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7235

Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.88-1.98

̓Εξανδραποδισαμένῳ δὲ ταύτας ἐπανίσταται τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ: μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν ταῖς εὐωχίαις αὐτῶν στάσις ἅπτεται. καὶ δοκεῖ μὴ ἂν κρείττων γενέσθαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, εἰ μὴ τὸ ξενικὸν αὐτῷ παρεβοήθει: Πισίδαι καὶ Κίλικες ἦσαν: Σύρους γὰρ οὐκ ἐδέχετο μισθοφόρους διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ἀπέχθειαν.

3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation.

κτείνας δὲ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ̓Αραβίας ἥπτετο καὶ ταύτης ἑλὼν Γαλααδίτας καὶ Μωαβίτας φόρον τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας ἀνέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ̓Αμαθοῦν. Θεοδώρου δὲ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτὸν καταπλαγέντος ἔρημον λαβὼν τὸ φρούριον κατέσκαψεν.

And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.

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4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under.

γίνεται δὲ καὶ τότε κρείττων καὶ μάχαις ἐπαλλήλοις οὐκ ἔλαττον πεντακισμυρίων ̓Ιουδαίων ἀνεῖλεν ἐν ἓξ ἔτεσιν: οὐ μὴν εὐφραίνετό γε ταῖς νίκαις τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν ἀναλίσκων: ὅθεν παυσάμενος τῶν ὅπλων λόγοις ἐπεχείρει διαλύεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους.

However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects.

οἱ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν τὴν μετάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ τρόπου τὸ ἀνώμαλον, πυνθανομένῳ τε τὸ αἴτιον, τί ἂν ποιήσας καταστείλειεν αὐτούς, ἀποθανών, ἔλεγον: νεκρῷ γὰρ ἂν διαλλαγῆναι μόλις τῷ τοσαῦτα δράσαντι. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν ̓́Ακαιρον ἐπικληθέντα Δημήτριον ἐπεκαλοῦντο. ῥᾳδίως δὲ ὑπακούσαντος κατ' ἐλπίδα μειζόνων καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἥκοντος συνέμισγον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς συμμάχοις περὶ Σίκιμα.

But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their request, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.

Δέχεται δ' ἑκατέρους ̓Αλέξανδρος ἱππεῦσι μὲν χιλίοις, μισθοφόροις δὲ πεζοῖς ὀκτακισχιλίοις: παρῆν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ εὐνοοῦν ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν εἰς μυρίους. τῶν δ' ἐναντίων ἱππεῖς μὲν ἦσαν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ μύριοι τετρακισχίλιοι. καὶ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν διακηρύσσοντες οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐπειρῶντο τῶν παρ' ἀλλήλοις ἀποστάσεων, Δημήτριος μὲν τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόρους, ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ τοὺς ἅμα Δημητρίῳ ̓Ιουδαίους μεταπείσειν ἐλπίσας.

5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other’s soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander’s mercenaries to leave him,—and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him.

ὡς δ' οὔτε ̓Ιουδαῖοι θυμῶν οὔτε οἱ ̔́Ελληνες ἐπαύσαντο πίστεως, διεκρίνοντο ἤδη τοῖς ὅπλοις συμπεσόντες.

But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons.

κρατεῖ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ Δημήτριος καίτοι πολλὰ τῶν ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόρων καὶ ψυχῆς ἔργα καὶ χειρὸς ἐπιδειξαμένων. χωρεῖ δὲ τὸ τέλος τῆς παρατάξεως παρὰ δόξαν ἀμφοτέροις: οὔτε γὰρ Δημητρίῳ παρέμειναν νικῶντι οἱ καλέσαντες, καὶ κατὰ οἶκτον τῆς μεταβολῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ προσεχώρησαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη καταφυγόντι ̓Ιουδαίων ἑξακισχίλιοι. ταύτην τὴν ῥοπὴν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν Δημήτριος, ἀλλ' ὑπολαβὼν ἤδη μὲν ἀξιόμαχον εἶναι πάλιν ̓Αλέξανδρον, μεταρρεῖν δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἔθνος εἰς αὐτόν, ἀνεχώρησεν.

In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander’s mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander’s condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way.

Οὐ μὴν τό γε λοιπὸν πλῆθος ὑποχωρησάντων τῶν συμμάχων κατέθεντο τὰς διαφοράς, συνεχὴς δὲ πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον ἦν αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος, μέχρι πλείστους ἀποκτείνας τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀπήλασεν εἰς Βεμέσελιν πόλιν καὶ ταύτην καταστρεψάμενος αἰχμαλώτους ἀνήγαγεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα.

6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem.

προύκοψεν δὲ αὐτῷ δι' ὑπερβολὴν ὀργῆς εἰς ἀσέβειαν τὸ τῆς ὠμότητος: τῶν γὰρ ληφθέντων ὀκτακοσίους ἀνασταυρώσας ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει γυναῖκάς τε καὶ τέκνα αὐτῶν ἀπέσφαξεν ταῖς ὄψεσι: καὶ ταῦτα πίνων καὶ συγκατακείμενος ταῖς παλλακίσιν ἀφεώρα.

Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines.

