1. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 10.32 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
| 10.32. עוֹד הַיּוֹם בְּנֹב לַעֲמֹד יְנֹפֵף יָדוֹ הַר בית־[בַּת־] צִיּוֹן גִּבְעַת יְרוּשָׁלִָם׃ | 10.32. This very day shall he halt at Nob, Shaking his hand at the mount of the daughter of Zion, The hill of Jerusalem." |
|
2. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 1.18-1.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
|
3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 13.249, 13.372-13.383, 13.393-13.394, 13.398-13.404, 13.408, 13.410-13.415, 14.25-14.28, 14.137-14.140, 14.143-14.148, 14.200 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 13.249. 4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity 13.372. 5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. 13.373. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. 13.374. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him; 13.375. but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem 13.376. where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them. 13.377. 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also. 13.379. 2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; 13.381. This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; 13.382. nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. 13.383. However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity. 13.393. 3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and then made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno’s treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia; 13.394. and when he had taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of Antiochus, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war, he returned to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good success. 13.398. 5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet would not leave off going out with his army, till he was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. 13.399. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, “To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?” 13.401. after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed; 13.402. for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured. 13.403. “Do thou, therefore,” said he, “when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. 13.404. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.” So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one. 13.408. 2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated. 13.411. till the men that were the most potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was done; and it appeared openly, that if he had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to go on so. These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone through, and great things they had done, whereby they had demonstrated the firmness of their fidelity to their master, insomuch that they had received the greatest marks of favor from him; 13.412. and they begged of her, that she would not utterly blast their hopes, as it now happened, that when they had escaped the hazards that arose from their [open] enemies, they were to be cut off at home by their [private] enemies, like brute beasts, without any help whatsoever. 13.413. They said also, that if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that had been slain already, they would take what had been done patiently, on account of their natural love to their governors; but if they must expect the same for the future also, they implored of her a dismission from her service; for they could not bear to think of attempting any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather die willingly before the palace gate, in case she would not forgive them. 13.414. And that it was a great shame, both for themselves and for the queen, that when they were neglected by her, they should come under the lash of her husband’s enemies; for that Aretas, the Arabian king, and the monarchs, would give any reward, if they could get such men as foreign auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible; 13.415. but if they could not obtain this their second request, and if she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she would place them every one in her fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a constant spite against Alexander’s house, they would be willing to bear their part, and to live in a private station there. 14.25. and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. 14.25. 2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; 14.26. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.26. but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. 14.27. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. 14.27. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus’s government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere. 14.28. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae. 14.28. 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar: 14.137. 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; 14.138. and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in the name of Asinius: “After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews.” 14.139. Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that “Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition.” This is what Strabo says. 14.143. 5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea. 14.144. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows: 14.145. “Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe 14.146. concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. 14.147. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury. 14.148. It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus.” |
|
4. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 1.61, 1.88-1.92, 1.94-1.99, 1.103-1.159, 1.166, 1.168-1.170, 1.172, 1.174-1.175, 1.179-1.196, 1.198-1.200 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward [am the author of this work]. 1.3. 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter. 1.3. When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. 1.61. 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also. 1.61. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. 1.88. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. 1.89. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it. 1.91. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. 1.92. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their request, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem. 1.94. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. 1.95. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander’s mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander’s condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way. 1.96. 6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. 1.97. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. 1.98. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander’s death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more. 1.99. 7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidae. Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches. 1.103. 8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, invited Aretas [to take the government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement. 