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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7235
Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 5.474


Τεφθέος δέ τις ἀπὸ Γάρις πόλεως τῆς Γαλιλαίας, καὶ Μαγάσσαρος τῶν βασιλικῶν Μαριάμμης θεράπων, μεθ' ὧν ̓Αδιαβηνός τις υἱὸς Ναβαταίου, τοὔνομα κληθεὶς ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης καὶ ἀγίρας, ὅπερ σημαίνει χωλός, ἁρπάσαντες λαμπάδας προεπήδησαν ἐπὶ τὰς μηχανάς.And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne’s servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying “a lame man,” snatched some torches, and ran suddenly upon the engines.


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1. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 17.166, 20.17-20.94, 20.250 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

17.166. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. 20.17. He said further, that he would show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down. 20.17. 1. About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following: 20.18. And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it. 20.18. Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife’s belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife’s belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God’s providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end. 20.19. Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the temple; 20.19. This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. 20.21. which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them. 20.21. This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Aias’s servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go, till they thereby recovered some of their own Sicarii. And as they were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction to the whole country. 20.22. Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son’s preservation to him. 20.22. and while they were unwilling to keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters. 20.23. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues. 20.23. Now the number of years during the rule of these thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of Egypt, under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve. 20.24. 2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra; 20.24. and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded him, after he had held the high priesthood one year longer than his brother. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also called Aristobulus 20.25. it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them. 20.25. Accordingly, the number of the high priests, from the days of Herod until the day when Titus took the temple and the City, and burnt them, were in all twenty-eight; the time also that belonged to them was a hundred and seven years. 20.26. Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father’s death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command; 20.26. and what we have suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians, and what afflictions the Persians and Macedonians, and after them the Romans, have brought upon us; for I think I may say that I have composed this history with sufficient accuracy in all things. 20.27. and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: “I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many.” 20.28. This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king’s determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates’s father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: 20.29. but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him. 20.31. So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time. 20.32. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father’s ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come; 20.33. who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him. 20.34. 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. 20.35. He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. 20.36. But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; 20.37. and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions. 20.38. 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. 20.39. But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. 20.41. and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42. He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias. 20.43. But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; 20.44. for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. 20.45. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.” 20.46. When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; 20.47. upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. 20.48. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter. 20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. 20.54. 1. But now Artabanus, king of the Parthians perceiving that the governors of the provinces had framed a plot against him, did not think it safe for him to continue among them; but resolved to go to Izates, in hopes of finding some way for his preservation by his means, and, if possible, for his return to his own dominions. 20.55. So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road 20.56. while he well knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the custom, he then said to him, “O king! do not thou overlook me thy servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance. 20.57. Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to be taken of thyself also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished, many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also.” 20.58. And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected countece. Now as soon as Izates heard Artabanus’s name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately 20.59. and said to him, “Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present calamity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own.” 20.61. So he complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat together, and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as regarding not his present fortune, but his former dignity, and that upon this consideration also, that the changes of fortune are common to all men. 20.62. He also wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them. 20.63. Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed the government to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account. 20.64. When Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and take his own dominions again. 20.65. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus. 20.66. 3. And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the means of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had conferred upon him, but rewarded him with such honors as were of the greatest esteem among them; 20.67. for he gave him leave to wear his tiara upright, and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honor peculiar to the kings of Parthia. 20.68. He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians. 20.69. 4. But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans; 20.71. and having besides sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said already, was the more backward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous actions of the Romans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition. 20.72. But the Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein; 20.73. for the Parthians perceiving Bardanes’s intentions, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. 20.74. He also, in no long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother, succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates. 20.75. 1. Now when the king’s brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the religion of their country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews; 20.76. but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates’s subjects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. 20.77. Accordingly, they wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition against their king; and they further promised him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and desired that he would make haste in this design. 20.78. The king of Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those Handees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon their enemies, ran away. 20.79. Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as he knew who they were that had made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewing the fight on the next day, he slew the greatest part of his enemies 20.81. 2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king’s hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs. 20.82. When the king of Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable privileges which had been bestowed on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him. 20.83. Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; 20.84. yet because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God, his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his life; 20.85. and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. 20.86. And when the king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media,—Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen. 20.87. But there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enumerated that king’s subjects; 20.88. he also threatened him that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king’s hands. 20.89. When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied that he knew the king of Parthia’s power was much greater than his own; but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when he had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make supplication to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and children. Then he called upon God, and said 20.91. Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the contents of which were these, that a great band of Dahe and Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthia waste; so that he [was forced to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by the providence of God. 20.92. 3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. 20.93. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father’s death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. 20.94. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates.
2. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.10-1.11, 1.27, 2.52, 2.388, 2.520, 2.560, 4.101-4.127, 4.131-4.134, 4.503-4.506, 4.516, 4.518-4.520, 4.535, 4.556, 4.558, 4.577, 5.147, 5.201, 5.319, 5.458-5.460, 5.491-5.511, 5.519, 5.527-5.547, 6.214-6.218, 6.236-6.266, 7.45, 7.118, 7.154 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.11. But if anyone makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. 1.11. 2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. 1.27. 11. After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken. 1.27. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus’s ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish. 2.52. There were also a great many of the king’s party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king’s party under him, and Rufus the horse) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. 2.52. of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 4.101. and that this delay could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should anybody think of doing anything in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them; 4.102. and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the laws of those they saved inviolable. 4.103. Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein. 4.104. Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched his camp further off the city at Cydessa. 4.105. This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation. 4.106. 4. Now, in the nighttime, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that were about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. 4.107. And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations; 4.108. for the farther every one of them was come from his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. 4.109. Many also of them missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest threw down many of them. 4.111. but John’s exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multitude that ran thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another. 4.112. 5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement; 4.113. whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody; 4.114. they also informed him of John’s flight, and besought him to spare them, and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment. 4.115. But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and brought with them almost three thousand. 