τοσαύτη δὲ κατάπληξις ἔσχεν τὸν δῆμον, ὥστε τῶν ἀντιστασιαστῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα φυγεῖν ὀκτακισχιλίους ἔξω ̓Ιουδαίας ὅλης, οἷς ὅρος τῆς φυγῆς ὁ ̓Αλεξάνδρου θάνατος κατέστη. τοιούτοις ἔργοις ὀψὲ καὶ μόλις ἡσυχίαν τῇ βασιλείᾳ πορίσας ἀνεπαύσατο τῶν ὅπλων.

Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander’s death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

16 results

1. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 23.40 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

23.40. And ye shall take you on the first day the fruit of goodly trees, branches of palm-trees, and boughs of thick trees, and willows of the brook, and ye shall rejoice before the LORD your God seven days."

2. Sallust, Iugurtha, 4.5-4.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 3.244-3.247, 13.249, 13.280-13.281, 13.301, 13.310-13.314, 13.318-13.319, 13.328-13.364, 13.371-13.383, 13.395-13.404, 14.25-14.28, 14.200 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.244. 4. Upon the fifteenth day of the same month, when the season of the year is changing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch tabernacles in every one of our houses, so that we preserve ourselves from the cold of that time of the year; 3.245. as also that when we should arrive at our own country, and come to that city which we should have then for our metropolis, because of the temple therein to be built, and keep a festival for eight days, and offer burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings, that we should then carry in our hands a branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome citron: 3.246. That the burnt-offering on the first of those days was to be a sacrifice of thirteen bulls, and fourteen lambs, and fifteen rams, with the addition of a kid of the goats, as an expiation for sins; and on the following days the same number of lambs, and of rams, with the kids of the goats; but abating one of the bulls every day till they amounted to seven only. 3.247. On the eighth day all work was laid aside, and then, as we said before, they sacrificed to God a bullock, a ram, and seven lambs, with a kid of the goats, for an expiation of sins. And this is the accustomed solemnity of the Hebrews, when they pitch their tabernacles. 13.249. 4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity 13.281. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year’s siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. 13.301. 1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again. 13.311. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come? 13.312. “That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold that he should die at the place called Strato’s Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet.” 13.313. As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato’s Tower, or of the same name with that Caesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder. 13.314. 3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his brother; on which account his disease increased upon him, and he was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of the servants that attended upon him, and was carrying his blood away, did, by Divine Providence, as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and shed part of his blood at the very place where there were spots of Antigonus’s blood, there slain, still remaining; 13.318. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. 13.319. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: “This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.” 13.328. The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. 13.329. And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible. 13.331. for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible. 13.332. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. 13.333. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern. 13.334. 4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; 13.335. and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; 13.336. but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; 13.337. and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy’s intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the Sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey. 13.338. 5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp near to the enemy. 13.339. He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy’s soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy’s soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards; 13.341. in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were giving way; 13.342. but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy’s soldiers acted quite otherwise; 13.343. for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; 13.344. for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country. 13.345. 6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as sacrifices. 13.346. This commandment was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were cannibals, and eat men’s flesh, and might on that account be still more terrified at them upon such a sight. 13.347. And both Strabo and Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere. 13.348. 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; 13.349. but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Aias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos. 13.351. but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra’s generals, happened to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy. 13.352. 2. When Cleopatra heard of her son’s attempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza 13.353. in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. 13.354. But Aias’s counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that “she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; for,” said he, “I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies.” 13.355. This desire of Aias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 13.356. 3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander’s baggage. 13.357. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. 13.358. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. 13.359. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. 13.361. but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander 13.362. who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; 13.363. and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; 13.364. but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo’s temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege. 13.371. Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related. 13.372. 5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. 13.373. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. 13.374. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him; 13.375. but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem 13.376. where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them. 13.377. 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also. 13.379. 2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; 13.381. This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; 13.382. nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. 13.383. However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity. 13.395. 4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; 13.396. in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; 13.397. in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed. 13.398. 5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet would not leave off going out with his army, till he was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. 13.399. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, “To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?” 13.401. after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed; 13.402. for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured. 13.403. “Do thou, therefore,” said he, “when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. 13.404. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.” So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one. 14.25. and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. 14.25. 2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; 14.26. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.26. but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. 14.27. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. 14.27. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus’s government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere. 14.28. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae. 14.28. 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar:

4. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 1.61, 1.78-1.80, 1.86-1.87, 1.89-1.98, 1.477 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward [am the author of this work]. 1.3. 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter. 1.3. When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. 1.61. 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also. 1.61. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. 1.78. 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars) 1.79. “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.” 1.86. 2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. 1.87. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king’s baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod. 1.89. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it. 1.91. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. 1.92. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their request, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem. 1.93. 5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other’s soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander’s mercenaries to leave him,—and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him. 1.94. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. 1.95. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander’s mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander’s condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way. 1.96. 6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. 1.97. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. 1.98. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander’s death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more. 1.477. She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,—and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches.

5. Mishnah, Sukkah, 4.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.9. How was the water libation [performed]? A golden flask holding three logs was filled from the Shiloah. When they arrived at the water gate, they sounded a teki'ah [long blast], a teru'ah [a staccato note] and again a teki'ah. [The priest then] went up the ascent [of the altar] and turned to his left where there were two silver bowls. Rabbi Judah says: they were of plaster [but they looked silver] because their surfaces were darkened from the wine. They had each a hole like a slender snout, one being wide and the other narrow so that both emptied at the same time. The one on the west was for water and the one on the east for wine. If he poured the flask of water into the bowl for wine, or that of wine into that for water, he has fulfilled his obligation. Rabbi Judah says: with one log he performed the ceremony of the water-libation all eight days. To [the priest] who performed the libation they used to say, “Raise your hand”, for one time, a certain man poured out the water over his feet, and all the people pelted him with their etrogs."