1.104. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. 1.105. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; 1.106. for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years. 1.107. 1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the goodwill of the people. 1.108. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. 1.109. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper. 1.111. Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. 1.112. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her. 1.113. 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. 1.114. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. 1.115. But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. 1.116. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus’s expedition into Armenia. 1.117. 4. In the meantime, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; 1.118. and besides this, upon Hyrcanus’s complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus’s wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was lord [of the East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. 1.119. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years. 1.121. but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus’s wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king’s brother. 1.122. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus. 1.123. 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.124. he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. 1.125. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia 1.126. where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; 1.127. he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. 1.128. 3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. 1.129. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; 1.131. 4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. 1.132. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis. 1.133. 5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. 1.134. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a stronghold, fortified with the utmost magnificence and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. 1.135. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. 1.136. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. 1.137. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own handwriting. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey. 1.138. 6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. 1.139. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. 1.141. 1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to. 1.142. 2. Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. 1.143. So Aristobulus’s party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army 1.144. who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade anyone of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus’s party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance. 1.145. 3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior station; 1.146. nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on Sabbath days. 1.147. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence. 1.148. 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; 1.149. for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense. 1.151. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded. 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.155. 7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara 1.156. and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. 1.157. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. 1.158. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome. 1.159. 1. In the meantime, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia. 1.166. Accordingly, upon his injunction, the following cities were restored;—Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Gamala, Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants. 1.168. all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander’s mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. 1.169. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. 1.172. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutet at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus’s party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus broke through the Roman army, and marched together to Macherus; 1.174. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus’s mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him. 1.175. 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. 1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 1.181. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabians, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now, as he made himself friends among the men of power everywhere, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. 1.182. So when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere. 1.183. 1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. 1.184. But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus’s alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey’s party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchres. 1.185. 2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon 1.186. who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus’s wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister. 1.187. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. 1.188. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war; 1.189. insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him. 1.191. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews’ Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; 1.192. for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater. 1.193. 5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. 1.194. And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood. 1.195. 1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of Antipater’s further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio’s barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater 1.196. how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with regard to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of goodwill to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey. 1.198. that he wondered at Antigonus’s boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it to him. 1.199. 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down. |
|
5. Mishnah, Sukkah, 4.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
| 4.9. How was the water libation [performed]? A golden flask holding three logs was filled from the Shiloah. When they arrived at the water gate, they sounded a teki'ah [long blast], a teru'ah [a staccato note] and again a teki'ah. [The priest then] went up the ascent [of the altar] and turned to his left where there were two silver bowls. Rabbi Judah says: they were of plaster [but they looked silver] because their surfaces were darkened from the wine. They had each a hole like a slender snout, one being wide and the other narrow so that both emptied at the same time. The one on the west was for water and the one on the east for wine. If he poured the flask of water into the bowl for wine, or that of wine into that for water, he has fulfilled his obligation. Rabbi Judah says: with one log he performed the ceremony of the water-libation all eight days. To [the priest] who performed the libation they used to say, “Raise your hand”, for one time, a certain man poured out the water over his feet, and all the people pelted him with their etrogs." |