4.116. However, Titus was greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. 4.117. So he entered the city in the midst ofacclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions; 4.118. for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fearsthan to destroy with him anyone that did not deserve it; 4.119. for that probably such a one might be taught prudence, by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved. 4.121. 1. Now, upon John’s entry into Jerusalem, the whole body of the people were in an uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries had happened abroad 4.122. when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with less hazard; 4.123. for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards about Gischala, and such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and reserve it for their metropolis. 4.124. But when they related to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of the people understood it to be no better than a flight; 4.125. and especially when the people were told of those that were made captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be plain indications that they should be taken also. 4.126. But for John, he was very little concerned for those whom he had left behind him, but went about among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own power. 4.127. He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskillful, as if those Romans, although they should take to themselves wings, could never fly over the wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war against their walls. 4.131. There were besides disorders and civil wars in every city; and all those that were at quiet from the Romans turned their hands one against another. There was also a bitter contest between those that were fond of war, and those that were desirous of peace. 4.132. At the first this quarrelsome temper caught hold of private families, who could not agree among themselves; after which those people that were the dearest to one another brake through all restraints with regard to each other, and everyone associated with those of his own opinion, and began already to stand in opposition one to another; 4.133. o that seditions arose everywhere, while those that were for innovations, and were desirous of war, by their youth and boldness, were too hard for the aged and prudent men. 4.134. And, in the first place, all the people of every place betook themselves to rapine; after which they got together in bodies, in order to rob the people of the country, insomuch that for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation did no way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to be ruined by the Romans than by themselves. 4.503. 3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gischala], who had already seized upon the city 4.504. but superior in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had been driven away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by Aus the high priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Masada. 4.505. At first they suspected him, and only permitted him to come with the women he brought with him into the lower part of the fortress, while they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves. 4.506. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada; 4.516. Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got together on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about twenty-five thousand in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of the incursions that were made by the Sicarii that were at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their borders 4.518. Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their country; when he pitched his camp at a certain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept garrison at Herodium, and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. 4.519. The garrison received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about; but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight, when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath; 4.535. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated; 4.556. 10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number of them to retire to Jerusalem; 4.558. Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who were within it more heavy upon them than both of the other; and during this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans; 4.577. 12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisan]; whereupon John, with his multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and having lost their power in the city (for Simon and his party had plundered them of what they had) were in despair of deliverance. 5.147. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the “Monument of the Fuller,” and joined to the old wall at the valley called the “Valley of Cedron.” 5.201. 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. 5.319. and Titus, in the innocency of his heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hoping that the Jews did now repent, stopped the working of the batteringram, and forbade them to shoot at the petitioners, and bid Castor say what he had a mind to say to him. 5.458. In answer to which the seditious cast reproaches upon Caesar himself, and upon his father also, and cried out, with a loud voice, that they contemned death, and did well in preferring it before slavery; that they would do all the mischief to the Romans they could while they had breath in them; and that for their own city, since they were, as he said, to be destroyed, they had no concern about it, and that the world itself was a better temple to God than this. 5.459. That yet this temple would be preserved by him that inhabited therein, whom they still had for their assistant in this war, and did therefore laugh at all his threatenings, which would come to nothing, because the conclusion of the whole depended upon God only. These words were mixed with reproaches, and with them they made a mighty clamor. 5.491. 1. And now did Titus consult with his commanders what was to be done. Those that were of the warmest tempers thought he should bring the whole army against the city and storm the wall; 5.492. for that hitherto no more than a part of their army had fought with the Jews; but that in case the entire army was to come at once, they would not be able to sustain their attacks, but would be overwhelmed by their darts. 5.493. But of those that were for a more cautious management, some were for raising their banks again; and others advised to let the banks alone, but to lie still before the city, to guard against the coming out of the Jews, and against their carrying provisions into the city, and so to leave the enemy to the famine, and this without direct fighting with them; 5.494. for that despair was not to be conquered, especially as to those who are desirous to die by the sword, while a more terrible misery than that is reserved for them. 5.495. However, Titus did not think it fit for so great an army to lie entirely idle, and that yet it was in vain to fight with those that would be destroyed one by another; 5.496. he also showed them how impracticable it was to cast up any more banks, for want of materials, and to guard against the Jews’ coming out still more impracticable; as also, that to encompass the whole city round with his army was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude, and the difficulty of the situation 5.497. and on other accounts dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews might make out of the city. For although they might guard the known passages out of the place, yet would they, when they found themselves under the greatest distress, contrive secret passages out, as being well acquainted with all such places; and if any provisions were carried in by stealth, the siege would thereby be longer delayed. 5.498. He also owned that he was afraid that the length of time thus to be spent would diminish the glory of his success; for though it be true that length of time will perfect every thing, yet that to do what we do in a little time is still necessary to the gaining reputation. 5.499. That therefore his opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness joined with security, they must build a wall round about the whole city; which was, he thought, the only way to prevent the Jews from coming out any way, and that then they would either entirely despair of saving the city, and so would surrender it up to him, or be still the more easily conquered when the famine had further weakened them; 5.501. But that if anyone should think such a work to be too great, and not to be finished without much difficulty, he ought to consider that it is not fit for Romans to undertake any small work, and that none but God himself could with ease accomplish any great thing whatsoever. 5.502. 2. These arguments prevailed with the commanders. So Titus gave orders that the army should be distributed to their several shares of this work; and indeed there now came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury, so that they did not only part the whole wall that was to be built among them, nor did only one legion strive with another, but the lesser divisions of the army did the same; 5.503. insomuch that each soldier was ambitious to please his decurion, each decurion his centurion, each centurion his tribune, and the ambition of the tribunes was to please their superior commanders, while Caesar himself took notice of and rewarded the like contention in those commanders; for he went round about the works many times every day, and took a view of what was done. 5.504. Titus began the wall from the camp of the Assyrians, where his own camp was pitched, and drew it down to the lower parts of Cenopolis; thence it went along the valley of Cedron, to the Mount of Olives; 5.505. it then bent towards the south, and encompassed the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon, and that other hill which lies next to it, and is over the valley which reaches to Siloam; whence it bended again to the west, and went down to the valley of the Fountain 5.506. beyond which it went up again at the monument of Aus the high priest, and encompassing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp 5.507. it returned back to the north side of the city, and was carried on as far as a certain village called “The House of the Erebinthi;” after which it encompassed Herod’s monument, and there, on the east, was joined to Titus’s own camp, where it began. 5.508. Now the length of this wall was forty furlongs, one only abated. Now at this wall without were erected thirteen places to keep garrison in, whose circumferences, put together, amounted to ten furlongs; 5.509. the whole was completed in three days; so that what would naturally have required some months was done in so short an interval as is incredible. 5.511. They also cast lots among themselves who should be upon the watch in the nighttime, and who should go all night long round the spaces that were interposed between the garrisons. 5.519. 4. However, when Titus, in going his rounds along those valleys, saw them full of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction running about them, he gave a groan; and, spreading out his hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not his doing; 5.527. 1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer Matthias, by whose means he got possession of the city, to go off without torment. This Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was one of the high priests, one that had been very faithful to the people, and in great esteem with them; 5.528. he, when the multitude were distressed by the zealots, among whom John was numbered, persuaded the people to admit this Simon to come in to assist them, while he had made no terms with him, nor expected anything that was evil from him. 5.529. But when Simon was come in, and had gotten the city under his power, he esteemed him that had advised them to admit him as his enemy equally with the rest, as looking upon that advice as a piece of his simplicity only; 5.531. o he was not slain till he had seen his sons slain before his eyes, and that by being produced over against the Romans; for such a charge had Simon given to Aus, the son of Bamadus, who was the most barbarous of all his guards. He also jested upon him, and told him that he might now see whether those to whom he intended to go over would send him any succors or not; but still he forbade their dead bodies should be buried. 