6. New Testament, Apocalypse, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

5.5. One of the elders said to me, "Don't weep. Behold, the Lion who is of the tribe of Judah, the Root of David, has overcome; he who opens the book and its seven seals.

7. New Testament, Matthew, 1.2-1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.2. Abraham became the father of Isaac. Isaac became the father of Jacob. Jacob became the father of Judah and his brothers. 1.3. Judah became the father of Perez and Zerah by Tamar. Perez became the father of Hezron. Hezron became the father of Ram.

8. Tosefta, Sukkah, 3.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 7.11 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

10. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 91.4-91.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

91.4. וְיוֹסֵף הוּא הַשַּׁלִּיט וגו' (בראשית מב, ו), שָׁלשׁ גְּזֵרוֹת גָּזַר, שֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס עֶבֶד לְמִצְרַיִם, וְשֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס אָדָם בִּשְׁנֵי חֲמוֹרִים, וְשֶׁלֹא יוֹלִיכוּ חֲמָרִים תְּבוּאָה מִמָּקוֹם לְמָקוֹם, שֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס אָדָם עַד שֶׁלֹא יִכְתֹּב שְׁמוֹ וְשֵׁם אָבִיו וְשֵׁם זְקֵנוֹ. וַהֲוָה תַּמָּן מְנַשֶּׁה קָאֵים מְקַבֵּל פִּתְקִין, אָמְרִין נֵעוֹל וְנֶחֱמֵי אִי אַשְׁכְּחָן יָתֵיהּ טָעוּן לָן בְּמַדָּיו דְּמִכְסָא, הָא טַב, וְאִם לָאו בְּצַפְרָא נֶחֱמֵי מַה נַּעֲבֹד. 91.5. דָּבָר אַחֵר, וַיַּרְא יַעֲקֹב כִּי יֶשׁ שֶׁבֶר בְּמִצְרָיִם, כְּתִיב (משלי יא, כו): מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם וּבְרָכָה לְרֹאשׁ מַשְׁבִּיר. מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, זֶה פַּרְעֹה. וּבְרָכָה לְרֹאשׁ מַשְׁבִּיר, זֶה יוֹסֵף. יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, זֶה פַּרְעֹה, שֶׁגָּנַז הַתְּבוּאָה בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן וְהָיוּ הַבְּרִיּוֹת מְקַלְּלִין אוֹתוֹ. אֲבָל יוֹסֵף זָן אֶת הָעוֹלָם בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן כָּרוֹעֶה הַזֶּה שֶׁמַּנְהִיג אֶת צֹאנוֹ, עָלָיו אָמַר דָּוִד (תהלים פ, ב): רֹעֵה יִשְׂרָאֵל הַאֲזִינָה נֹהֵג כַּצֹּאן יוֹסֵף, כְּשֶׁהָיָה רָעָב בִּימֵי דָוִד בִּקֵּשׁ עֲלֵיהֶם רַחֲמִים מִלִּפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וְאָמַר רִבּוֹן כָּל הָעוֹלָמִים נְהֹג אֶת צֹאנְךָ כְּיוֹסֵף שֶׁזָּן אֶת הָעוֹלָם בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן. כֵּיוָן שֶׁחָזַק הָרָעָב בָּאָרֶץ נִתְקַבְּצוּ הַמִּצְרִים וּבָאוּ אֵצֶל יוֹסֵף אָמְרוּ לוֹ תְּנָה לָנוּ לֶחֶם, אָמַר לָהֶם אֱלֹהַי אֵינוֹ זָן אֶת הָעֲרֵלִים, לְכוּ וּמוֹלוּ אֶת עַצְמְכֶם וְאֶתֵּן לָכֶם. הָלְכוּ אֵצֶל פַּרְעֹה וְהָיוּ צוֹעֲקִים וּבוֹכִים לְפָנָיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית מא, נה): וַתִּרְעַב כָּל אֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם, וְאָמַר (בראשית מא, נה): לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ, אָמְרוּ לוֹ הָלַכְנוּ אֶצְלוֹ מְדַבֵּר אֵלֵינוּ דְּבָרִים רֵיקִים וְאוֹמֵר מוֹלוּ אֶת עַצְמְכֶם, אָמַר לָהֶם שׁוֹטִים לֹא כָךְ אָמַרְתִּי לָכֶם מִתְּחִלָּה עִבְדוּהוּ וּקְנוּ לְעַצְמְכֶם תְּבוּאָה, וְכִי לֹא הָיָה קוֹרֵא לָכֶם כָּל אוֹתָן הַשָּׁנִים שְׁנֵי הַשֹּׂבַע וְצִוָּה לָכֶם הֱיוּ יוֹדְעִים שֶׁרָעָב בָּא, אַתֶּם פָּשַׁעְתֶּם בְּנַפְשׁוֹתֵיכֶם, מִפְּנֵי מָה לֹא הִנַּחְתֶּם בְּבָתֵּיכֶם תְּבוּאָה שֶׁל שְׁנַיִם וְשָׁלשׁ וְאַרְבַּע שָׁנִים. אָמְרוּ לוֹ כָּל תְּבוּאָה שֶׁהָיָה בְּבָתֵּינוּ הִרְקִיבָה. אָמַר לָהֶם לֹא נִשְׁתַּיֵּר לָכֶם קֶמַח מֵאֶתְמוֹל, אָמְרוּ לוֹ אַף פַּת שֶׁהָיָה בַּסַּל הִרְקִיב. אָמַר לָהֶם לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ, אָמַר לָהֶם אִם גּוֹזֵר עַל הַתְּבוּאָה וְנִרְקֶבֶת שֶׁמָּא יִגְזֹר עָלֵינוּ וְיַהַרְגֵנוּ. אָמַר לָהֶם לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף, אִם יֹאמַר לָכֶם חִתְכוּ מִבְּשַׂרְכֶם שִׁמְעוּ לוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ. (בראשית מא, נו): וְהָרָעָב הָיָה עַל כָּל פְּנֵי, רָאוּי הָיָה לַמִּקְרָא לוֹמַר עַל הָאָרֶץ, מַה תַּלְמוּד לוֹמַר עַל פְּנֵי, אָמַר רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן לְלַמֶּדְךָ שֶׁלֹא הִתְחִיל הָרָעָב אֶלָּא בָּעֲשִׁירִים, שֶׁאֵין פְּנֵי הָאָרֶץ אֶלָּא עֲשִׁירִים, לְכָךְ נֶאֱמַר (משלי יא, כו): מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, בִּזְּמַן שֶׁאָדָם עָשִׁיר יֵשׁ לוֹ פָּנִים שְׂמֵחִים לִרְאוֹת אֶת חֲבֵרוֹ, וּבִזְמַן שֶׁאָדָם עָנִי אֵין לוֹ פָּנִים לִרְאוֹת, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא מִתְבַּיֵּשׁ מֵחֲבֵרוֹ, לְכָךְ נֶאֱמַר: מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם.