|
6. New Testament, Apocalypse, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 5.5. One of the elders said to me, "Don't weep. Behold, the Lion who is of the tribe of Judah, the Root of David, has overcome; he who opens the book and its seven seals. |
|
7. New Testament, Matthew, 1.2-1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1.2. Abraham became the father of Isaac. Isaac became the father of Jacob. Jacob became the father of Judah and his brothers. 1.3. Judah became the father of Perez and Zerah by Tamar. Perez became the father of Hezron. Hezron became the father of Ram. |
|
8. Tosefta, Sukkah, 3.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
|
9. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 7.11 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
|
10. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 91.4-91.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
| 91.4. וְיוֹסֵף הוּא הַשַּׁלִּיט וגו' (בראשית מב, ו), שָׁלשׁ גְּזֵרוֹת גָּזַר, שֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס עֶבֶד לְמִצְרַיִם, וְשֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס אָדָם בִּשְׁנֵי חֲמוֹרִים, וְשֶׁלֹא יוֹלִיכוּ חֲמָרִים תְּבוּאָה מִמָּקוֹם לְמָקוֹם, שֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס אָדָם עַד שֶׁלֹא יִכְתֹּב שְׁמוֹ וְשֵׁם אָבִיו וְשֵׁם זְקֵנוֹ. וַהֲוָה תַּמָּן מְנַשֶּׁה קָאֵים מְקַבֵּל פִּתְקִין, אָמְרִין נֵעוֹל וְנֶחֱמֵי אִי אַשְׁכְּחָן יָתֵיהּ טָעוּן לָן בְּמַדָּיו דְּמִכְסָא, הָא טַב, וְאִם לָאו בְּצַפְרָא נֶחֱמֵי מַה נַּעֲבֹד. 91.5. דָּבָר אַחֵר, וַיַּרְא יַעֲקֹב כִּי יֶשׁ שֶׁבֶר בְּמִצְרָיִם, כְּתִיב (משלי יא, כו): מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם וּבְרָכָה לְרֹאשׁ מַשְׁבִּיר. מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, זֶה פַּרְעֹה. וּבְרָכָה לְרֹאשׁ מַשְׁבִּיר, זֶה יוֹסֵף. יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, זֶה פַּרְעֹה, שֶׁגָּנַז הַתְּבוּאָה בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן וְהָיוּ הַבְּרִיּוֹת מְקַלְּלִין אוֹתוֹ. אֲבָל יוֹסֵף זָן אֶת הָעוֹלָם בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן כָּרוֹעֶה הַזֶּה שֶׁמַּנְהִיג אֶת צֹאנוֹ, עָלָיו אָמַר דָּוִד (תהלים פ, ב): רֹעֵה יִשְׂרָאֵל הַאֲזִינָה נֹהֵג כַּצֹּאן יוֹסֵף, כְּשֶׁהָיָה רָעָב בִּימֵי דָוִד בִּקֵּשׁ עֲלֵיהֶם רַחֲמִים מִלִּפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וְאָמַר רִבּוֹן כָּל הָעוֹלָמִים נְהֹג אֶת צֹאנְךָ כְּיוֹסֵף שֶׁזָּן אֶת הָעוֹלָם בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן. כֵּיוָן שֶׁחָזַק הָרָעָב בָּאָרֶץ נִתְקַבְּצוּ הַמִּצְרִים וּבָאוּ אֵצֶל יוֹסֵף אָמְרוּ לוֹ תְּנָה לָנוּ לֶחֶם, אָמַר לָהֶם אֱלֹהַי אֵינוֹ זָן אֶת הָעֲרֵלִים, לְכוּ וּמוֹלוּ אֶת עַצְמְכֶם וְאֶתֵּן לָכֶם. הָלְכוּ אֵצֶל פַּרְעֹה וְהָיוּ צוֹעֲקִים וּבוֹכִים לְפָנָיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית מא, נה): וַתִּרְעַב כָּל אֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם, וְאָמַר (בראשית מא, נה): לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ, אָמְרוּ לוֹ הָלַכְנוּ אֶצְלוֹ מְדַבֵּר אֵלֵינוּ דְּבָרִים רֵיקִים וְאוֹמֵר מוֹלוּ אֶת עַצְמְכֶם, אָמַר לָהֶם שׁוֹטִים לֹא כָךְ אָמַרְתִּי לָכֶם מִתְּחִלָּה עִבְדוּהוּ וּקְנוּ לְעַצְמְכֶם תְּבוּאָה, וְכִי לֹא הָיָה קוֹרֵא לָכֶם כָּל אוֹתָן הַשָּׁנִים שְׁנֵי הַשֹּׂבַע וְצִוָּה לָכֶם הֱיוּ יוֹדְעִים שֶׁרָעָב בָּא, אַתֶּם פָּשַׁעְתֶּם בְּנַפְשׁוֹתֵיכֶם, מִפְּנֵי מָה לֹא הִנַּחְתֶּם בְּבָתֵּיכֶם תְּבוּאָה שֶׁל שְׁנַיִם וְשָׁלשׁ וְאַרְבַּע שָׁנִים. אָמְרוּ לוֹ כָּל תְּבוּאָה שֶׁהָיָה בְּבָתֵּינוּ הִרְקִיבָה. אָמַר לָהֶם לֹא נִשְׁתַּיֵּר לָכֶם קֶמַח מֵאֶתְמוֹל, אָמְרוּ לוֹ אַף פַּת שֶׁהָיָה בַּסַּל הִרְקִיב. אָמַר לָהֶם לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ, אָמַר לָהֶם אִם גּוֹזֵר עַל הַתְּבוּאָה וְנִרְקֶבֶת שֶׁמָּא יִגְזֹר עָלֵינוּ וְיַהַרְגֵנוּ. אָמַר לָהֶם לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף, אִם יֹאמַר לָכֶם חִתְכוּ מִבְּשַׂרְכֶם שִׁמְעוּ לוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ. (בראשית מא, נו): וְהָרָעָב הָיָה עַל כָּל פְּנֵי, רָאוּי הָיָה לַמִּקְרָא לוֹמַר עַל הָאָרֶץ, מַה תַּלְמוּד לוֹמַר עַל פְּנֵי, אָמַר רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן לְלַמֶּדְךָ שֶׁלֹא הִתְחִיל הָרָעָב אֶלָּא בָּעֲשִׁירִים, שֶׁאֵין פְּנֵי הָאָרֶץ אֶלָּא עֲשִׁירִים, לְכָךְ נֶאֱמַר (משלי יא, כו): מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, בִּזְּמַן שֶׁאָדָם עָשִׁיר יֵשׁ לוֹ פָּנִים שְׂמֵחִים לִרְאוֹת אֶת חֲבֵרוֹ, וּבִזְמַן שֶׁאָדָם עָנִי אֵין לוֹ פָּנִים לִרְאוֹת, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא מִתְבַּיֵּשׁ מֵחֲבֵרוֹ, לְכָךְ נֶאֱמַר: מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם. | |
|
11. Palestinian Talmud, Nazir, 5.5 (54b) (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
|
12. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Qamma, 82b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
| 82b. ואתא איהו תיקן חפיפה:,ושיהו רוכלין מחזרין בעיירות משום תכשיטי נשים כדי שלא יתגנו על בעליהם:,ותיקן טבילה לבעלי קריין דאורייתא הוא דכתיב (ויקרא טו, טז) ואיש כי תצא ממנו שכבת זרע ורחץ את בשרו במים דאורייתא הוא לתרומה וקדשים אתא הוא תיקן אפילו לדברי תורה:,עשרה דברים נאמרו בירושלים אין הבית חלוט בה ואינה מביאה עגלה ערופה ואינה נעשית עיר הנדחת,ואינה מטמאה בנגעים ואין מוציאין בה זיזין וגזוזטראות ואין עושין בה אשפתות ואין עושין בה כבשונות ואין עושין בה גנות ופרדסות חוץ מגנות וורדין שהיו מימות נביאים הראשונים ואין מגדלים בה תרנגולין ואין מלינין בה את המת,אין הבית חלוט בה דכתיב (ויקרא כה, ל) וקם הבית אשר לו חומה לצמיתות לקונה אותו לדורותיו וקסבר לא נתחלקה ירושלים לשבטים,ואינה מביאה עגלה ערופה דכתיב (דברים כא, א) כי ימצא חלל באדמה אשר ה' אלהיך נותן לך לרשתה וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואינה נעשית עיר הנדחת דכתיב (דברים יג, יג) עריך וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואינה מטמאה בנגעים דכתיב (ויקרא יד, לד) ונתתי נגע צרעת בבית ארץ אחוזתכם וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואין מוציאין בה זיזין וגזוזטראות מפני אהל הטומאה ומשום דלא ליתזקו עולי רגלים,ואין עושין בה אשפתות משום שקצים,ואין עושין בה כבשונות משום קוטרא,ואין עושין בה גנות ופרדסין משום סירחא,ואין מגדלין בה תרנגולין משום קדשים,ואין מלינין בה את המת גמרא:,אין מגדלין חזירים בכל מקום תנו רבנן כשצרו בית חשמונאי זה על זה היה הורקנוס מבפנים ואריסטובלוס מבחוץ ובכל יום היו משלשים להם בקופה דינרין והיו מעלין להם תמידים,היה שם זקן אחד שהיה מכיר בחכמת יוונית אמר להם כל זמן שעוסקין בעבודה אין נמסרים בידכם למחר שילשלו דינרין בקופה והעלו להם חזיר כיון שהגיע לחצי החומה נעץ צפרניו בחומה ונזדעזעה ארץ ישראל ארבע מאות פרסה על ארבע מאות פרסה,באותה שעה אמרו ארור האיש שיגדל חזירים וארור האדם שילמד את בנו חכמת יוונית ועל אותה שעה שנינו מעשה שבא עומר מגנות הצריפין ושתי הלחם מבקעת עין סוכר:,וחכמת יוונית מי אסירא והתניא אמר רבי בארץ ישראל | 82b. bAndEzra bcameand added to the Torah’s minimal obligation. He binstitutedthe requirement of bcombingthe hair even when it is known that it is not knotted and contains no repulsive substance.,The Gemara discusses the next of Ezra’s ordices: bAnd that peddlers should circulate throughall bthe towns.This Gemara explains that this is bbecausepeddlers supply bwomen’s cosmetics,and therefore Ezra instituted this practice bso thatwomen bshould not become unattractive to their husbands. /b,The Gemara analyzes the