5.532. After the slaughter of these, a certain priest, Aias, the son of Masambulus, a person of eminency, as also Aristeus, the scribe of the sanhedrin, and born at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain. 5.533. They also kept Josephus’s father in prison, and made public proclamation, that no citizen whosoever should either speak to him himself, or go into his company among others, for fear he should betray them. They also slew such as joined in lamenting these men, without any further examination. 5.534. 2. Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who was one of Simon’s under officers, and a person intrusted by him to keep one of the towers, saw this procedure of Simon, he called together ten of those under him, that were most faithful to him (perhaps this was done partly out of pity to those that had so barbarously been put to death, but principally in order to provide for his own safety) and spoke thus to them: 5.535. “How long shall we bear these miseries? or what hopes have we of deliverance by thus continuing faithful to such wicked wretches? 5.536. Is not the famine already come against us? Are not the Romans in a manner gotten within the city? Is not Simon become unfaithful to his benefactors? and is there not reason to fear he will very soon bring us to the like punishment, while the security the Romans offer us is sure? Come on, let us surrender up this wall, and save ourselves and the city. 5.537. Nor will Simon be very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliverance, he be brought to justice a little sooner than he thinks on.” 5.538. Now these ten were prevailed upon by those arguments; so he sent the rest of those that were under him, some one way, and some another, that no discovery might be made of what they had resolved upon. Accordingly, he called to the Romans from the tower about the third hour; 5.539. but they, some of them out of pride, despised what he said, and others of them did not believe him to be in earnest, though the greatest number delayed the matter, as believing they should get possession of the city in a little time, without any hazard. 5.541. 3. In the meantime, Josephus, as he was going round the city, had his head wounded by a stone that was thrown at him; upon which he fell down as giddy. Upon which fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had been hurried away into the city, if Caesar had not sent men to protect him immediately; 5.542. and as these men were fighting, Josephus was taken up, though he heard little of what was done. So the seditious supposed they had now slain that man whom they were the most desirous of killing, and made thereupon a great noise, in way of rejoicing. 5.543. This accident was told in the city, and the multitude that remained became very disconsolate at the news, as being persuaded that he was really dead, on whose account alone they could venture to desert to the Romans. 5.544. But when Josephus’s mother heard in prison that her son was dead, she said to those that watched about her, That she had always been of opinion, since the siege of Jotapata, [that he would be slain,] and she should never enjoy him alive any more. 5.545. She also made great lamentation privately to the maidservants that were about her, and said, That this was all the advantage she had of bringing so extraordinary a person as this son into the world; that she should not be able even to bury that son of hers, by whom she expected to have been buried herself. 5.546. However, this false report did not put his mother to pain, nor afford merriment to the robbers, long; for Josephus soon recovered of his wound, and came out, and cried out aloud, That it would not be long ere they should be punished for this wound they had given him. He also made a fresh exhortation to the people to come out upon the security that would be given them. 5.547. This sight of Josephus encouraged the people greatly, and brought a great consternation upon the seditious. 6.214. 5. This sad instance was quickly told to the Romans, some of whom could not believe it, and others pitied the distress which the Jews were under; but there were many of them who were hereby induced to a more bitter hatred than ordinary against our nation. 6.215. But for Caesar, he excused himself before God as to this matter, and said that he had proposed peace and liberty to the Jews, as well as an oblivion of all their former insolent practices; but that they, instead of concord, had chosen sedition; instead of peace, war; and before satiety and abundance, a famine. 6.216. That they had begun with their own hands to burn down that temple which we have preserved hitherto; and that therefore they deserved to eat such food as this was. 6.217. That, however, this horrid action of eating one’s own child ought to be covered with the overthrow of their very country itself, and men ought not to leave such a city upon the habitable earth to be seen by the sun, wherein mothers are thus fed 6.218. although such food be fitter for the fathers than for the mothers to eat of, since it is they that continue still in a state of war against us, after they have undergone such miseries as these. 6.236. 3. But then, on the next day, Titus commanded part of his army to quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy marching up of the legions, while he himself gathered the commanders together. 6.237. of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: 6.238. there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house. 6.239. Now, some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war, [and demolish it,] because the Jews would never leave off rebelling while that house was standing; at which house it was that they used to get all together. 6.241. But Titus said, that “although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are iimate, instead of the men themselves;” and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued. 6.242. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. 6.243. Then was this assembly dissolved, when Titus had given orders to the commanders that the rest of their forces should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire. 6.244. 4. Now it is true that on this day the Jews were so weary, and under such consternation, that they refrained from any attacks. But on the next day they gathered their whole force together, and ran upon those that guarded the outward court of the temple very boldly, through the east gate, and this about the second hour of the day. 6.245. These guards received that their attack with great bravery, and by covering themselves with their shields before, as if it were with a wall, they drew their squadron close together; yet was it evident that they could not abide there very long, but would be overborne by the multitude of those that sallied out upon them, and by the heat of their passion. 6.246. However, Caesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that this squadron was likely to give way, he sent some chosen horsemen to support them. 6.247. Hereupon the Jews found themselves not able to sustain their onset, and upon the slaughter of those in the forefront, many of the rest were put to flight. 6.248. But as the Romans were going off, the Jews turned upon them, and fought them; and as those Romans came back upon them, they retreated again, until about the fifth hour of the day they were overborne, and shut themselves up in the inner [court of the] temple. 6.249. 5. So Titus retired into the tower of Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple the next day, early in the morning, with his whole army, and to encamp round about the holy house. 6.251. although these flames took their rise from the Jews themselves, and were occasioned by them; for upon Titus’s retiring, the seditious lay still for a little while, and then attacked the Romans again, when those that guarded the holy house fought with those that quenched the fire that was burning in the inner [court of the] temple; but these Romans put the Jews to flight, and proceeded as far as the holy house itself. 6.252. At which time one of the soldiers, without staying for any orders, and without any concern or dread upon him at so great an undertaking, and being hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out of the materials that were on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier, he set fire to a golden window, through which there was a passage to the rooms that were round about the holy house, on the north side of it. 6.253. As the flames went upward, the Jews made a great clamor, such as so mighty an affliction required, and ran together to prevent it; and now they spared not their lives any longer, nor suffered anything to restrain their force, since that holy house was perishing, for whose sake it was that they kept such a guard about it. 6.254. 6. And now a certain person came running to Titus, and told him of this fire, as he was resting himself in his tent after the last battle; whereupon he rose up in great haste, and, as he was, ran to the holy house, in order to have a stop put to the fire; 6.255. after him followed all his commanders, and after them followed the several legions, in great astonishment; so there was a great clamor and tumult raised, as was natural upon the disorderly motion of so great an army. 6.256. Then did Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giving a signal to them with his right hand, order them to quench the fire. 6.257. But they did not hear what he said, though he spake so loud, having their ears already dinned by a greater noise another way; nor did they attend to the signal he made with his hand neither, as still some of them were distracted with fighting, and others with passion. But as for the legions that came running thither, neither any persuasions nor any threatenings could restrain their violence, but each one’s own passion was his commander at this time; and as they were crowding into the temple together, many of them were trampled on by one another, while a great number fell among the ruins of the cloisters, which were still hot and smoking, and were destroyed in the same miserable way with those whom they had conquered; 6.258. and when they were come near the holy house, they made as if they did not so much as hear Caesar’s orders to the contrary; but they encouraged those that were before them to set it on fire. 6.259. As for the seditious, they were in too great distress already to afford their assistance [towards quenching the fire]; they were everywhere slain, and everywhere beaten; and as for a great part of the people, they were weak and without arms, and had their throats cut wherever they were caught. Now, round about the altar lay dead bodies heaped one upon another, as at the steps going up to it ran a great quantity of their blood, whither also the dead bodies that were slain above [on the altar] fell down. 6.261. But as the flame had not as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still consuming the rooms that were about the holy house, and Titus supposing what the fact was, that the house itself might yet be saved 6.262. he came in haste and endeavored to persuade the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order to Liberalius the centurion, and one of those spearmen that were about him, to beat the soldiers that were refractory with their staves, and to restrain them; 6.263. yet were their passions too hard for the regards they had for Caesar, and the dread they had of him who forbade them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a certain vehement inclination to fight them, too hard for them also. 6.264. Moreover, the hope of plunder induced many to go on, as having this opinion, that all the places within were full of money, and as seeing that all round about it was made of gold. 6.265. And besides, one of those that went into the place prevented Caesar, when he ran so hastily out to restrain the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges of the gate, in the dark; 6.266. whereby the flame burst out from within the holy house itself immediately, when the commanders retired, and Caesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those that were without to set fire to it. And thus was the holy house burnt down, without Caesar’s approbation. 7.45. and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby, after a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own body. 7.45. yet did Vespasian suspect the matter, and made an inquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them, and this on account of Titus’s concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive. 7.118. as for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John, with the other seven hundred men, whom he had selected out of the rest as being eminently tall and handsome of body, he gave order that they should be soon carried to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his triumph. 7.154. This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain there.
