלל שמאי אומר מקב חלה והלל אומר מקביים וחכמים אומרים לא כדברי זה ולא כדברי זה אלא קב ומחצה חייב בחלה משהגדילו המדות אמרו חמשת רבעים קמח חייבין בחלה ר' יוסי אומר ה' פטורין ה' ועוד חייבין,ואידך הלל אומר מלא הין מים שאובים פוסלים את המקוה שחייב אדם לומר בלשון רבו שמאי אומר תשעה קבין וחכמים אומרים לא כדברי זה ולא כדברי זה עד שבאו ב' גרדיים משער האשפה שבירושלים והעידו משום שמעיה ואבטליון ששלשה לוגין מים שאובין פוסלים את המקוה וקיימו חכמים את דבריהם,ואידך שמאי אומר כל הנשים דיין שעתן והלל אומר מפקידה לפקידה ואפילו לימים הרבה וחכמים אומרים לא כדברי זה ולא כדברי זה אלא מעת לעת ממעט ע"י מפקידה לפקידה ומפקידה לפקידה ממעט על יד מעת לעת,ותו ליכא והאיכא הלל אומר לסמוך ושמאי אומר שלא לסמוך כי קאמר רב הונא היכא דליכא פלוגתא דרבוותא בהדייהו,והאיכא הבוצר לגת שמאי אומר הוכשר והלל אומר לא הוכשר בר מיניה דההיא דהתם קא שתיק ליה הלל לשמאי:,יוסי בן יועזר איש צרידה ויוסי בן יוחנן איש ירושלים גזרו טומא' על ארץ העמים ועל כלי זכוכית: והא רבנן דשמנים שנה גזור דאמר רב כהנא כשחלה ר' ישמעאל בר' יוסי שלחו לו ר' אמור לנו ב' וג' דברים שאמרת (לנו) משום אביך,שלח להם כך אמר אבא ק"פ שנה עד שלא חרב הבית פשטה מלכות הרשעה על ישראל פ' שנה עד שלא חרב הבית גזרו טומאה על ארץ העמים ועל כלי זכוכית מ' שנה עד שלא חרב הבית גלתה לה סנהדרין וישבה לה בחנויות למאי הילכתא א"ר יצחק בר אבדימי לומר שלא דנו דיני קנסות דיני קנסות ס"ד אלא אימא שלא דנו דיני נפשות,וכי תימא בפ' שנה נמי אינהו הוו והתניא הלל ושמעון גמליאל ושמעון נהגו נשיאותן (לפני) הבית מאה שנה ואילו יוסי בן יועזר איש צרידה ויוסי בן יוחנן הוו קדמי טובא 15a. bSolomonand bdecreedimpurity on hands btoprohibit contact with bconsecrated items,and Shammai, Hillel, and their disciples bcame and decreedimpurity on hands even btoprohibit contact with iteruma /i. /b, bAs to the matter itselfthat was mentioned above in passing, bRav Yehuda saidthat bShmuel said: With regard to eighteen matters they issued decreesthat day, band with regard tothose beighteenmatters bthey disagreedprior to that. The Gemara asks: bWasn’t it taughtin a ibaraitathat bthey reached a consensusin their opinions with regard to the eighteen decrees? They answer: bOn that day they disagreed, and the following day,after the matter was decided in a vote, bthey reached a consensusin their opinions., bAs to the matter itselfthat was mentioned above in passing, bRav Huna said: Shammai and Hillel disagreed in three places.The Gemara cites the disputes. One, bShammai says: From a ikav /iof dough, one is required to separate iḥalla /i,the portion of the dough given to a priest. From any less than that measure there is no obligation to separate iḥalla,as that is not the measure alluded to in the verse: “The first of your dough” (Numbers 15:20), written with regard to the mitzva of separating iḥalla /i. bAnd Hillel says:One must separate iḥallaonly bfrom two ikav /i. And the Rabbis say:The ihalakhais bneither in accordance with the statement of thisone, who is stringent, bnor in accordance with the statement of thatone, who is lenient. bRather, one and a half ikav /iis the measure from which one bis obligatedto separate iḥalla /i. Once the measures increasedand the Sages recalculated the volume of a ikavto be greater, bthey saidthat based on the measure of the new ikav /i, bfive quartersof a ikavof bflouris the measure from which one bis obligatedto separate iḥalla /i. Rabbi Yosei says: Fivequarters bare exempt;only from dough the size of bfivequarters banda bit bmore isone bobligatedto separate iḥalla /i., bAnd anotherdispute between Hillel and Shammai is that bHillel says: A full ihin /i,twelve ilog /i, bof drawn waterpoured into a ritual bath in which there was not yet a full measure of forty ise’a bdisqualifies thewater of the britual bathand accords even the water that had been there previously the status of drawn water. Even if water fit for a ritual bath is subsequently added to complete the measure of forty ise’a /i, the ritual bath remains unfit for immersion. Hillel used the biblical measure, ihin /i, bbecause,when quoting one’s teacher, ba person must speakemploying bthe language of his teacher. Shammai says: Nine ikav /iof water is enough to disqualify the ritual bath. bAnd the Rabbis say:The ihalakhais bneither in accordance with the statement of thisone bnor in accordance with the statement of thatone. The Sages did not determine a measure for the water disqualifying a ritual bath buntil two weavers came from the Dung Gate in Jerusalem and testified in the name of Shemaya and Avtalyon that three ilogof drawn water disqualify the ritual bath, and the Rabbis upheld their statementagainst the opinions of the great Sages of Israel, Hillel and Shammai. The Gemara emphasized their occupation and the place that they lived to underscore that, despite the fact that their occupation was despised and their place was contemptible, there is no preferential treatment when it comes to Torah., bAnd anotherdispute between Hillel and Shammai is