last of the ten ordices: bAnd he institutedthe requirement of bimmersion for those who experienced a seminal emission.The Gemara asks: But this bisrequired bby Torah law, as it is written: “And if the flow of seed go out from a man, then he shall batheall bhis flesh in water”(Leviticus 15:16). The Gemara answers: bBy Torah lawimmersion bisrequired only if one wishes to partake bof iterumaor sacrificialmeat. Ezra bcameand further binstitutedthat immersion is necessary beven forreciting or studying bmatters of Torah. /b,§ The mishna teaches that one may not raise chickens in Jerusalem. The Gemara cites a ibaraitathat contains a list of other ihalakhotthat are unique to Jerusalem. bTen matters were stated with regard to Jerusalem: A housesituated binJerusalem does bnotbecome birredeemableone year after its sale. Those who sell houses in other walled cities have the right to buy back their property for one year after the transaction. If they fail to do so, the house becomes the permanent possession of the buyer (see Leviticus 25:29–30). This ihalakhadoes not apply to houses in Jerusalem. bAndits Elders do bnot bring a heifer whose neck is brokenas required when a murder victim is found near a city and the murderer is unknown (see Deuteronomy 21:1–9); bandit bcannot become an idolatrous city(see Deuteronomy 13:13–19).,The ibaraitacontinues its list: bAnda house in Jerusalem bcannot become ritually impurewith the impurity bof leprous sores; and one may not build out projections or balconies [ igezuztraot /i]from houses that are bin it; and one may not establish garbage dumps inJerusalem; band one may not build kilns in it; and one may not plant gardens and orchards [ ipardesot /i] in it, except forthe brose gardens that werealready there bfrom the times of the early prophets; and one may not raise chickens in it; andfinally, bone may not leave a corpse overnight inJerusalem.,The Gemara discusses these ten ihalakhotpertaining to Jerusalem, one by one: bA housesituated binit does bnotbecome birredeemableone year after its sale. The reason is bthat it is written:“And if it is not redeemed within the space of a full year, then bthe housethat is in the bwalledcity bshall be made sure in perpetuity to him who bought it, throughout his generations”(Leviticus 25:30). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraita bmaintainsthat bJerusalem was not apportioned toany single one of bthe tribesof Israel; rather, it is considered common property. Since no one has ancestral ownership of any house in Jerusalem, its houses cannot be sold permanently.,The Gemara analyzes the next ihalakha /i: bAndits inhabitants do bnot bring a heifer whose neck is broken.The reason is bthat it is written: “If one is found slain in the land that the Lord your God gives you to possess it”(Deuteronomy 21:1). bAnd,again, the itannawho taught this ibaraita bmaintainsthat bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. Therefore, it is not included in the description: “The land that the Lord your God gives you to possess it.”,The ibaraitastates: bAndit bcannot become an idolatrous city.The reason is bthat it is written,in the introduction of the passage dealing with the ihalakhaof an idolatrous city: “If you shall hear tell concerning one of byour cities,which the Lord your God gives you to dwell there” (Deuteronomy 13:13). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraitamaintains that bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. It is therefore not included in the description “one of your cities, which the Lord your God gives you to dwell there.”,The ibaraitafurther teaches: bAnda house in Jerusalem does bnot become ritually impurewith the impurity bof leprous sores.The reason is bthat it is written: “And I put the plague of leprosy in a house of the land of your possession”(Leviticus 14:34). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraitamaintains that bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. It is there-fore not included in the description “a house of the land of your possession.”,The Gemara discusses the next ihalakha /i: bAnd one may not build out projections or balconiesfrom houses that are binJerusalem. The Gemara provides two reasons for this prohibition. First, it is bdue tothe danger of contracting britual impurityby being in bthesame btentas a corpse, i.e., under the same roof, in which case the impurity spreads to all items under the roof. If even a small part of a corpse is under a balcony, everyone who passes under that balcony is rendered impure. Many people come to Jerusalem to sacrifice offerings, and they must maintain a state of ritual purity. The other reason is bso that thosegreat crowds of bpilgrims not be injuredby colliding with the projections.,The next ihalakhapertaining to Jerusalem is: bAnd one may not establish garbage dumps in it.The Gemara explains that the reason is bdue tothe brepugt creaturesthat are attracted to such heaps and impart ritual impurity upon their death.,The ibaraitastates: bAnd one may not build kilns inJerusalem. The reason is bdue to theunsightly bsmokeproduced by kilns. The Sages sought to preserve the beauty of Jerusalem and the Temple.,The ibaraitateaches: bAnd one may not plant gardens and orchards in it.This is bdue to the odoremitted by these places, either from discarded weeds or from fertilizer.,The next ihalakhaon the list is: bAnd one may not raise chickens inJerusalem. The Gemara explains that this is bdue to the sacrificialmeat that is consumed in Jerusalem. Since chickens peck in the garbage, they are likely to pick up items that impart ritual impurity and bring them into contact with the consecrated food, which may not be eaten in an impure state.,The Gemara discusses the last ihalakha /i: bAnd one may not leave a corpse overnight in it.The Gemara notes that this prohibition is ba tradition;there is no known explanation for it.,§ The mishna teaches that bone may not raise pigs anywhere. The Sages taughtin a ibaraitathe background for this ihalakha /i: bWhenthe members of bthe house of Hasmoneanmonarchy bwere at war with each other, Hyrcanus,one of the parties to this war, bwas insidethe besieged Jerusalem, bwhilehis brother bAristobulus,the other contender to the throne, was bon the outside. And every daythe people inside bwould lower down money in a boxfrom the Temple walls, to purchase sheep to sacrifice, bandthose on other side bwouldtake the money and bsend upsheep bto themover the wall for the bdaily offerings. /b, bThere was a certain elder there who was familiar with Greek wisdom,and bhe saidto those besieging Jerusalem: bAs long as they occupy themselves with theTemple bservice, they will not be delivered into your hands. The next day they lowered down money in a boxas usual, bbutthis time bthey sent up to them a pig. When the pig reached to the midpoint of theTemple bwall it stuck its hooves into the wall, and Eretz Yisrael quakedover an area of bfour hundred parasangs by four hundred parasangs. /b, bAt that timethe Sages bsaid: Cursed be the man who raises pigs, and cursed be the man who teaches his son Greek wisdom. Andit was bconcerning that timeof siege that bwe learnedin a mishna: There was ban incidentin which the barley for the iomeroffering came from the gardens of Tzerifin,far from Jerusalem, bandthe wheat for bthe two loavesof iShavuotwas brought bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher.Barley and wheat could not be brought from any nearer because the besiegers had destroyed all the produce around Jerusalem. This concludes the ibaraita /i.,The Gemara asks a question with regard to this ibaraita /i: bAnd isit really bprohibitedto study bGreek wisdom? But isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bRabbiYehuda HaNasi bsaid: In Eretz Yisrael, /b |