3. Mishnah, Middot, 1.4, 2.3, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.4. There were seven gates in the courtyard: three in the north and three in the south and one in the east. In the south: the Gate of Kindling, and next to it the Gate of the First-borns, and then the Water Gate. In the east: the Gate of Nicanor. It had two chambers, one on its right and one on its left. One was the chamber of Pinchas the dresser and one the other the chamber of the griddle cake makers." 2.3. Within it was the Soreg, ten handbreadths high. There were thirteen breaches in it, which had been originally made by the kings of Greece, and when they repaired them they enacted that thirteen prostrations should be made facing them. Within this was the Hel, which was ten cubits [broad]. There were twelve steps there. The height of each step was half a cubit and its tread was half a cubit. All the steps in the Temple were half a cubit high with a tread of half a cubit, except those of the Porch. All the doorways in the Temple were twenty cubits high and ten cubits broad except those of the Porch. All the doorways there had doors in them except those of the Porch. All the gates there had lintels except that of Taddi which had two stones inclined to one another. All the original gates were changed for gates of gold except the gates of Nicanor, because a miracle happened with them. Some say: because their copper gleamed like gold." 2.6. There were chambers underneath the Court of Israel which opened into the Court of Women, where the Levites used to keep lyres and lutes and cymbals and all kinds of musical instruments. The Court of Israel was a hundred and thirty-five cubits in length by eleven in breadth. Similarly the Court of the Priests was a hundred and thirty-five cubits in length by eleven in breadth. And a row of mosaic stones separated the Court of Israel from the Court of the Priests. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: there was a step a cubit high on which a platform was placed, and it had three steps each of half a cubit in height. In this way the Court of the Priests was made two and a half cubits higher than that of Israel. The whole of the Court was a hundred and eighty-seven cubits in length by a hundred and thirty-five in breadth. And thirteen prostrations were made there. Abba Yose ben Ha says: they were made facing the thirteen gates. On the south beginning from the west there were the upper gate, the gate of burning, the gate of the firstborn, and the water gate. And why was it called the water gate? Because they brought in through it the pitcher of water for libation on the festival. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: in it the water welled up, and in the time to come from there it will come out from under the threshold of the Temple. Corresponding to them in the north beginning in the west were the gate of Yehoniah, the gate of the offering, the women's gate, the gate of song. Why was it called the gate of Yehoniah? Because Yehoniah went forth into captivity through it. On the east was the gate of Nicanor; it had two doors, one on its right and one on its left (10 +. There were further two gates in the west which had no special name (12 +."
4. Mishnah, Yoma, 3.1, 3.8-3.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

3.1. The officer said to them: “Go out and see whether the time for slaughtering [the morning sacrifice] has arrived.” If it had arrived then he who saw it said: “It is daylight!” Matitya ben Shmuel says: “The whole east is light.” Even unto Hebron? And he answered “Yes.”" 3.8. He came to his bull and his bull was standing between the Ulam and the altar, its head to the south and its face to the west. And the priest stands on the eastside facing the west. And he lays both his hands upon it and confesses. And thus he would say: “Please, ‘Hashem’! I have done wrong, I have transgressed, I have sinned before You, I and my house. Please, ‘Hashem’! Forgive the wrongdoings, the transgressions, the sins which I have committed and transgressed and sinned before You, I and my house, as it is written in the torah of Moses Your servant: “For on this day shall atonement be made for you [to cleanse you of all your sins; you shall be clean before the Lord”] (Leviticus 16:30). And they answered after him: “Blessed be the name of His glorious kingdom for ever and ever!”" 3.9. He then went to the east of the Temple court, to the north of the altar, the deputy high priest at his right and the head of the [priestly] family [ministering that week] at his left. There were two goats and an urn was there, and in it were two lots. They were of box-wood and Ben Gamala made them of gold and they would mention his name in praise."
5. Tosefta, Peah, 4.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6. Tosefta, Kippurim, 2.3-2.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

7. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8.16.4-8.16.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

8.16.4. I know many wonderful graves, and will mention two of them, the one at Halicarnassus and one in the land of the Hebrews. The one at Halicarnassus was made for Mausolus, king of the city, and it is of such vast size, and so notable for all its ornament, that the Romans in their great admiration of it call remarkable tombs in their country “Mausolea.” 8.16.5. The Hebrews have a grave, that of Helen, a native woman, in the city of Jerusalem, which the Roman Emperor razed to the ground. There is a contrivance in the grave whereby the door, which like all the grave is of stone, does not open until the year brings back the same day and the same hour. Then the mechanism, unaided, opens the door, which, after a short interval, shuts itself. This happens at that time, but should you at any other try to open the door you cannot do so; force will not open it, but only break it down.
8. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

11a. דלא סיימוה קמיה,תניא אמרו עליו על בנימין הצדיק שהיה ממונה על קופה של צדקה פעם אחת באתה אשה לפניו בשני בצורת אמרה לו רבי פרנסני אמר לה העבודה שאין בקופה של צדקה כלום אמרה לו רבי אם אין אתה מפרנסני הרי אשה ושבעה בניה מתים עמד ופרנסה משלו לימים חלה ונטה למות אמרו מלאכי השרת לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע אתה אמרת כל המקיים נפש אחת מישראל כאילו קיים עולם מלא ובנימין הצדיק שהחיה אשה ושבעה בניה ימות בשנים מועטות הללו מיד קרעו לו גזר דינו תנא הוסיפו לו עשרים ושתים שנה על שנותיו,תנו רבנן מעשה במונבז המלך שבזבז אוצרותיו ואוצרות אבותיו בשני בצורת וחברו עליו אחיו ובית אביו ואמרו לו אבותיך גנזו והוסיפו על של אבותם ואתה מבזבזם אמר להם אבותי גנזו למטה ואני גנזתי למעלה שנאמר (תהלים פה, יב) אמת מארץ תצמח וצדק משמים נשקף אבותי גנזו במקום שהיד שולטת בו ואני גנזתי במקום שאין היד שולטת בו שנאמר (תהלים פט, טו) צדק ומשפט מכון כסאך,אבותי גנזו דבר שאין עושה פירות ואני גנזתי דבר שעושה פירות שנאמר (ישעיהו ג, י) אמרו צדיק כי טוב כי פרי מעלליהם יאכלו אבותי גנזו [אוצרות] ממון ואני גנזתי אוצרות נפשות שנאמר (משלי יא, ל) פרי צדיק עץ חיים ולוקח נפשות חכם אבותי גנזו לאחרים ואני גנזתי לעצמי שנאמר (דברים כד, יג) ולך תהיה צדקה אבותי גנזו לעולם הזה ואני גנזתי לעולם הבא שנאמר (ישעיהו נח, ח) והלך לפניך צדקך כבוד ה' יאספך:,ואם קנה בה בית דירה הרי הוא כאנשי העיר: מתניתין דלא כרשב"ג דתניא רבן שמעון ב"ג אומר אם קנה בה קרקע כל שהוא הרי הוא כאנשי העיר,והא תניא רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר אם קנה שם קרקע הראויה לבית דירה הרי הוא כאנשי העיר תרי תנאי ואליבא דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין חולקין את החצר עד שיהא ארבע אמות לזה וארבע אמות לזה ולא את השדה עד שיהא בה תשעה קבין לזה ותשעה קבין לזה ר' יהודה אומר עד שיהא בה תשעת חציי קבין לזה ותשעת חציי קבין לזה ולא את הגינה עד שיהא בה חצי קב לזה וחצי קב לזה ר' עקיבא אומר בית רובע,ולא את הטרקלין ולא את המורן ולא את השובך ולא את הטלית ולא את המרחץ ולא את בית הבד ולא את בית השלחין עד שיהא בהן כדי לזה וכדי לזה זה הכלל כל שיחלק ושמו עליו חולקין ואם לאו אין חולקין,אימתי בזמן שאין שניהם רוצים אבל בזמן ששניהם רוצים אפי' פחות מכאן יחלוקו וכתבי הקדש אע"פ ששניהם רוצים לא יחלוקו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big א"ר אסי א"ר יוחנן ארבע אמות שאמרו חוץ משל פתחים תניא נמי הכי אין חולקים את החצר עד שיהא בה שמונה אמות לזה ושמונה אמות לזה והא אנן תנן ארבע אמות לזה וארבע אמות לזה אלא ש"מ כדרבי אסי שמע מינה,ואיכא דרמי להו מירמא תנן אין חולקין את החצר עד שיהא בה ארבע אמות לזה וארבע אמות לזה והתניא שמונה אמות לזה ושמונה אמות לזה א"ר אסי אמר ר' יוחנן ארבע אמות שאמרו חוץ משל פתחים,אמר רב הונא חצר מתחלקת לפי פתחיה ורב חסדא אמר נותנין ארבע אמות לכל פתח ופתח והשאר חולקין בשוה,תניא כוותיה דרב חסדא פתחים שבחצר יש להן ארבע אמות היה לזה פתח אחד ולזה שני פתחים זה שיש לו פתח אחד נוטל ארבע אמות וזה שיש לו שני פתחים נוטל שמונה אמות והשאר חולקין בשוה היה לזה פתח רחב שמונה אמות נוטל שמונה אמות כנגד הפתח וארבע אמות בחצר ארבע אמות בחצר מאי עבידתייהו אמר אביי הכי קאמר נוטל שמונה אמות באורך החצר וארבע אמות ברוחב החצר,אמר אמימר האי פירא דסופלי יש לו ארבע אמות לכל רוח ורוח ולא אמרן אלא דלא מייחד ליה פתחא 11a. those who reported the story to him bdid not conclude it before him;consequently, Rav Ami was not informed that Rava had indeed given the money to the gentile poor.,§ bIt is taughtin a ibaraita /i: The following bwas said about Binyamin the righteous, who was appointedsupervisor bover the charity fund. Once, a woman came before him during years of droughtand bsaid to him: My master, sustain me. He said to her:I swear bby the Temple service that there is nothingleft bin the charity fund. She said to him: My master, if you do not sustain me, a woman and her seven sons will die. He arose and sustained her with his ownfunds. bAfter some time, he fell deathly ill. The ministering angels said to the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, You saidthat banyone who preserves a single life in Israel isregarded bas if he has preserved an entire world. Shouldthen bBinyamin the righteous, who saved a woman and her seven sons, die after these few years,still in his youth? bThey immediately tore up his sentence.A Sage btaught: They added twenty-two years to his life. /b, bThe Sages taught:There was ban incident involving King Munbaz, who liberally gave away his treasures and the treasures of his ancestors in the years of drought,distributing the money to the poor. bHis brothers and his father’s household joined together against himto protest against his actions, band they said to him: Your ancestors stored upmoney in their treasuries band added tothe treasures bof their ancestors, and you are liberally distributingit all to the poor. King Munbaz bsaid to them:Not so, bmy ancestors stored up below, whereas I am storing above, as it is stated: “Truth will spring out of the earth and righteousness will look down from heaven”(Psalms 85:12), meaning that the righteous deeds that one has performed are stored up in heaven. bMy ancestors stored uptreasures bin a place where thehuman bhand can reach,and so their treasures could have been robbed, bwhereas I am storing uptreasures bin a place where thehuman bhand cannot reach,and so they are secure, bas it is stated: “Righteousness and justice are the foundation of Your throne”(Psalms 89:15)., bMy ancestors stored up something that does not generate profit,as money sitting in a treasury does not increase, bwhereas I am storing up something that generates profit, as it is stated: “Say of the righteous, that it shall be well with them, for they shall eat the fruit of their doings”(Isaiah 3:10). bMy ancestors stored up treasures of money, whereas I am storing up treasures of souls, as it is stated: “The fruit of the righteous is a tree of life, and he that wins souls is wise”(Proverbs 11:30). bMy ancestors stored up for others,for their sons and heirs, when they themselves would pass from this world, bwhereas I am storing up for myself, as it is stated: “And it shall be as righteousness to you”(Deuteronomy 24:13). bMy ancestors stored up for this world, whereas I am storing up for the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And your righteousness shall go before you, the glory of the Lord shall be your rearguard”(Isaiah 58:8).,§ The Gemara resumes its analysis of the mishna, which taught that