11. Palestinian Talmud, Nazir, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

12. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Qamma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

82b. ואתא איהו תיקן חפיפה:,ושיהו רוכלין מחזרין בעיירות משום תכשיטי נשים כדי שלא יתגנו על בעליהם:,ותיקן טבילה לבעלי קריין דאורייתא הוא דכתיב (ויקרא טו, טז) ואיש כי תצא ממנו שכבת זרע ורחץ את בשרו במים דאורייתא הוא לתרומה וקדשים אתא הוא תיקן אפילו לדברי תורה:,עשרה דברים נאמרו בירושלים אין הבית חלוט בה ואינה מביאה עגלה ערופה ואינה נעשית עיר הנדחת,ואינה מטמאה בנגעים ואין מוציאין בה זיזין וגזוזטראות ואין עושין בה אשפתות ואין עושין בה כבשונות ואין עושין בה גנות ופרדסות חוץ מגנות וורדין שהיו מימות נביאים הראשונים ואין מגדלים בה תרנגולין ואין מלינין בה את המת,אין הבית חלוט בה דכתיב (ויקרא כה, ל) וקם הבית אשר לו חומה לצמיתות לקונה אותו לדורותיו וקסבר לא נתחלקה ירושלים לשבטים,ואינה מביאה עגלה ערופה דכתיב (דברים כא, א) כי ימצא חלל באדמה אשר ה' אלהיך נותן לך לרשתה וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואינה נעשית עיר הנדחת דכתיב (דברים יג, יג) עריך וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואינה מטמאה בנגעים דכתיב (ויקרא יד, לד) ונתתי נגע צרעת בבית ארץ אחוזתכם וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואין מוציאין בה זיזין וגזוזטראות מפני אהל הטומאה ומשום דלא ליתזקו עולי רגלים,ואין עושין בה אשפתות משום שקצים,ואין עושין בה כבשונות משום קוטרא,ואין עושין בה גנות ופרדסין משום סירחא,ואין מגדלין בה תרנגולין משום קדשים,ואין מלינין בה את המת גמרא:,אין מגדלין חזירים בכל מקום תנו רבנן כשצרו בית חשמונאי זה על זה היה הורקנוס מבפנים ואריסטובלוס מבחוץ ובכל יום היו משלשים להם בקופה דינרין והיו מעלין להם תמידים,היה שם זקן אחד שהיה מכיר בחכמת יוונית אמר להם כל זמן שעוסקין בעבודה אין נמסרים בידכם למחר שילשלו דינרין בקופה והעלו להם חזיר כיון שהגיע לחצי החומה נעץ צפרניו בחומה ונזדעזעה ארץ ישראל ארבע מאות פרסה על ארבע מאות פרסה,באותה שעה אמרו ארור האיש שיגדל חזירים וארור האדם שילמד את בנו חכמת יוונית ועל אותה שעה שנינו מעשה שבא עומר מגנות הצריפין ושתי הלחם מבקעת עין סוכר:,וחכמת יוונית מי אסירא והתניא אמר רבי בארץ ישראל