|
13. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, 48a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
| 48a. לאתויי קטן פורח.,ולית הלכתא ככל הני שמעתתא אלא כי הא דאמר רב נחמן קטן היודע למי מברכין מזמנין עליו,אביי ורבא הוו יתבי קמיה דרבה אמר להו רבה למי מברכין אמרי ליה לרחמנא ורחמנא היכא יתיב רבא אחוי לשמי טללא אביי נפק לברא אחוי כלפי שמיא אמר להו רבה תרווייכו רבנן הויתו היינו דאמרי אינשי בוצין בוצין מקטפיה ידיע:,א"ר יהודה בריה דרב שמואל בר שילת משמיה דרב תשעה אכלו דגן ואחד אכל ירק מצטרפין א"ר זירא בעאי מיניה מרב יהודה שמנה מהו שבעה מהו א"ל לא שנא ששה ודאי לא מיבעיא לי א"ל רבי ירמיה שפיר עבדת דלא איבעיא לך התם טעמא מאי משום דאיכא רובא הכא נמי איכא רובא ואיהו סבר רובא דמינכר בעינן.,ינאי מלכא ומלכתא כריכו ריפתא בהדי הדדי ומדקטל להו לרבנן לא הוה ליה איניש לברוכי להו אמר לה לדביתהו מאן יהיב לן גברא דמברך לן אמרה ליה אשתבע לי דאי מייתינא לך גברא דלא מצערת ליה אשתבע לה אייתיתיה לשמעון בן שטח אחוה אותביה בין דידיה לדידה אמר ליה חזית כמה יקרא עבדינא לך אמר ליה לאו את קא מוקרת לי אלא אורייתא היא דמוקרא לי דכתיב (משלי ד, ח) סלסלה ותרוממך תכבדך כי תחבקנה אמר ליה קא חזית דלא מקבל מרות,יהבו ליה כסא לברוכי אמר היכי אבריך ברוך שאכל ינאי וחביריו משלו שתייה לההוא כסא יהבו ליה כסא אחרינא ובריך,א"ר אבא בריה דרב חייא בר אבא (א"ר יוחנן) שמעון בן שטח דעבד לגרמיה הוא דעבד דהכי אמר ר' חייא בר אבא אר"י לעולם אינו מוציא את הרבים ידי חובתן עד שיאכל כזית דגן,מיתיבי רשב"ג אומר עלה והסיב עמהם אפילו לא טבל עמהם אלא בציר ולא אכל עמהם אלא גרוגרת אחת מצטרף,אצטרופי מצטרף אבל להוציא את הרבים ידי חובתן עד שיאכל כזית דגן,איתמר נמי אמר רב חנא בר יהודה משמיה דרבא אפי' לא | 48a. bto include a mature minor?Explain the ibaraitaas follows: A minor who grew two hairs is included in a izimmun /i, and we are not exacting with regard to a minor to ascertain whether or not he has reached the age of majority.,The Gemara concludes: bThe ihalakhais not in accordance with all of these statements. Rather,the ihalakhais bin accordance with thisstatement bthat Rav Naḥman said: A minor who knows to Whom one recites a blessing is included in a izimmun /i. /b,The Gemara relates that bAbaye and Rava,when they were children, bwere seated before Rabba. Rabba said to them: To whom does one recite blessings? They said to him: ToGod, bthe All-Merciful.Rabba asked them: bAnd where does the All-Merciful reside? Rava pointed to the ceiling. Abaye went outside and pointed toward the heaven. Rabba said to them: You will both become Sages. It is as the popular saying goes: A cucumber can be recognized from its blossomingstage. Similarly, a great person can be recognized even from a young age., bRav Yehuda, son of Rav Shmuel bar Sheilat, said in the name of Rav:If bnine ate grain and one ate vegetables, they joinand form a izimmunof ten. bRabbi Zeira said: I raised a dilemma before Rav Yehuda: What isthe ruling if beightate grain and two ate vegetables? May they join together? bWhat isthe ruling if bsevenate grain? bHe said to me: There is no difference. I certainly had no dilemma with regard to six,as it was clear to me that six are insufficient to warrant a izimmun /i. bRabbi Yirmeya said to him: You did well that you had no dilemmawith regard to six, but for the opposite reason. bThere,in the case of seven or eight, bwhat is the reasonthat they form a izimmunof ten? bBecause there is a majorityof those dining who ate grain. bHere, too, there is a majority.Rabbi Zeira, however, bheld: We require an obvious majority.Therefore, contrary to the opinion of Rabbi Yirmeya, it was clear to him that six who ate grain are insufficient to form a izimmun /i.,The Gemara relates: bKing Yannai and the queen ate bread together. And sinceYannai bexecuted the Sages, there was no one to recite theGrace after Meals bblessing on their behalf. He said to his wife: Who will provide uswith ba man to recite the blessing on our behalf? She said to him: Swear to me that if I bring yousuch ba man, you will not harass him. He swore,and bshe brought her brother, Shimon ben Shataḥ. She sat him betweenthe King’s throne band hers.The King bsaid to him: Do you see how much honor I am according you? He responded:It is bnot you who honors me; rather, the Torah honors me, as it is written: “Extol her and she will exalt you; she will bring you to honor when you embrace her”(Proverbs 4:8). Yannai bsaid tohis wife: bYou see that he does not accept authority. /b, bThey gaveShimon ben Shataḥ ba cupof wine bover which to reciteGrace after Meals. bHe said: How shall I recite the blessing?Shall I say: bBlessed is He from Whom Yannai and his companions have eaten?I have not eaten anything. bHe drank that cupof wine. bThey gave him another cup, and he recited theGrace after Meals bblessing.By drinking the first cup he joined the other diners and was therefore eligible to recite Grace after Meals on their behalf.,With regard to this story, bRabbi Abba, son of Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba, said(that bRabbi Yoḥa said): That which Shimon ben Shataḥ did,reciting Grace after Meals on their behalf, bhe did on his own,and not in accordance with the accepted ihalakha /i, bas Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said as follows: Onewho recites Grace after Meals bcannot fulfill the obligation of othersto recite it buntil he eats an olive-bulk of grain. /b,The Gemara braises an objectionbased on what was taught in a ibaraita /i: bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: One who entered and reclined togetherwith those who were dining, beven if he only dipped with thema small bit of food binspicy bbrinethat was before them band ate with them only a single dry fig, he joins them.This ibaraitademonstrates that one need not necessarily eat grain to recite Grace after Meals on their behalf.,The Gemara responds: Indeed, bhe joins them, buthe cannot bsatisfy the obligation of the many unless he has eaten an olive-bulk of grain. /b,Similarly, this ihalakha bwas also stated: Rav Ḥana bar Yehuda said in the name of Rava: Even if he only /b |
|
14. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, 64b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