one must reside in a place for twelve months in order to be considered a resident for the purposes of issues such as paying taxes. But if he bboughthimself ba residence inthe city, bhe isimmediately considered blikeone of bthe people of the city.The Gemara comments: bThe mishna is not in accordance withthe opinion of bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel, as it is taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: If he bought any amount of land inthe city, and not necessarily a residence, bhe isimmediately considered blikeone of bthe people of the city. /b,The Gemara asks: bBut isn’t it taughtotherwise in a different ibaraita /i: bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: Ifone bbought land that is suitable for a residence, he isimmediately considered blikeone of bthe people of the city.This contradicts the first ibaraita /i. The Gemara answers: This is a dispute between btwo itanna’imandthey disagree bwith regard tothe opinion bof Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong The court bdoes not divide a courtyardat the request of one of the joint owners bunless there will bein it four by bfour cubits for this one andfour by bfour cubits for that one,i.e., this minimum area for each of the joint owners. bAndthe court does bnotdivide bajointly owned bfield unless there isspace bin itto plant bnine ikav /iof seed bfor this one and nine ikav /iof seed bfor that one. Rabbi Yehuda says:The court does not divide a field bunless there isspace bin itto plant bnine half- ikav /iof seed bfor this one and nine half- ikav /iof seed bfor that one. Andthe court does bnotdivide a jointly owned bgarden unless there isspace bin itto plant ba half- ikav /iof seed bfor this one and a half- ikav /iof seed bfor that one. Rabbi Akiva saysthat half that amount is sufficient, i.e., the barea required for sowing a quarter- ikavof seed [ ibeit rova /i]. /b,Similarly, the court does bnotdivide ba hall [ ihateraklin /i], a drawing room, a dovecote, a cloak, a bathhouse, an olive press, and an irrigated field unless there is enough for this oneto use the property in the usual manner band enough for that oneto use the property in the usual manner. bThis is the principle: Anythingfor bwhichwhen it bis divided,each of the parts is large enough to bretain the nameof the original item, the court bdividesit. bBut ifthe parts will bnotretain the original name, the court bdoes not divideit., bWhendoes this rule apply? It applies bwhenthe joint owners bdo not both wishto divide the item; when only one of the owners wishes to divide the property, he cannot force the other to do so. bBut when both of them wishto divide the item, bthey may divideit, bevenif each of the owners will receive bless thanthe amounts specified above. bButin the case of bsacred writings,i.e., a scroll of any of the twenty-four books of the Bible, that were inherited by two people, bthey may not dividethem, beven if both of them wishto do so, because it would be a show of disrespect to cut the scroll in half., strongGEMARA: /strong bRabbi Asi saysthat bRabbi Yoḥa says: The four cubitsof the courtyard bwhich they saideach of the joint owners must receive is bin addition tothe space in front of bthe entrancesto each of the houses that is assigned to the owner of the house for loading and unloading. bThatopinion bis also taughtin a ibaraita /i: The court bdoes not divide a courtyard unlessits area is sufficient so that bthere will be in it eight cubits for this one and eight cubits for that one.The Gemara asks: bBut didn’t we learnin the mishna that it suffices that there be bfour cubits for this one and four cubits for that one? Rather, conclude from itthat the ibaraitawas taught bin accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Asi.The Gemara affirms: bConclude from itthat it is so., bAnd there arethose bwho raisethe ibaraitaas a contradiction to what is taught in the mishna and use the previously mentioned point to reconcile the two texts. bWe learnedin the mishna: The court bdoes not divide a courtyardat the request of one of the joint owners bunless there will bein it four by bfour cubits for this one andfour by bfour cubits for that one. But isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: The court does not divide a courtyard unless there are beight cubits for this one and eight cubits for that one?About this bRabbi Asi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: The four cubitsof the courtyard bwhich they saideach of the joint owners must receive is bin addition tothe space in front of bthe entrancesto each of the houses.,Further with regard to the division of a courtyard, bRav Huna says: A courtyard is divided according to its entrances.Each of the owners receives a share of the courtyard in proportion to the number of entrances that his house has opening onto the courtyard. bAnd Rav Ḥisda says: Four cubits are allottedto each of the owners bfor each and every entrance, and the restof the courtyard bisthen bdivided equallybetween them.,The Gemara comments: bIt is taughtin a ibaraita bin accordance withthe opinion bof Rav Ḥisda:Each of bthe entrancesopening bto a courtyardis allotted bfour cubits.If bthis one has one entrance and that one has two entrances, the one who has one entrance takes four cubits, and the one who has two entrances takes eight cubits, and they divide the restof the courtyard bequallybetween them. If bthis one had an entrance eight cubits wide,he btakes eight cubits adjacent to the entrance and four cubits in the courtyard.The Gemara expresses surprise: bWhat arethese bfour cubits in the courtyard doing here?Doesn’t it all depend on the size of the courtyard? bAbaye said: Thisis what the ibaraita bis saying:For the entrance bhe takes eight cubits along the length of the courtyard and four cubits along the width of the courtyard.In other words, he takes a strip four cubits wide along the entire length of his entrance., bAmeimar says: A pit forholding banimal food [ ipeira desuflei /i] has four cubits on each and every sideso that there will be sufficient space for the animals to stand. The Gemara adds: bAnd we saidthis bonly whenthe pit bhas no special entranceto reach it, but rather it is accessed from all sides.
9. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

38a. בסירוגין,ניקנור נעשו נסים לדלתותיו ת"ר מה נסים נעשו לדלתותיו אמרו כשהלך ניקנור להביא דלתות מאלכסנדריא של מצרים בחזירתו עמד עליו נחשול שבים לטבעו נטלו אחת מהן והטילוה לים ועדיין לא נח הים מזעפו,בקשו להטיל את חברתה עמד הוא וכרכה אמר להם הטילוני עמה מיד נח הים מזעפו והיה מצטער על חברתה כיון שהגיע לנמלה של עכו היתה מבצבצת ויוצאה מתחת דופני הספינה ויש אומרים בריה שבים בלעתה והקיאתה ליבשה,ועליה אמר שלמה (שיר השירים א, יז) קורות בתינו ארזים רהיטנו ברותים אל תיקרי ברותים אלא ברית ים לפיכך כל השערים שהיו במקדש נשתנו להיות של זהב חוץ משערי ניקנור מפני שנעשו בו נסים ויש אומרים מפני שנחושתן מוצהבת היתה ר' אליעזר בן יעקב אומר נחשת קלוניתא היתה והיתה מאירה כשל זהב, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ואלו לגנאי של בית גרמו לא רצו ללמד על מעשה לחם הפנים של בית אבטינס לא רצו ללמד על מעשה הקטורת,הוגרס בן לוי היה יודע פרק בשיר ולא רצה ללמד בן קמצר לא רצה ללמד על מעשה הכתב על הראשונים נאמר (משלי י, ז) זכר צדיק לברכה ועל אלו נאמר (משלי י, ז) ושם רשעים ירקב, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר בית גרמו היו בקיאין במעשה לחם הפנים ולא רצו ללמד שלחו חכמים והביאו אומנין מאלכסנדריא של מצרים והיו יודעין לאפות כמותן ולא היו יודעין לרדות כמותן שהללו מסיקין מבחוץ ואופין מבחוץ והללו מסיקין מבפנים ואופין מבפנים הללו פיתן מתעפשת והללו אין פיתן מתעפשת,כששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו כל מה שברא הקב"ה לכבודו בראו שנאמר (ישעיהו מג, ז) כל הנקרא בשמי ולכבודי בראתיו וחזרו בית גרמו למקומן שלחו להם חכמים ולא באו כפלו להם שכרן ובאו בכל יום היו נוטלין שנים עשר מנה והיום עשרים וארבעה ר' יהודה אומר בכל יום עשרים וארבעה והיום ארבעים ושמונה,אמרו להם חכמים מה ראיתם שלא ללמד אמרו להם יודעין היו של בית אבא שבית זה עתיד ליחרב שמא ילמוד אדם שאינו מהוגן וילך ויעבוד עבודת כוכבים בכך ועל דבר זה מזכירין אותן לשבח מעולם לא נמצאת פת נקיה ביד בניהם שלא יאמרו ממעשה לחם הפנים זה ניזונין לקיים מה שנאמר (במדבר לב, כב) והייתם נקיים מה' ומישראל,של בית אבטינס לא רצו ללמד על מעשה הקטורת ת"ר בית אבטינס היו בקיאין במעשה הקטורת ולא רצו ללמד שלחו חכמים והביאו אומנין מאלכסנדריא של מצרים והיו יודעין לפטם כמותם ולא היו יודעין להעלות עשן כמותן של הללו מתמר ועולה כמקל של הללו מפציע לכאן ולכאן,וכששמעו חכמים בדבר אמרו כל מה שברא הקב"ה לכבודו בראו שנאמר (משלי טז, ד) כל פעל ה' למענהו וחזרו בית אבטינס למקומן שלחו להם חכמים ולא באו כפלו להם שכרן ובאו בכל יום היו נוטלין שנים עשר מנה והיום עשרים וארבעה ר' יהודה אומר בכל יום עשרים וארבעה והיום ארבעים ושמונה,אמרו להם חכמים מה ראיתם שלא ללמד אמרו יודעין היו של בית אבא שבית זה עתיד ליחרב אמרו שמא ילמוד אדם שאינו מהוגן וילך ויעבוד עבודת כוכבים בכך ועל דבר זה מזכירין אותן לשבח מעולם לא יצאת כלה מבושמת מבתיהן וכשנושאין אשה ממקום אחר מתנין עמה שלא תתבסם שלא יאמרו ממעשה הקטורת מתבסמין לקיים מה שנא' והייתם נקיים מה' ומישראל,תניא אמר ר' ישמעאל פעם אחת הייתי מהלך בדרך ומצאתי אחד מבני בניהם אמרתי לו אבותיך בקשו להרבות כבודן ורצו למעט כבוד המקום עכשיו כבוד מקום במקומו ומיעט כבודם,אמר ר' עקיבא (פעם אחת) סח לי ר' ישמעאל בן לוגא פעם אחת יצאתי אני ואחד מבני בניהם לשדה ללקט עשבים וראיתי (ששחק ובכה) אמרתי לו מפני מה בכית אמר לי כבוד אבותי נזכרתי ומפני מה שחקת אמר לי שעתיד הקב"ה להחזירה לנו ומפני מה נזכרת אמר לי מעלה עשן כנגדי הראהו לי אמר לי שבועה היא בידינו שאין מראין אותו לכל אדם,אמר ר' יוחנן בן נורי פעם אחת מצאתי זקן א' ומגילת סממנין בידו אמרתי לו מאין אתה אמר לי מבית אבטינס אני ומה בידך אמר לי מגילת סממנין הראהו לי אמר לי כל זמן שבית אבא היו קיימין לא היו מוסרין אותו לכל אדם ועכשיו הרי הוא לך והזהר בה וכשבאתי וסחתי דברי לפני ר"ע אמר לי מעתה אסור לספר בגנותן של אלו,מכאן אמר בן עזאי בשמך יקראוך ובמקומך יושיבוך 38a. with balternatingcomplete words and initials. The first words of each verse were written there, but the rest of the words in the verse were represented by initials. Therefore, this contribution of Queen Helene does not resolve the question of whether writing a scroll for a child is permitted.,§ The mishna related: For bNicanor, miracles were performed to his doors. The Sages taughtin the iTosefta /i: bWhat miracles occurred for his doors? They said: When Nicanor went to bringcopper bdoorsfor the eastern gate of the Temple bfrom Alexandria in Egypt,famous for its craftsmanship, bon his returnvoyage by ship, ba storm arose in the seaand threatened bto drown him.The ship’s passengers btook oneof the doors, which were exceedingly heavy, band cast it into the sea,fearing that the weight of the doors would sink the ship. bAnd still the sea did not rest from its rage. /b, bThey sought to cast the otherdoor into the sea, at which point Nicanor bstood and embraced itand bsaid to them: Cast me intothe sea bwith it. Immediately, the sea rested from its rage,and it was necessary to cast neither the door nor Nicanor into the sea. The ship continued its journey with one door bandfor the entire voyage, bhe regrettedthe fate bof the otherdoor that he allowed them to cast into the sea. bWhen they arrived at the port of Akkoand prepared to disembark, despite the fact that it was made of copper, the door that was thrown into the sea bwas poking out under the sides of the ship. And some say a sea creature swallowed it and spewed it onto the land. /b, bAnd with regard to this, Solomon said: “The beams of our houses are cedars, and our doors are cypresses [ iberotim /i]”(Song of Songs 1:17), and the Sages interpreted it homiletically: bDo not readit as iberotimbutas iberit yam /i,covet of the sea, meaning that the door forged a covet with the sea for the sea to deliver it to its place. bTherefore,when the nation prospered and the people replaced the doors made of various metals, the doors in ball the gates in the Temple were altered to becomedoors of bgold exceptthe doors in bthe Gates of Nicanor because miracles were performed to them. And some sayit was bbecause their copper was brightly-coloredand high quality. bRabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says it was refined [ ikelonita /i] copper, and it illuminatedits surroundings blike gold. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong Apropos the mention in the mishna of people who took action in the Temple and were mentioned favorably, the mishna lists bthosewho took action in the Temple and were mentioned bunfavorably.The craftsmen bof the House of Garmu did not want to teachthe secret bof the preparation of the shewbreadand sought to keep the secret within their family. The craftsmen bof the House of Avtinas did not want to teachthe secret bof the preparation of the incense. /b,Also, bHugras ben Levi knew a chapterin the art of bmusic,as will be explained, band he did not want to teachit to others. And the scribe bben Kamtzar did not want to teacha special bact of writing.He was expert at writing all four letters of a four-letter name simultaneously. bAbout the firstones, who were mentioned favorably, bit is stated: “The memory of the righteous shall be for a blessing”(Proverbs 10:7); band about thesewho were concerned only for themselves bit is stated: “But the name of the wicked shall rot”(Proverbs 10:7)., strongGEMARA: /strong bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraita /i: The craftsmen of the bHouse of Garmu were expert inthe bpreparationof bthe shewbread, and they did not want to teachothers the secret of its production. bThe Sagesdismissed them and bsent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt,a large city with many experts. bAndthose craftsmen bknewhow bto bake likethe members of the House of Garmu did, bbut they did not knowhow bto removethe bread from the oven blike theydid. The shewbread was baked in a complex shape, and it was difficult to place it in the oven and remove it without breaking it. The difference was bthat theseAlexandrians blightthe fire boutsidethe oven band bake it outsidethe oven; band thesemembers of the House of Garmu blightthe fire binsidethe oven band bakeit binside.In the case of btheseAlexandrians, btheir bread becomes moldyover the course of the week, bandin the case of bthesemembers of the House of Garmu, btheir bread does not become moldy. /b, bWhen the Sages heard of the matterthat the bread of the imported craftsmen was of lower quality than before, bthey