that bShammai says: All women, their time is sufficient,i.e., a woman who notices that she saw blood of menstruation but did not feel the flow beforehand, need not worry that perhaps the flow of blood began before she saw it, and it is sufficient if she assumes ritual impurity status beginning at that moment. bHillel says: From examination to examination,i.e., a woman who saw blood, if she does not know when the menstrual flow began, she is considered impure retroactive to the last time she examined herself and found herself to be ritually pure, band evenif the examination took place bseveral daysearlier. Anything that she touched in the interim becomes ritually impure. bAnd the Rabbis say:The ihalakhais bneither in accordance with the statement of thisone bnor in accordance with the statement of thatone; brather,the principle is: bA full day,twenty-four hours, breducesthe time bfrom examination to examination,i.e., if her final self-examination took place a long time before, she need only concern herself with ritual impurity for the twenty-four hour period prior to noticing the blood. bAnd from examination to examination reducesthe time bfrom a full day,i.e., if she examined herself in the course of the previous day and discovered no blood, she was certainly ritually pure prior to the examination.,The Gemara asks: bAnd are there no moredisputes between them? bIsn’t therewhat we learned that bHillel saysthat it is permitted bto lay handson the heads of offerings sacrificed on a Festival, and one performs no prohibited labor and does not desecrate the Festival by doing so; band Shammai says not to lay hands?The Gemara answers: bWhen Rav Huna saidhis statement, he was referring to disputes bwhere there is no disputebetween the great bSageswho predated them bconcomitant with theirs.The dispute with regard to laying hands on the Festival is ancient, and their predecessors, Sages dating back to the beginning of the era of the pairs, already disputed it.,The Gemara asks further: bIsn’t therealso the dispute with regard to bone who harvestsgrapes in order to take them bto the pressand stomp them as to whether or not the liquid that seeps out of the grapes is considered as having seeped out willfully and renders the grapes susceptible to impurity? bShammai says: It has become susceptible, and Hillel says: It has not become susceptible.The Gemara rejects this: bExcept for that one, as there,although they originally disagreed, ultimately bHillel was silentand did not respond bto Shammaiand ultimately accepted his opinion.,Earlier it was mentioned that bYosei ben Yo’ezer of Tzereida and Yosei ben Yoḥa of Jerusalem decreed impurity upon the land of the nations and upon glass vessels.The Gemara asks: Was it these two Sages, who were among the first Sages in the era of the pairs, who issued these decrees? bWasn’t it theSages who lived in the final beighty yearsof the Second Temple period who bissuedthese bdecrees?As bRav Kahana said: When Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, fell ill,the Sages bsent to him: Rabbi, tell us two or three statements that youonce btoldus bin the name of your father. /b, bHe sent to them: Thisis what my bfather said: One hundred and eighty years before the Temple was destroyed, the evil kingdomof Rome binvaded Israel. Eighty years before the Temple was destroyed, they decreed impurity on the land of the nations and on glass vessels. Forty years before the Temple was destroyed, the Sanhedrin was exiledfrom the Chamber of Hewn Stones band sat in the storeson the Temple Mount. With regard to the last statement, the Gemara asks: bWhatare the bhalakhicramifications of this statement? bRabbi Yitzḥak bar Avdimi said: To say that they nolonger bjudged cases of fines.The Gemara wonders: bDoes it enter your mindthat they no longer judged bcases of fines?Even several generations after the Temple was destroyed they continued to judge cases of fines in Eretz Yisrael. bRather,emend and bsay: That they no longer judged capital cases.The authority to impose the death penalty was stripped from the Sanhedrin, and therefore they willingly left the Chamber of Hewn Stone. Since the Sanhedrin no longer convenes in its designated place, the ihalakhais that it no longer has the authority to judge capital cases ( iTosafot /i).,In any case, we learned that the Sages of the last eighty years before the destruction are the ones who decreed impurity on the land of the nations. bAnd if you saythat Yosei ben Yo’ezer and Yosei ben Yoḥa bwere also there duringthose beighty years, wasn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bHillel, andhis son bShimon,and his grandson bGamliel, andhis great-grandson bShimon filled theirposition of iNasibefore the House,while the Temple was standing, for ba hundred years, while Yosei ben Yo’ezer of Tzereida and Yosei ben Yoḥa were much earlierthan Hillel?