| 64b. bas Rabbi Yishmael states only there,in the mishna, that three ise’aof barley are reaped on Shabbat, basin that case bwhenone blimitsthe amount available bfor eating,he likewise blimitsthe amount of breaping. But here, whenone blimitsthe amount bof eatingby bringing the two figs, he also bincreasesthe amount of breaping.Therefore is it bcertainthat bwe bringthe ill person the bthreefigs attached by a single stem., strongMISHNA: /strong bThe mitzva of the iomeris to bringthe barley reaped for the meal offering bfromfields bproximateto Jerusalem. If the barley bdid not ripenin bthefields bproximate to Jerusalem, one brings it from any placein Eretz Yisrael. There was ban incident where the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifin andthe wheat for bthe two loaveson iShavuotcame bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks: bWhat is the reasonthat the barley reaped for the iomermeal offering should ideally be brought from fields proximate to Jerusalem? The Gemara answers: bIf you wish, saythat it is bbecausethe verse states: “And if you bring a meal offering of first fruits to the Lord, you shall bring for the meal offering of your first fruits grain in the ear parched with fire, even groats of the bfresh ear [ ikarmel /i]”(Leviticus 2:14). This indicates that the grain should be soft and fresh. Consequently it should be brought from close by, not from a place where it might become stale and hardened during a long journey., bAnd if you wish, sayinstead that the reason is bdue tothe principle that bone does not postponeperformance of bthe mitzvot.When presented with the opportunity to perform a mitzva, one should perform it immediately. Therefore, the barley for the mitzva of the iomermeal offering in the Temple should be brought from the first crop encountered outside of Jerusalem.,§ The mishna teaches: There was ban incident where the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifinand the two loaves on iShavuotcame from the valley of Ein Sokher. bThe Sages taughta ibaraitathat provides the background of this event: bWhen the kings of the Hasmonean monarchy besieged each otherin their civil war, bHyrcanus was outside ofJerusalem, besieging it, band Aristoblus was inside. On each and every day they would lower dinars in a boxfrom inside the city, bandthose on the outside bwould send upanimals for them to bring the bdaily offeringsin the Temple., bA certain elderly man was there,in Jerusalem, bwho was familiar with Greek wisdom. He communicated tothose on the outside bbyusing words understood only by those proficient in bGreek wisdom. The elderly man said to them: As long as they are engaged with theTemple bservice, they will not be delivered into your hands.Upon hearing this, bon the following day,when bthey lowered dinars in a box, they sent up a pig to them. Oncethe pig breached halfwayup the bwall, it inserted its hoovesinto the wall and bEretz Yisrael shuddered four hundred parasangs by four hundred parasangs. /b,When the Sages saw this, bthey saidat bthat time: Cursed is he who raises pigs, and cursed is he who teaches his son Greek wisdom. Andit is bwith regard to that timeof civil war, in which the land was destroyed, that bwe learned: An incidentoccurred bin which the iomer /i,the measure of barley brought as a communal offering on the sixteenth of Nisan, bcame from Gaggot Tzerifim, and the two loavesoffered on iShavuotcame bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher.Since no fresh barley grain was found in the fields immediately surrounding Jerusalem, it had to be brought from these outlying areas.,§ The Gemara relates another tradition with regard to that occasion when the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifin and the two loaves from the valley of Ein Sokher: bWhen it cametime to bring the iomer /imeal offering, bthey did not know from wherethey could bbringthe iomer /igrain, as all the surrounding fields were looted and ruined. The court publicly bproclaimedtheir difficulty. bA certain deaf-mute [ iḥersha /i] cameforward and bstretched out one hand toward a roof, igagin Hebrew, band one hand toward a hut [ iatzerifa /i]. Mordekhai said tothe Sages: bIs there a place that is called Gaggot Tzerifin or Tzerifin Gaggot? They checked and foundthat there was such a place, and it contained fields of barley from which they were able to bring the iomermeal offering.,A similar incident occurred bwhen they needed to bring the two loaves,and bthey did not know from where to bringthe grain. Again the court publicly bproclaimedtheir difficulty, and ba certain deaf-mute cameforward and bstretched outone bhand toward his eye [ ia’eineih /i] and one hand toward a door latch [ iassikhera /i]. Mordekhai said tothe Sages: bAnd is there a place that is called: Ein Sokher, or Sokher Ayin? They checked and foundthat there was such a place, and it contained fields of wheat from which they were able to bring the two loaves.,The Gemara relates another story that demonstrates Mordekhai’s wisdom: Once, ba certain three women brought three nestsfor their obligatory offerings of pairs of pigeons or doves (see Leviticus 15:29). bOneof them bsaid:This offering is bfor my iziva /i; and one said:This if bfor my iyamma /i; andthe last bone said:This is bfor my iona /i. /b,The Sages bunderstood fromthe first woman’s statement: bFor my iziva /i,that she had experienced a discharge of uterine blood when not expecting her menstrual period, which would give her the status of ban actual izava /i.From the second woman’s statement: bFor my iyamma /i,they understood: bMy actual iyamma /i,i.e., she was also a iziva /i, as iyamcan mean: Sea, or a flow of blood. From the third woman’s statement: bFor my iona /i,they came to the conclusion that she needed to bring a sacrifice bfor her time [ iona /i]of completing her purification process from being a izava /i. Accordingly, they understood bthat allthese women were obligated to bring bone sin offering and one burnt offering. /b, bMordekhai said tothe other Sages: bPerhapsthe first woman bwas endangeredin the course bofher menstrual bflow [ izov /i].Similarly, bperhapsthe second woman bwas endangered at sea [ iyam /i].Finally, bperhapsthe third woman bwas endangered through her eye [ iayin /i],as iayinis phonetically similar to iona /i. According to these explanations, each woman sought to bring a voluntary offering to give thanks to God for being saved from danger. If so, the appropriate offering in each case is not a sin offering, bas they are all burnt offerings.It bwas checked andthey bfoundthat Mordekhai’s interpretation was in fact correct. |
|
15. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, 49b, 22b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
| 22b. ועד כמה עד ארבעין שנין איני והא רבה אורי בשוין,ומכות פרושין וכו' ת"ר שבעה פרושין הן פרוש שיכמי פרוש נקפי פרוש קיזאי פרוש מדוכיא פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה,פרוש שיכמי זה העושה מעשה שכם פרוש נקפי זה המנקיף את רגליו פרוש קיזאי א"ר נחמן בר יצחק זה המקיז דם לכתלים פרוש מדוכיא אמר רבה בר שילא דמשפע כי מדוכיא,פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה הא מעליותא היא אלא דאמר מה חובתי תו ואעשנה,פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה אמרו ליה אביי ורבא לתנא לא תיתני פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב לעולם יעסוק אדם בתורה ובמצות אפי' שלא לשמה שמתוך שלא לשמה בא לשמה,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק דמטמרא מטמרא ודמגליא מגליא בי דינא רבה ליתפרע מהני דחפו גונדי אמר לה ינאי מלכא לדביתיה אל תתיראי מן הפרושין ולא ממי שאינן פרושין אלא מן הצבועין שדומין לפרושין שמעשיהן כמעשה זמרי ומבקשין שכר כפנחס, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ר"ש אומר אין זכות תולה במים המרים ואם אתה אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררין מדהה אתה את המים בפני כל הנשים השותות ומוציא אתה שם רע על הטהורות ששתו שאומרים טמאות הן אלא שתלתה להן זכות רבי אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררים ואינה יולדת ואינה משבחת אלא מתנוונה והולכת לסוף היא מתה באותה מיתה,נטמאת מנחתה עד שלא קדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותפדה ואם משקדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותשרף ואלו שמנחותיהן נשרפות | 22b. bAnd until whenis it considered too premature for a scholar to issue halakhic rulings? It