Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

7235

Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 5.36

ἀμέλει ̓Ιωάννης τὴν ἱερὰν ὕλην εἰς πολεμιστηρίων κατασκευὴν ὀργάνων ἀπεχρήσατο: δόξαν γάρ ποτε τῷ λαῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν ὑποστηρίξαντας τὸν ναὸν εἴκοσι πήχεις προσυψῶσαι, κατάγει μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Λιβάνου μεγίστοις ἀναλώμασι καὶ πόνοις τὴν χρήσιμον ὕλην ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας, ξύλα θέας ἄξια τήν τε εὐθύτητα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος:

Nay, John abused the sacred materials, and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness;

But then Titus, knowing that the city would be either saved or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the Jews exhorted to repentance;

Τίτος δὲ σώζεσθαί τε τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀπόλλυσθαι εἰδὼς ἑαυτῷ, ἅμα καὶ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ προσέκειτο καὶ τοῦ παραινεῖν ̓Ιουδαίοις μετάνοιαν οὐκ ἠμέλει

But then Titus, knowing that the city would be either saved or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the Jews exhorted to repentance;

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

8 results

1. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.105-14.109, 14.419, 15.391-15.392, 17.264, 18.6, 20.219-20.222 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

14.105. 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. 14.106. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design 14.107. for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole 14.108. but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; 14.109. yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple. 14.419. But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been before desolate. 15.391. 3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. 15.392. Now the temple was built of stones that were white and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about twelve; 17.264. insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents. 18.6. o men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; 18.6. 2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. 20.219. 7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple; 20.221. These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple. 20.222. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone.

2. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.179, 1.308, 2.5, 2.175, 2.293-2.295, 2.404-2.405, 5.405 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 1.308. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly. 2.5. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. 2.5. but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 2.5. o he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen, besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings; of which Antiochus sent two thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with as many archers; and Agrippa sent the same number of footmen, and one thousand of horsemen; 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. 2.295. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; 2.404. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.” 2.405. 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. 5.405. Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers;

3. Mishnah, Menachot, 8.1, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

8.1. All the sacrifices communal or individual may be offered from [produce grown] in the Land [of Israel] or outside the Land, from new [produce] or from the old, except for the omer and the two loaves, which must be offered only from new produce and from [produce grown] in the land. All [offerings] must be offered from the choicest produce. And which is the choicest? That from Michmas and Zanoha are “alpha” for the quality of their fine flour; second to them is Hafaraim in the valley. The [produce of the] whole land was valid, but they used to bring it from these places." 8.6. From where did they bring the wine? Keruhim and Attulim rank are alpha their wine. Second to them are Bet Rimmah and Bet Lavan on the mountain and Kefar Signa in the valley. [Wine of the] whole land was valid but they used to bring it only from these places. One may not bring it from a manured field or from an irrigated field or from vines planted in a field sown with seeds; but if one did bring it [from these] it was valid. One may not bring wine from sun-dried grapes, but if one did bring it, it was valid. One may not bring old wine, the words of Rabbi. But the sages permit it. One may not bring sweet wine or smoked wine or cooked wine, and if one did bring it, it was invalid. One may not bring wine from grapes suspended [on reeds], but only from the vines growing close to the ground and from well-cultivated vineyards."

4. Mishnah, Sukkah, 4.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.5. The mitzvah of the aravah how was it [performed]?There was a place below Jerusalem called Moza. They went down there and gathered tall branches of aravot and then they came and stood them up at the sides of the altar, and their tops were bent over the altar. They then sounded a teki’ah [long blast], a teru’ah [staccato blast] and again a teki’ah. Every day they went round the altar once, saying, “O Lord, save us, O Lord, make us prosper” (Psalms 118:. Rabbi Judah says: “Ani vaho, save us.” On that day they went round the altar seven times. When they departed, what did they say? “O altar, beauty is to you! O altar, beauty is to you!” Rabbi Eliezer said: [they would say,] “To the Lord and to you, O altar, to the Lord and to you, O altar.”"

5. Mishnah, Shekalim, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.3. What did they do with the surplus of the remainder in the chamber?They would buy with it wines, oils and fine flours, and the profit belonged to the Temple, the words of Rabbi Ishmael. Rabbi Akiva says: one may not make a profit with the property of the Temple, nor with the property of the poor."

6. New Testament, Romans, 11.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11.16. If the first fruit is holy, so is the lump. If the root is holy, so are the branches.

7. New Testament, John, 2.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.20. The Jews therefore said, "Forty-six years was this temple in building, and will you raise it up in three days?