82b. bAndEzra bcameand added to the Torah’s minimal obligation. He binstitutedthe requirement of bcombingthe hair even when it is known that it is not knotted and contains no repulsive substance.,The Gemara discusses the next of Ezra’s ordices: bAnd that peddlers should circulate throughall bthe towns.This Gemara explains that this is bbecausepeddlers supply bwomen’s cosmetics,and therefore Ezra instituted this practice bso thatwomen bshould not become unattractive to their husbands. /b,The Gemara analyzes the last of the ten ordices: bAnd he institutedthe requirement of bimmersion for those who experienced a seminal emission.The Gemara asks: But this bisrequired bby Torah law, as it is written: “And if the flow of seed go out from a man, then he shall batheall bhis flesh in water”(Leviticus 15:16). The Gemara answers: bBy Torah lawimmersion bisrequired only if one wishes to partake bof iterumaor sacrificialmeat. Ezra bcameand further binstitutedthat immersion is necessary beven forreciting or studying bmatters of Torah. /b,§ The mishna teaches that one may not raise chickens in Jerusalem. The Gemara cites a ibaraitathat contains a list of other ihalakhotthat are unique to Jerusalem. bTen matters were stated with regard to Jerusalem: A housesituated binJerusalem does bnotbecome birredeemableone year after its sale. Those who sell houses in other walled cities have the right to buy back their property for one year after the transaction. If they fail to do so, the house becomes the permanent possession of the buyer (see Leviticus 25:29–30). This ihalakhadoes not apply to houses in Jerusalem. bAndits Elders do bnot bring a heifer whose neck is brokenas required when a murder victim is found near a city and the murderer is unknown (see Deuteronomy 21:1–9); bandit bcannot become an idolatrous city(see Deuteronomy 13:13–19).,The ibaraitacontinues its list: bAnda house in Jerusalem bcannot become ritually impurewith the impurity bof leprous sores; and one may not build out projections or balconies [ igezuztraot /i]from houses that are bin it; and one may not establish garbage dumps inJerusalem; band one may not build kilns in it; and one may not plant gardens and orchards [ ipardesot /i] in it, except forthe brose gardens that werealready there bfrom the times of the early prophets; and one may not raise chickens in it; andfinally, bone may not leave a corpse overnight inJerusalem.,The Gemara discusses these ten ihalakhotpertaining to Jerusalem, one by one: bA housesituated binit does bnotbecome birredeemableone year after its sale. The reason is bthat it is written:“And if it is not redeemed within the space of a full year, then bthe housethat is in the bwalledcity bshall be made sure in perpetuity to him who bought it, throughout his generations”(Leviticus 25:30). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraita bmaintainsthat bJerusalem was not apportioned toany single one of bthe tribesof Israel; rather, it is considered common property. Since no one has ancestral ownership of any house in Jerusalem, its houses cannot be sold permanently.,The Gemara analyzes the next ihalakha /i: bAndits inhabitants do bnot bring a heifer whose neck is broken.The reason is bthat it is written: “If one is found slain in the land that the Lord your God gives you to possess it”(Deuteronomy 21:1). bAnd,again, the itannawho taught this ibaraita bmaintainsthat bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. Therefore, it is not included in the description: “The land that the Lord your God gives you to possess it.”,The ibaraitastates: bAndit bcannot become an idolatrous city.The reason is bthat it is written,in the introduction of the passage dealing with the ihalakhaof an idolatrous city: “If you shall hear tell concerning one of byour cities,which the Lord your God gives you to dwell there” (Deuteronomy 13:13). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraitamaintains that bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. It is therefore not included in the description “one of your cities, which the Lord your God gives you to dwell there.”,The ibaraitafurther teaches: bAnda house in Jerusalem does bnot become ritually impurewith the impurity bof leprous sores.The reason is bthat it is written: “And I put the plague of leprosy in a house of the land of your possession”(Leviticus 14:34). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraitamaintains that bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. It is there-fore not included in the description “a house of the land of your possession.”,The Gemara discusses the next ihalakha /i: bAnd one may not build out projections or balconiesfrom houses that are binJerusalem. The Gemara provides two reasons for this prohibition. First, it is bdue tothe danger of contracting britual impurityby being in bthesame btentas a corpse, i.e., under the same roof, in which case the impurity spreads to all items under the roof. If even a small part of a corpse is under a balcony, everyone who passes under that balcony is rendered impure. Many people come to Jerusalem to sacrifice offerings, and they must maintain a state of ritual purity. The other reason is bso that thosegreat crowds of bpilgrims not be injuredby colliding with the projections.,The next ihalakhapertaining to Jerusalem is: bAnd one may not establish garbage dumps in it.The Gemara explains that the reason is bdue tothe brepugt creaturesthat are attracted to such heaps and impart ritual impurity upon their death.,The ibaraitastates: bAnd one may not build kilns inJerusalem. The reason is bdue to theunsightly bsmokeproduced by kilns. The Sages sought to preserve the beauty of Jerusalem and the Temple.,The ibaraitateaches: bAnd one may not plant gardens and orchards in it.This is bdue to the odoremitted by these places, either from discarded weeds or from fertilizer.,The next ihalakhaon the list is: bAnd one may not raise chickens inJerusalem. The Gemara explains that this is bdue to the sacrificialmeat that is consumed in Jerusalem. Since chickens peck in the garbage, they are likely to pick up items that impart ritual impurity and bring them into contact with the consecrated food, which may not be eaten in an impure state.,The Gemara discusses the last ihalakha /i: bAnd one may not leave a corpse overnight in it.The Gemara notes that this prohibition is ba tradition;there is no known explanation for it.,§ The mishna teaches that bone may not raise pigs anywhere. The Sages taughtin a ibaraitathe background for this ihalakha /i: bWhenthe members of bthe house of Hasmoneanmonarchy bwere at war with each other, Hyrcanus,one of the parties to this war, bwas insidethe besieged Jerusalem, bwhilehis brother bAristobulus,the other contender to the throne, was bon the outside. And every daythe people inside bwould lower down money in a boxfrom the Temple walls, to purchase sheep to sacrifice, bandthose on other side bwouldtake the money and bsend upsheep bto themover the wall for the bdaily offerings. /b, bThere was a certain elder there who was familiar with Greek wisdom,and bhe saidto those besieging Jerusalem: bAs long as they occupy themselves with theTemple bservice, they will not be delivered into your hands. The next day they lowered down money in a boxas usual, bbutthis time bthey sent up to them a pig. When the pig reached to the midpoint of theTemple bwall it stuck its hooves into the wall, and Eretz Yisrael quakedover an area of bfour hundred parasangs by four hundred parasangs. /b, bAt that timethe Sages bsaid: Cursed be the man who raises pigs, and cursed be the man who teaches his son Greek wisdom. Andit was bconcerning that timeof siege that bwe learnedin a mishna: There was ban incidentin which the barley for the iomeroffering came from the gardens of Tzerifin,far from Jerusalem, bandthe wheat for bthe two loavesof iShavuotwas brought bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher.Barley and wheat could not be brought from any nearer because the besiegers had destroyed all the produce around Jerusalem. This concludes the ibaraita /i.,The Gemara asks a question with regard to this ibaraita /i: bAnd isit really bprohibitedto study bGreek wisdom? But isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bRabbiYehuda HaNasi bsaid: In Eretz Yisrael, /b

13. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

48a. לאתויי קטן פורח.,ולית הלכתא ככל הני שמעתתא אלא כי הא דאמר רב נחמן קטן היודע למי מברכין מזמנין עליו,אביי ורבא הוו יתבי קמיה דרבה אמר להו רבה למי מברכין אמרי ליה לרחמנא ורחמנא היכא יתיב רבא אחוי לשמי טללא אביי נפק לברא אחוי כלפי שמיא אמר להו רבה תרווייכו רבנן הויתו היינו דאמרי אינשי בוצין בוצין מקטפיה ידיע:,א"ר יהודה בריה דרב שמואל בר שילת משמיה דרב תשעה אכלו דגן ואחד אכל ירק מצטרפין א"ר זירא בעאי מיניה מרב יהודה שמנה מהו שבעה מהו א"ל לא שנא ששה ודאי לא מיבעיא לי א"ל רבי ירמיה שפיר עבדת דלא איבעיא לך התם טעמא מאי משום דאיכא רובא הכא נמי איכא רובא ואיהו סבר רובא דמינכר בעינן.,ינאי מלכא ומלכתא כריכו ריפתא בהדי הדדי ומדקטל להו לרבנן לא הוה ליה איניש לברוכי להו אמר לה לדביתהו מאן יהיב לן גברא דמברך לן אמרה ליה אשתבע לי דאי מייתינא לך גברא דלא מצערת ליה אשתבע לה אייתיתיה לשמעון בן שטח אחוה אותביה בין דידיה לדידה אמר ליה חזית כמה יקרא עבדינא לך אמר ליה לאו את קא מוקרת לי אלא אורייתא היא דמוקרא לי דכתיב (משלי ד, ח) סלסלה ותרוממך תכבדך כי תחבקנה אמר ליה קא חזית דלא מקבל מרות,יהבו ליה כסא לברוכי אמר היכי אבריך ברוך שאכל ינאי וחביריו משלו שתייה לההוא כסא יהבו ליה כסא אחרינא ובריך,א"ר אבא בריה דרב חייא בר אבא (א"ר יוחנן) שמעון בן שטח דעבד לגרמיה הוא דעבד דהכי אמר ר' חייא בר אבא אר"י לעולם אינו מוציא את הרבים ידי חובתן עד שיאכל כזית דגן,מיתיבי רשב"ג אומר עלה והסיב עמהם אפילו לא טבל עמהם אלא בציר ולא אכל עמהם אלא גרוגרת אחת מצטרף,אצטרופי מצטרף אבל להוציא את הרבים ידי חובתן עד שיאכל כזית דגן,איתמר נמי אמר רב חנא בר יהודה משמיה דרבא אפי' לא