is buntil forty years.The Gemara asks: bIs that so? But didn’t Rabba issue rulings,even though he lived for only forty years? The Gemara answers: It is permitted for a scholar who has not studied for so long to issue rulings bwhenhis knowledge reaches the level of the foremost scholar in his city and bthey are equals. /b,§ It states in the mishna: bAnd those who injurethemselves out of false babstinence [ iperushin /i]are people who erode the world. bThe Sages taught: There are sevenpseudo- brighteouspeople who erode the world: The brighteous of Shechem,the self- bflagellating righteous,the bbloodletting righteous,the bpestle /b-like brighteous,the brighteouswho say: Tell me bwhat my obligationis band I will perform it,those who are brighteous due to love,and those who are brighteous due to fear. /b,The Gemara explains: The brighteous of Shechem [ ishikhmi /i]; this isone bwho performsactions comparable to the bactionof the people of bShechem,who agreed to circumcise themselves for personal gain (see Genesis, chapter 34); so too, he behaves righteously only in order to be honored. The self- bflagellating righteous; this isone bwho injures his feet,as he walks slowly, dragging his feet on the ground in an attempt to appear humble, and injures his feet in the process. The bbloodletting righteous; Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak saysthat bthis isone bwho lets bloodby banging his head bagainst the wallsbecause he walks with his eyes shut, ostensibly out of modesty. The bpestle /b-like brighteous; Rabba bar Sheila saysthat this is one bwhowalks bbent over likethe bpestleof a mortar.,With regard to the brighteousone who says: Tell me bwhat my obligationis band I will perform it,the Gemara asks: bIsn’t this virtuousbehavior, as he desires to be aware of his obligations? bRather,this is referring to one bwho says:Tell me bwhat further obligationsare incumbent bupon me and I will perform them,indicating that he fulfills all of his mitzvot perfectly and therefore seeks additional obligations.,The ibaraitaalso includes in the list of pseudo-righteous people those who are brighteous due to loveand those who are brighteous due to fear,i.e., one who performs mitzvot due to love of their reward or due to fear of punishment. bAbaye and Rava said to the itanna /iwho transmitted this ibaraita /i: bDo not teachin the ibaraita /i: Those who are brighteous due to loveand those who are brighteous due to fear, as Rav Yehuda saysthat bRav says: A person should always engage in Torahstudy band inperformance of bthe mitzvot even ifhe does bnotdo so bfor their own sake, as throughperforming them bnot for their own sake,one bcomesto perform them bfor their own sake. /b, bRav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said:That bwhich is hidden is hidden, andthat bwhich is revealed is revealed,but in Heaven everything is known, and bthe great courtin Heaven bwill exact payment from those who wear the cloakof the righteous but are in fact unworthy. The Gemara relates: bKing Yannai said to his wifebefore he died: bDo not be afraid of the Pharisees [ iperushin /i], and neithershould you fear bfrom those who are not Pharisees,i.e., the Sadducees; brather,beware bof the hypocrites who appear like Pharisees, as their actions are like the act ofthe wicked bZimri and they requesta breward likethat of the righteous bPinehas(see Numbers, chapter 25)., strongMISHNA: /strong bRabbi Shimon says: Merit does not delaythe punishment bof the bitter waterof a isota /i, band if you saythat bmerit does delaythe punishment bof the water that causes the curse,as stated earlier by the Rabbis (20a), byou weaken [ imadhe /i]the power of bthebitter bwater before all the women who drinkthe water, who will no longer be afraid of it, as they will rely on their merit to save them. bAnd you defame the untainted women who drankthe water and survived, baspeople bsay: They are defiled butit is their bmerit that delayedthe punishment bfor them. RabbiYehuda HaNasi bsays: Merit delaysthe punishment bof the water that causes the curse, buta woman whose punishment is delayed bdoes not give birth and does not flourish; rather, she progressively deteriorates. Ultimately she dies by the same deathas a isotawho dies immediately.,§ If bthe meal-offeringof the isota bis rendered impure before it has been sanctified in theservice bvessel, itsstatus bis likethat of ball theother bmeal-offeringsthat are rendered impure before being sanctified in a service vessel, band it is redeemed. But ifit is rendered impure bafter it has been sanctified in theservice bvessel, itsstatus bis likethat of ball theother bmeal-offeringsthat are rendered impure after being sanctified in a service vessel, band it is burned. And these arethe isotawomen bwhose meal-offerings are burnedif they have already been sanctified in a service vessel: |
|
16. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, 48b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
| 48b. כמין שני חוטמין דקין (ואחד) מעובה ואחד דק כדי שיהו שניהם כלין בבת אחת מערבו של מים מזרחו של יין עירה של מים לתוך של יין ושל יין לתוך של מים יצא,ר' יהודה אומר בלוג היה מנסך כל שמונה ולמנסך אומר לו הגבה ידך שפעם אחד נסך אחד על גבי רגליו ורגמוהו כל העם באתרוגיהן,כמעשהו בחול כך מעשהו בשבת אלא שהיה ממלא מערב שבת חבית של זהב שאינה מקודשת מן השילוח ומניחה בלשכה נשפכה נתגלתה היה ממלא מן הכיור שהיין והמים מגולין פסולין לגבי מזבח:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מנא הנ"מ אמר רב עינא דאמר קרא (ישעיהו יב, ג) ושאבתם מים בששון וגו',הנהו תרי מיני חד שמיה ששון וחד שמיה שמחה א"ל ששון לשמחה אנא עדיפנא מינך דכתיב (ישעיהו לה, י) ששון ושמחה ישיגו וגו' א"ל שמחה לששון אנא עדיפנא מינך דכתיב (אסתר ח, יז) שמחה וששון ליהודים א"ל ששון לשמחה חד יומא שבקוך ושויוך פרוונקא דכתיב (ישעיהו נה, יב) כי בשמחה תצאו א"ל שמחה לששון חד יומא שבקוך ומלו בך מיא דכתיב ושאבתם מים בששון,א"ל ההוא מינא דשמיה ששון לר' אבהו עתידיתו דתמלו לי מים לעלמא דאתי דכתיב ושאבתם מים בששון א"ל אי הוה כתיב לששון כדקאמרת השתא דכתיב בששון משכיה דההוא גברא משוינן ליה גודא ומלינן ביה מיא:,עלה בכבש ופנה לשמאלו כו': ת"ר כל העולים למזבח עולין דרך ימין ומקיפין ויורדין דרך שמאל חוץ מן העולה לשלשה דברים הללו שעולין דרך שמאל וחוזרין על העקב ואלו הן ניסוך המים וניסוך היין ועולת העוף כשרבתה במזרח:,אלא שהיו משחירין: בשלמא דיין משחיר דמיא אמאי משחיר כיון דאמר מר עירה של מים לתוך של יין ושל יין לתוך של מים יצא של מים אתי לאשחורי:,ומנוקבים כמין ב' חוטמין וכו': לימא מתניתין ר' יהודה היא ולא רבנן דתנן רבי יהודה אומר בלוג היה מנסך כל שמונה דאי רבנן כי הדדי נינהו,אפי' תימא רבנן חמרא סמיך מיא קליש,הכי נמי מסתברא דאי רבי יהודה רחב וקצר אית ליה דתניא רבי יהודה אומר שני קשוואות היו שם אחד של מים ואחד של יין של יין פיה רחב של מים פיה קצר כדי שיהו שניהם כלין בבת אחת ש"מ:,מערבו של מים: ת"ר מעשה בצדוקי אחד שניסך על גבי רגליו ורגמוהו כל העם באתרוגיהן ואותו היום נפגמה קרן המזבח והביאו בול של מלח וסתמוהו לא מפני שהוכשר לעבודה אלא מפני שלא יראה מזבח פגום | 48b. with btwo thinperforated bnose-likeprotrusions. bOneof the basins, used for the wine libation, had a perforation that was bbroad, and one,used for the water libation, had a perforation that was bthin, so thatthe flow of bboththe water and the wine, which do not have the same viscosity, would bconclude simultaneously.The basin to the bwest ofthe altar was bfor water,and the basin to the beast ofthe altar was bfor wine.However, if bone pouredthe contents of the basin bof water intothe basin bof