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
apologetic Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 614
appian, on luculluss taxes Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
appius claudius, imposition of house tax on cilicia by Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
arbel Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
bannus Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
ben garon Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
birkat ha-minim Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
circumcision Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
conflict, of jews and christians (parting of the ways) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
cyrus Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
death penalty Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
decrees, eighteen Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
ephesus Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
essenes, and usage of the term sect Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50
essenes (see also qumran) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
excommunication Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
exegesis, allegorical Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
ezra Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
finkbeiner, d. Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 54
first jewish war Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
fourth philosophy (josephus) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
gadara Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
galileans Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
gamaliel (gamliel) the elder, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
gamaliel (gamliel) the younger, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302, 606
gaulanitis Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
gischala Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
gospels Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
hadrian Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
hairesis, pre-christian use Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
healing and medicines Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50
herod the great, taxation under Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
herod the great, taxes of, house tax Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
herod the great, taxes of Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
herodian Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
herodians, herodian dynasty Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
hillel, school of Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
hillel the elder Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
index of subjects, shammaite) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
james (jesus brother) Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
jerusalem Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
jewish-christian group, commmunity Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
jewish-christian tradition, custom Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
jewish law/legal schools, josephus three schools Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 54, 56
jewish succession, orthodox borrowings from jewish heresiology Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
john the baptist Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
josephus, and judaisms three schools of law Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 54, 56
josephus, family and life of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 54
josephus, on agrippa i, and house tax Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
josephus, on herod, revenues from, and augustus Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
josephus, pharisees, relationship with Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 54
josephus Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 54, 56; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
josephus essenes, as paradigm of jewishness Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 54
josephus essenes, descriptive terms used by Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50
josephus essenes, judaism of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 56
josephus essenes Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 54, 56
judaea, region of, rabbinic Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
judas the galilean Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
luke Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
magdala Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
mason, s. Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 54
mishnah and talmud, and house tax Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
moses Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
nathanael Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
new testament Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
oral torah Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
paul (saul) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
pharisaic-rabbinic connection, gamaliel of yavneh as evidence of Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisaic-rabbinic connection, john hyrcanus story as evidence of Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisaic-rabbinic connection, new testament evidence supporting Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisaic-rabbinic connection Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisees, and josephus Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 54, 56
pharisees, judaism of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 54
pharisees Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31; Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 54
philip Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
philo Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
philo of alexandria Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
philos essenes, as autonomous in law Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
pluralism (hillelite) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 614
pontius pilate Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
preservation of life on ~ Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
priests, and their influence Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
pythagoreans Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50
r. eliezer shammaite Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
rabbi (title) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
revolt/war, under nero (great ~) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
sabbath Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302, 606
sadducees Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
sadducees (tsedukim/tseduqim), josephus portrayal of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 54, 56
sadducees (tsedukim/tseduqim) Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50, 54
sanders, ed Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
scipio (proconsul of syria), and house tax on asia Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
sepphoris Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
shammai, school Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
shammai (see also subject index) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 614
shimon ben gamaliel the elder Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
shimon son of hillel Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 614
simon ben gamaliel i Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
simon ben gamaliel ii, rabban Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
sophistry, heresy connected to Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
stoicism, notion of a stoic school or αἵρεσις Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
stoics Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50
synoptic, gospels Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 302
synoptic gospels Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
taricheae Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
taxation, under herod Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
taxes, for building walls Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
taxes, house, in greco-roman world Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
taxes, house, under herod Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
taxes, roman, columnarium (pillar tax) Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
taxes, roman, exactio ostiorum Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
taxes, roman, ostiarium (door tax) Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 179
temple, the, and jewish schools of law Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
temple, the Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
temple (jerusalem) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 614
therapeutae, contemplative life of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 50
theudas Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 56
tiberias Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
torah' Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 85
torah Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
war, on sabbath Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
yavne period Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 614
yodefat Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 17
yohanan ben zakkai, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 614
zadok the pharisee Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606
zealot, zealots Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 606, 614
αἱρεσιομάχος Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
προστάτης Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
σοφιστής Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
στάσις Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31
ὅδος Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 31