said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “Everyone who is called by My name, I have created for My glory”(Isaiah 43:7). In deference to God, the Sages should diminish their honor for the greater glory of God bandlet bthe House of Garmu return to theiroriginal bstation. The Sages sent for themto reassume their previous position, band they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each dayuntil then bthey would takewages of btwelve imaneh /i, and todaythey take wages of btwenty-four imaneh /i. Rabbi Yehuda says: Each daythey took btwenty-four imaneh /i, band todaythey take bforty-eight. /b, bThe Sages said to them: What did you see thatled byou not to teachothers this craft? bThey said:The members of our bfather’s house knew that this house,the Temple, bis destined to be destroyed,and they were concerned blest an unworthy man learnour skill of baking band go and engage in idol worship withthat skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: bAnd for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never was refined breadof fine flour bfound in the hands of their descendants, so thatpeople bwould not saythat bthey are sustained from thattechnique of bpreparing the shewbread.They ate only bread made of coarse flour mixed with bran, bto fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel”(Numbers 32:22). Not only must one’s behavior be beyond reproach, he should also make certain to be beyond suspicion.,§ Similarly, the mishna related: The craftsmen bof the House of Avtinas did not want to teach about thesecret of the bpreparation of the incense,at which they were particularly adept. bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraita /i: bThemembers of the bHouse of Avtinas were expert in thetechnique of bpreparing the incense, and they did not want to teachothers. bThe Sagesdismissed them and bsent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt. Andthe Alexandrian craftsmen bknewhow bto blendthe spices blike theydid, bbut they did not knowhow bto cause the smoke to rise likethe House of Avtinas bdid.The smoke bofthe incense blended by bthesemembers of the House of Avtinas brises in a column like a stick;the smoke bofthe incense blended by btheseAlexandrians bbranched out to here and to thereand did not rise in a straight line., bWhen the Sages heard of the matter, they said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “God made everything for His sake”(Proverbs 16:4), bandthey let bthe House of Avtinas return to theiroriginal bstation. The Sages sent forthe members of the House of Avtinas to reassume their previous position, band they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each dayuntil then bthey would takewages of btwelve imaneh /i, and todaythey take wages of btwenty-four imaneh /i. Rabbi Yehuda says: Each daythey took btwenty-four imaneh /i, band todaythey take bforty-eight. /b, bThe Sages said to them: What did you see thatled you bnot to teachothers this craft? bThey said:The members of our bfather’s house knew that this house,the Temple, bis destined to be destroyed,and they were concerned blest an unworthy man learnour skill of preparing incense band go and engage in idol worship withthat skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: bAnd for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never did a perfumed bride emerge from their homes. And when they marry a woman from a different place, they stipulate with her that she will not perfume herself, so thatcynics bwould not saythat bit is with the work of the incensethat bthey perfume themselves, to fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel”(Numbers 32:22)., bIt was taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Yishmael said: One time I was walking along the road and I found one ofthe bdescendantsof the House of Avtinas. bI said to him: Your fathers sought to enhance their honor and sought to diminish God’s honorby not revealing their secret to others. bNow,although the Temple was destroyed, bthe honor of God remains as it was,and bHe diminished their honor,as their significance stemmed from their Temple service., bRabbi Akiva said: One time Rabbi Yishmael ben Loga related to me: One time I and one of the descendantsof the House of Avtinas bwent out to the field to collect herbs, and I saw that he laughed and he cried. I said to him: Why did you cry? He said to me: I was reminded of the honor of my forefathers,how important they were in the Temple. I said to him: bAnd why did you laugh? He said to me: The Holy One, Blessed be He, is going to restore it to us in the futureand we will be honored again. I said to him: bAnd why are you remindedof this now? bHe said to me: The smoke-raisingherb bis before me,here in the field, reminding me of the past. I said to him: bShow it to me;which one is it? bHe said to me: We are bound by oath not to show it to any personother than the members of our family., bRabbi Yoḥa ben Nuri said: One time I found an old man who had in his hand a scrollwith the location and formula for blending bof spices. I said to him: Where are you from?What is your ancestry? bHe said to me: I am from the House of Avtinas.I asked him: bAnd what is in your hand? He said to me: A scroll of spices.I said to him: bShow it to me. He said to me: As long as the Houseof Avtinas, bmy forefathers, was extant, they would not pass it on to anyone. And now, here it is; and be careful with itnot to give it to anyone. bAnd when I came and related my statement before Rabbi Akiva, he said to me: And nowthat they have surrendered the scroll to worthy recipients since they are unable to maintain its sanctity, bit is prohibited to mention them unfavorably,as even their earlier reticence was apparently for the glory of God., bFrom here,with regard to the cases of the Temple’s craftsmen whom the Sages restored to their posts, bben Azzai said:One should not be concerned that others might usurp his livelihood and success, since at the appropriate moment, bby your name they shall call youto return to your previous position, band in your place, they shall seat you, /b


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
appellative Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
aramaic Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
bar giora, simon Augoustakis et al., Fides in Flavian Literature (2021) 61
beth she'arim" '204.0_221.0@endearment Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish war Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 195
domitian\n, in josephus Augoustakis et al., Fides in Flavian Literature (2021) 61
elites, and burial Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
family Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
gamala Augoustakis et al., Fides in Flavian Literature (2021) 61
gischala Augoustakis et al., Fides in Flavian Literature (2021) 61
helena of adiabene Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
herodium Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
jerusalem Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221; Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
josephus fides in Augoustakis et al., Fides in Flavian Literature (2021) 61
loculi tombs Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
mount offence Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
mount scopus Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
nickname Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
ossuaries' Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
ossuary, ossuaries Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
priestly Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
priests Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
simon the son of giora Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 195
talmud Hachlili, Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period (2005) 221
temple mount, jerusalem temple Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235
titus and fides, in josephus Augoustakis et al., Fides in Flavian Literature (2021) 61
vespasian, in josephus Augoustakis et al., Fides in Flavian Literature (2021) 61