wine, orthe contents of the basin bof wine intothe basin bof water, he fulfilledhis obligation, as failure to pour the libation from the prescribed location does not disqualify the libation after the fact., bRabbi Yehuda says:The basin for the water libation was not that large; rather, bone would pourthe water bwitha vessel that had a capacity of bone ilog /ion ball eightdays of the Festival and not only seven. bAndthe appointee bsays to the one pouringthe water into the silver basin: bRaise your hand,so that his actions would be visible, bas one timea Sadducee priest intentionally bpouredthe water bon his feet,as the Sadducees did not accept the oral tradition requiring water libation, and in their rage ball the people pelted him with their ietrogim /i. /b,Rabbi Yehuda continues: bAs its performance during the week, so is its performance on Shabbat, exceptthat on Shabbat one would not draw water. Instead, bon Shabbat eve, one would fill a golden barrel that was not consecratedfor exclusive use in the Temple bfrom the Siloampool, band hewould bplace it in theTemple bchamberand draw water from there on Shabbat. If the water in the barrel bspilled,or if it bwas exposedovernight, leading to concern that a snake may have deposited poison in the water, bone would fillthe jug with water bfrom the basinin the Temple courtyard, bas exposed wine or water is unfit for the altar.Just as it is prohibited for people to drink them due to the potential danger, so too, they may not be poured on the altar., strongGEMARA: /strong With regard to the customs accompanying the drawing of the water, the Gemara asks: bFrom where are these mattersderived? bRav Eina saidthat it is bas the verse states: “With joy [ isason /i] you shall draw waterout of the springs of salvation” (Isaiah 12:3), indicating that the water was to be drawn from the spring and the rite performed in extreme joy.,Apropos this verse, the Gemara relates: There were bthese two heretics, one named Sason and one named Simḥa. Sason said to Simḥa: I am superior to you, as it is written: “They shall obtain joy [ isason /i] and happiness [ isimḥa /i],and sorrow and sighing shall flee” (Isaiah 35:10). The verse mentions joy first. bSimḥa said to Sason,On the contrary, bI am superior to you, as it is written: “There was happiness [ isimḥa /i] and joy [ isason /i] for the Jews”(Esther 8:17). bSason said to Simḥa: One day they will dismiss you and render you a messenger [ iparvanka /i], as it is written: “For you shall go out with happiness [ isimḥa /i]”(Isaiah 55:12). bSimḥa said to Sason: One day they will dismiss you and draw water with you, as it is written: “With joy [ isason /i] you shall draw water.” /b,The Gemara relates a similar incident: bA certain heretic named Sason said to Rabbi Abbahu: You areall bdestined to draw water for me in the World-to-Come, as it is written: “With isasonyou shall draw water.”Rabbi Abbahu bsaid to him: If it had been written: For isason /i,it would have been bas you say; now that it is written: With isason /i,it means that bthe skin of that man,you, bwill be rendered a wineskin, and we will draw water with it. /b,§ The mishna continues: The priest bascended the rampof the altar band turned to his left. The Sages taught: All who ascend the altar ascendand turn bviathe bright, and circlethe altar, band descend viathe bleft.This is the case bexcept for one ascendingto perform one of bthese three tasks, asthe ones who perform these tasks bascend viathe bleft, andthen bturn ontheir bheel and returnin the direction that they came. bAndthese tasks bare: The water libation, and the wine libation, and the birdsacrificed as ba burnt-offering when there weretoo bmanypriests engaged in the sacrifice of these burnt-offerings bin thepreferred location beastof the altar. When that was the case, additional priests engaged in sacrificing the same offering would pinch the neck of the bird west of the altar.,The mishna continues: Rabbi Yehuda said that they were limestone, not silver, basins, bbut they would blackendue to the wine. The Gemara asks: bGranted,the basin bfor wine blackeneddue to the wine; however, bwhy did thebasin bfor water blacken?The Gemara answers: bSince the Master saidin the mishna: However, if boneinadvertently bpouredthe contents of the basin bof water intothe basin bof wine orthe contents of the basin bof wine intothe basin bof water, he fulfilledhis obligation. Then even the basin bfor waterwould bcome to blackenover the course of time as well.,§ The mishna continues: bAndthe two basins were bperforatedat the bottom with btwo thin,perforated, bnose-likeprotrusions, one broad and one thin. The Gemara asks: bLet us saythat bthe mishna isin accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Yehuda and notwith that of bthe Rabbis, as we learnedin the mishna that bRabbi Yehuda says: One would pourthe water bwitha vessel that had a capacity of bone ilog /ion ball eightdays of the Festival, unlike the wine libation, for which a three- ilogbasin was used. According to his opinion, there is a difference between the capacity of the wine vessel and that of the water vessel; therefore, it is clear why the opening in the wine vessel was broader. bAs, ifthe mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bthe Rabbis, they are the sameas the capacity of the water basin, three ilog /i. Why, then, were there different sized openings?,The Gemara answers: bEvenif byou saythat the mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bthe Rabbis,the reason for the different-sized openings is that bwine is thickand bwater is thin,and therefore wine flows more slowly than water. In order to ensure that the emptying of both basins would conclude simultaneously, the wine basin required a wider opening., bSo too, it is reasonableto establish that the mishna is in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis, bas, ifit is in accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Yehuda,unlike the description of the two openings in the mishna as broad and thin, elsewhere he bis ofthe opinion that the openings bas wide and narrow, as it was taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Yehuda says: There were twosmall bpipes there, one for water and one for wine. The mouth ofthe pipe bfor wine was wide and the mouth ofthe pipe bfor water was narrow, so thatthe emptying of both basins bwould conclude simultaneously.The disparity between wide and narrow is greater than the disparity between broad and thin, thereby facilitating the simultaneous emptying of the three- ilogand one- ilogbasins according to Rabbi Yehuda. The Gemara concludes: Indeed, blearn from itthat the mishna is not in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda.,§ The mishna continues: The basin to the bwest ofthe altar was bfor water,and the basin to the east of the altar was for wine, and they would tell the one pouring the water to raise his hand. bThe Sages taught:There was ban incident involving one Sadduceepriest bwho pouredthe water bon his feet,and in anger ball the people pelted him with their ietrogim /i. And that day, the horn of the altar was damagedas a result of the pelting and the ensuing chaos. bThey brought a fistful of salt and sealedthe damaged section, bnot because it renderedthe altar bfit for theTemple bservice, butin deference to the altar, bso that the altar would not be seenin its bdamagedstate. |
|