8. Babylonian Talmud, Hagigah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

25a. המדומעות נאמנין עליהם בשעת הגיתות והבדים וקודם לגיתות שבעים יום:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ביהודה אין ובגליל לא מ"ט,אמר ריש לקיש מפני שרצועה של כותים מפסקת ביניהן,וניתיב בשידה תיבה ומגדל הא מני רבי היא דאמר אהל זרוק לאו שמיה אהל דתניא הנכנס לארץ העמים בשידה תיבה ומגדל רבי מטמא ור' יוסי בר' יהודה מטהר,ולייתוה בכלי חרס המוקף צמיד פתיל אמר רבי אליעזר שונין אין הקדש ניצול בצמיד פתיל,והתניא אין חטאת ניצלת בצמיד פתיל מאי לאו הא קדש ניצול לא הא מים שאינן מקודשים ניצולין בצמיד פתיל,והאמר עולא חברייא מדכן בגלילא מניחין ולכשיבא אליהו ויטהרנה:,ובשעת הגיתות נאמנין אף על התרומה: ורמינהי הגומר זיתיו ישייר קופה אחת ויתננה לעני כהן,אמר רב נחמן לא קשיא הא בחרפי הא באפלי א"ל רב אדא בר אהבה כגון מאי כאותן של בית אביך,רב יוסף אמר בגלילא שנו איתיביה אביי עבר הירדן וגליל הרי הן כיהודה נאמנין על היין בשעת היין ועל השמן בשעת השמן אבל לא על היין בשעת השמן ולא על השמן בשעת היין,אלא מחוורתא כדשנין מעיקרא:,עברו הגיתות והבדים והביאו לו חבית של יין לא יקבלנה הימנו אבל מניחה לגת הבאה: בעו מיניה מרב ששת עבר וקיבלה מהו שיניחנה לגת הבאה אמר להו תניתוה

25a. bthat are mingled, iamei ha’aretz bare trusted with regard to them during the period of the winepress and the olive press, andalso up to bseventy days before the winepress,for that is when people begin to purify their vessels in preparation for the wine-pressing season., strongGEMARA: /strong The mishna teaches that iamei ha’aretzare trusted with regard to the purity of sacrificial wine and oil in Judea. The Gemara infers: bIn Judea, yes, but in the Galilee, no. What is the reasonfor this distinction between the two places?, bReish Lakish said:It is bbecause a stripof land inhabited bby Samaritans [ iKutim /i] separates betweenJudea and the Galilee, and it is impossible to travel from one land to the other without traversing this strip. The Sages decreed that lands inhabited by non-Jewish nations are considered ritually impure, so that it would be impossible to transport food from the Galilee to Judea, where the Temple is located, without the food becoming impure. Therefore, even oil and wine prepared by iḥaverimwho lived in the Galilee were not accepted for sacrificial use.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: bAnd letthe residents of the Galilee bplacethe wine and oil and transport it to Judea bin aclosed bbox, a chest, or a closet,whose contents cannot contract impurity, as they have the status of separate tents. The Gemara answers: In accordance with bwhoseopinion bis thismishna? bIt isin accordance with the opinion of bRabbiYehuda HaNasi, bwho said: A thrown tent,i.e., a moving tent, bis not called aproper btent,and therefore its contents are subject to impurity. In our case, then, the contents would contract the impurity decreed upon the lands of non-Jewish nations. bAs it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: Concerning bone who enters a land of non-Jewish nationssitting bin a box, a chest, or a closet, RabbiYehuda HaNasi bdeclareshim to be bimpure, and Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, declareshim to be bpure. /b,The Gemara raises a further difficulty: bAnd let them bringoil and wine to the Temple bin an earthenware vessel sealedwith ba tightly bound cover,which cannot contract impurity even if it is in the same tent as a corpse, as it states: “And every open vessel, which has no covering tightly bound upon it, is unclean” (Numbers 19:15). bRabbi Eliezer said:The Sages btaughtin a ibaraita /i: bSacrificialfood, unlike other items, is bnot sparedfrom impurity bbybeing in a container with ba tightly bound cover. /b,The Gemara asks: bBut isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: Water of bpurificationcontaining ashes from the red heifer bis not sparedfrom impurity bbybeing in a vessel with ba tightly bound cover? What, is it notimplied in the ibaraita bthisinference: That bsacrificialfood bis sparedfrom impurity in such a situation? The ibaraitaseems to imply that this is a special stringency for water of purification, which does not apply to anything else, including sacrificial food. The Gemara rejects this: bNo,the ibaraita’sinference should be understood differently, as bthis: Water that has notyet bbeen consecratedby being mixed with ashes of the red heifer bis sparedfrom impurity bbybeing in a vessel with ba tightly bound cover,even if they are designated for such a use at a later stage.,The Gemara raises another difficulty: bBut didn’t Ulla say: iḤaverimpurifytheir wine and oil, i.e., they produce their wine and oil by the standards of purity used for sacrificial food bin the Galilee,to be used for sacrificial purposes? This indicates that there must have been some way of transporting them from the Galilee to the Temple, for otherwise why would they have prepared such items? The Gemara answers: Indeed, they could not transfer these items to the Temple. Rather, they would bleavethem in their place, bandtheir thought was that bwhen Elijah comesin messianic times and bpurifiesthe road from Galilee to Judea, these items will become eligible for use.,§ It was taught in the mishna: bAnd during the period of the winepressand olive press, iamei ha’aretz bare trusted even with regard tothe purity of iteruma /i. Andthe Gemara braises a contradictionfrom the following teaching: An iam ha’aretz bwho finishespressing bhis olives should leave over one sackof unpressed olives, band give it to a poor priestas iteruma /i, so that the priest himself can make ritually pure oil from it. This shows that even during the period of the olive press the iam ha’aretzis not trusted to make pure olive oil himself., bRav Naḥman said:This is bnot difficult. Thiscase of the mishna, where iamei ha’aretzare trusted to produce pure olive oil themselves, is referring btopeople who press their olives bearly,during the regular season of the olive press, while bthatcase is referring btothose who press their olives blater,after the period when most people press their olives has passed. bRav Adda bar Ahava said to him:Such as bwhatcase, bfor example?Such bas thoseolives bof your father’s house.Rav Naḥman’s father had many olives, and he often pressed them after the regular pressing season., bRav Yosef saida different resolution of the above contradiction. The source that states that iamei ha’aretzare not trusted bwas taughtwith bregard to the Galilee,and as the mishna taught earlier concerning sacrificial wine and oil, iamei ha’aretzare trusted only in Judea and not in the Galilee. bAbaye raised an objection to himfrom a ibaraita /i: bTransjordan and the Galilee are like Judea,in that bthey are trusted with regard to wineof iteruma bduring the period of wineproduction, band with regard to oilof iteruma bduring the period of oilproduction. bHowever,they are bnottrusted bwith regard to wine during the period of oilproduction, bnorare they trusted bwith regard to oil during the period of wineproduction. This ibaraitashows that with regard to iterumathere is no difference between the trustworthiness of iamei ha’aretzwho live in the Galilee and that of those who live in Judea., bRather,Rav Yosef’s answer must be rejected, and bit is clearthat the correct answer is bas we answered initially,that it is speaking of the period following the conclusion of the winepress.,§ It was taught in the mishna: Once btheperiods of the bwinepress and olive press have passed,if iamei ha’aretz bbrought toa iḥaverpriest a bbarrel of iterumawine, he may not accept it from them. Butthe giver bmay leave itover bfor the following winepressseason, in the following year. bThey raised a dilemma before Rav Sheshet:If the priest bviolatedthe ihalakha band did acceptthe wine from an iam ha’aretz /i, bwhat isthe ihalakha /i? Is it permissible bthat he should leave itover for himself bfor the following winepressseason? Since it is permissible to accept the wine and oil of an iam ha’aretzintentionally left until that time, perhaps it is also permissible if the priest himself intentionally leaves it over until that time. bHe said to him: You learned itin a mishna ( iDemai6:9):

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
agrippa ii,and work on the temple	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
agrippa ii	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171, 216
akiva,r.	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
alexandrium,fortress,restored by,herod in	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
animals,sacred,protecting the byproducts of	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
consecration,of trees	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171, 216
consecration,protections for derivatives and byproducts of	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
elites	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
fines,qorban	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 191
greece	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
hekdesh,prohibition of business dealings with	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
hekdesh,protection of	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
herod the great,kingdom of,expansion of	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
herod the great,taxation under	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
herod the great,territorial expansion and building projects of,on temple mount	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
herod the great,territorial expansion and building projects of,scholarly debate about strategy and rationale of	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
herod the great,territorial expansion and building projects of	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
italy	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
jerusalem	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5, 191
john of gischala	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
josephus,on herod,events after death of	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
judea,in the early roman period	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
lebanon	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5, 191
market integration	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
masada	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
mesopotamia,on the temple tax	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 191
north africa	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
oil lamps	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
paul,and protecting derivatives of agricultural consecrations	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
pheroras (brother of herod),and work on fortress alexandrium	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
pottery,eastern terra sigillata a (esa)	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
priestly elites,at the jerusalem temple	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 191
qumran,sectarians of	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
rabbis,and the protection of derivatives of agricultural consecrations	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
sacred land,in judea,of the jerusalem temple	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
sacrilege	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
sea of galilee	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
shekel tax	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
taxation,under herod	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
temple,in jerusalem,consecrated timber for construction at	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
temple,in jerusalem,economy of	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171
temple,in jerusalem,in rabbinic writings	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
temple,protecting byproducts of	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 216
temple	Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 171, 216
temple mount,herods building projects on	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
temple mount,jerusalem temple	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 191
temple of jerusalem,and herods building projects	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
temple of jerusalem,and pilgrimages	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
temple of jerusalem,economic importance of	Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 195
temple tax	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 191
timber	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
trade	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 5
urban development'	Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 191