48a. bto include a mature minor?Explain the ibaraitaas follows: A minor who grew two hairs is included in a izimmun /i, and we are not exacting with regard to a minor to ascertain whether or not he has reached the age of majority.,The Gemara concludes: bThe ihalakhais not in accordance with all of these statements. Rather,the ihalakhais bin accordance with thisstatement bthat Rav Naḥman said: A minor who knows to Whom one recites a blessing is included in a izimmun /i. /b,The Gemara relates that bAbaye and Rava,when they were children, bwere seated before Rabba. Rabba said to them: To whom does one recite blessings? They said to him: ToGod, bthe All-Merciful.Rabba asked them: bAnd where does the All-Merciful reside? Rava pointed to the ceiling. Abaye went outside and pointed toward the heaven. Rabba said to them: You will both become Sages. It is as the popular saying goes: A cucumber can be recognized from its blossomingstage. Similarly, a great person can be recognized even from a young age., bRav Yehuda, son of Rav Shmuel bar Sheilat, said in the name of Rav:If bnine ate grain and one ate vegetables, they joinand form a izimmunof ten. bRabbi Zeira said: I raised a dilemma before Rav Yehuda: What isthe ruling if beightate grain and two ate vegetables? May they join together? bWhat isthe ruling if bsevenate grain? bHe said to me: There is no difference. I certainly had no dilemma with regard to six,as it was clear to me that six are insufficient to warrant a izimmun /i. bRabbi Yirmeya said to him: You did well that you had no dilemmawith regard to six, but for the opposite reason. bThere,in the case of seven or eight, bwhat is the reasonthat they form a izimmunof ten? bBecause there is a majorityof those dining who ate grain. bHere, too, there is a majority.Rabbi Zeira, however, bheld: We require an obvious majority.Therefore, contrary to the opinion of Rabbi Yirmeya, it was clear to him that six who ate grain are insufficient to form a izimmun /i.,The Gemara relates: bKing Yannai and the queen ate bread together. And sinceYannai bexecuted the Sages, there was no one to recite theGrace after Meals bblessing on their behalf. He said to his wife: Who will provide uswith ba man to recite the blessing on our behalf? She said to him: Swear to me that if I bring yousuch ba man, you will not harass him. He swore,and bshe brought her brother, Shimon ben Shataḥ. She sat him betweenthe King’s throne band hers.The King bsaid to him: Do you see how much honor I am according you? He responded:It is bnot you who honors me; rather, the Torah honors me, as it is written: “Extol her and she will exalt you; she will bring you to honor when you embrace her”(Proverbs 4:8). Yannai bsaid tohis wife: bYou see that he does not accept authority. /b, bThey gaveShimon ben Shataḥ ba cupof wine bover which to reciteGrace after Meals. bHe said: How shall I recite the blessing?Shall I say: bBlessed is He from Whom Yannai and his companions have eaten?I have not eaten anything. bHe drank that cupof wine. bThey gave him another cup, and he recited theGrace after Meals bblessing.By drinking the first cup he joined the other diners and was therefore eligible to recite Grace after Meals on their behalf.,With regard to this story, bRabbi Abba, son of Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba, said(that bRabbi Yoḥa said): That which Shimon ben Shataḥ did,reciting Grace after Meals on their behalf, bhe did on his own,and not in accordance with the accepted ihalakha /i, bas Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said as follows: Onewho recites Grace after Meals bcannot fulfill the obligation of othersto recite it buntil he eats an olive-bulk of grain. /b,The Gemara braises an objectionbased on what was taught in a ibaraita /i: bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: One who entered and reclined togetherwith those who were dining, beven if he only dipped with thema small bit of food binspicy bbrinethat was before them band ate with them only a single dry fig, he joins them.This ibaraitademonstrates that one need not necessarily eat grain to recite Grace after Meals on their behalf.,The Gemara responds: Indeed, bhe joins them, buthe cannot bsatisfy the obligation of the many unless he has eaten an olive-bulk of grain. /b,Similarly, this ihalakha bwas also stated: Rav Ḥana bar Yehuda said in the name of Rava: Even if he only /b

14. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

64b. bas Rabbi Yishmael states only there,in the mishna, that three ise’aof barley are reaped on Shabbat, basin that case bwhenone blimitsthe amount available bfor eating,he likewise blimitsthe amount of breaping. But here, whenone blimitsthe amount bof eatingby bringing the two figs, he also bincreasesthe amount of breaping.Therefore is it bcertainthat bwe bringthe ill person the bthreefigs attached by a single stem., strongMISHNA: /strong bThe mitzva of the iomeris to bringthe barley reaped for the meal offering bfromfields bproximateto Jerusalem. If the barley bdid not ripenin bthefields bproximate to Jerusalem, one brings it from any placein Eretz Yisrael. There was ban incident where the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifin andthe wheat for bthe two loaveson iShavuotcame bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks: bWhat is the reasonthat the barley reaped for the iomermeal offering should ideally be brought from fields proximate to Jerusalem? The Gemara answers: bIf you wish, saythat it is bbecausethe verse states: “And if you bring a meal offering of first fruits to the Lord, you shall bring for the meal offering of your first fruits grain in the ear parched with fire, even groats of the bfresh ear [ ikarmel /i]”(Leviticus 2:14). This indicates that the grain should be soft and fresh. Consequently it should be brought from close by, not from a place where it might become stale and hardened during a long journey., bAnd if you wish, sayinstead that the reason is bdue tothe principle that bone does not postponeperformance of bthe mitzvot.When presented with the opportunity to perform a mitzva, one should perform it immediately. Therefore, the barley for the mitzva of the iomermeal offering in the Temple should be brought from the first crop encountered outside of Jerusalem.,§ The mishna teaches: There was ban incident where the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifinand the two loaves on iShavuotcame from the valley of Ein Sokher. bThe Sages taughta ibaraitathat provides the background of this event: bWhen the kings of the Hasmonean monarchy besieged each otherin their civil war, bHyrcanus was outside ofJerusalem, besieging it, band Aristoblus was inside. On each and every day they would lower dinars in a boxfrom inside the city, bandthose on the outside bwould send upanimals for them to bring the bdaily offeringsin the Temple., bA certain elderly man was there,in Jerusalem, bwho was familiar with Greek wisdom. He communicated tothose on the outside bbyusing words understood only by those proficient in bGreek wisdom. The elderly man said to them: As long as they are engaged with theTemple bservice, they will not be delivered into your hands.Upon hearing this, bon the following day,when bthey lowered dinars in a box, they sent up a pig to them. Oncethe pig breached halfwayup the bwall, it inserted its hoovesinto the wall and bEretz Yisrael shuddered four hundred parasangs by four hundred parasangs. /b,When the Sages saw this, bthey saidat bthat time: Cursed is he who raises pigs, and cursed is he who teaches his son Greek wisdom. Andit is bwith regard to that timeof civil war, in which the land was destroyed, that bwe learned: An incidentoccurred bin which the iomer /i,the measure of barley brought as a communal offering on the sixteenth of Nisan, bcame from Gaggot Tzerifim, and the two loavesoffered on iShavuotcame bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher.Since no fresh barley grain was found in the fields immediately surrounding Jerusalem, it had to be brought from these outlying areas.,§ The Gemara relates another tradition with regard to that occasion when the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifin and the two loaves from the valley of Ein Sokher: bWhen it cametime to bring the iomer /imeal offering, bthey did not know from wherethey could bbringthe iomer /igrain, as all the surrounding fields were looted and ruined. The court publicly bproclaimedtheir difficulty. bA certain deaf-mute [ iḥersha /i] cameforward and bstretched out one hand toward a roof, igagin Hebrew, band one hand toward a hut [ iatzerifa /i]. Mordekhai said tothe Sages: bIs there a place that is called Gaggot Tzerifin or Tzerifin Gaggot? They checked and foundthat there was such a place, and it contained fields of barley from which they were able to bring the iomermeal offering.,A similar incident occurred bwhen they needed to bring the two loaves,and bthey did not know from where to bringthe grain. Again the court publicly bproclaimedtheir difficulty, and ba certain deaf-mute cameforward and bstretched outone bhand toward his eye [ ia’eineih /i] and one hand toward a door latch [ iassikhera /i]. Mordekhai said tothe Sages: bAnd is there a place that is called: Ein Sokher, or Sokher Ayin? They checked and foundthat there was such a place, and it contained fields of wheat from which they were able to bring the two loaves.,The Gemara relates another story that demonstrates Mordekhai’s wisdom: Once, ba certain three women brought three nestsfor their obligatory offerings of pairs of pigeons or doves (see Leviticus 15:29). bOneof them bsaid:This offering is bfor my iziva /i; and one said:This if bfor my iyamma /i; andthe last bone said:This is bfor my iona /i. /b,The Sages bunderstood fromthe first woman’s statement: bFor my iziva /i,that she had experienced a discharge of uterine blood when not expecting her menstrual period, which would give her the status of ban actual izava /i.From the second woman’s statement: bFor my iyamma /i,they understood: bMy actual iyamma /i,i.e., she was also a iziva /i, as iyamcan mean: Sea, or a flow of blood. From the third woman’s statement: bFor my iona /i,they came to the conclusion that she needed to bring a sacrifice bfor her time [ iona /i]of completing her purification process from being a izava /i. Accordingly, they understood bthat allthese women were obligated to bring bone sin offering and one burnt offering. /b, bMordekhai said tothe other Sages: bPerhapsthe first woman bwas endangeredin the course bofher menstrual bflow [ izov /i].Similarly, bperhapsthe second woman bwas endangered at sea [ iyam /i].Finally, bperhapsthe third woman bwas endangered through her eye [ iayin /i],as iayinis phonetically similar to iona /i. According to these explanations, each woman sought to bring a voluntary offering to give thanks to God for being saved from danger. If so, the appropriate offering in each case is not a sin offering, bas they are all burnt offerings.It bwas checked andthey bfoundthat Mordekhai’s interpretation was in fact correct.

15. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

22b. ועד כמה עד ארבעין שנין איני והא רבה אורי בשוין,ומכות פרושין וכו' ת"ר שבעה פרושין הן פרוש שיכמי פרוש נקפי פרוש קיזאי פרוש מדוכיא פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה,פרוש שיכמי זה העושה מעשה שכם פרוש נקפי זה המנקיף את רגליו פרוש קיזאי א"ר נחמן בר יצחק זה המקיז דם לכתלים פרוש מדוכיא אמר רבה בר שילא דמשפע כי מדוכיא,פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה הא מעליותא היא אלא דאמר מה חובתי תו ואעשנה,פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה אמרו ליה אביי ורבא לתנא לא תיתני פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב לעולם יעסוק אדם בתורה ובמצות אפי' שלא לשמה שמתוך שלא לשמה בא לשמה,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק דמטמרא מטמרא ודמגליא מגליא בי דינא רבה ליתפרע מהני דחפו גונדי אמר לה ינאי מלכא לדביתיה אל תתיראי מן הפרושין ולא ממי שאינן פרושין אלא מן הצבועין שדומין לפרושין שמעשיהן כמעשה זמרי ומבקשין שכר כפנחס, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ר"ש אומר אין זכות תולה במים המרים ואם אתה אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררין מדהה אתה את המים בפני כל הנשים השותות ומוציא אתה שם רע על הטהורות ששתו שאומרים טמאות הן אלא שתלתה להן זכות רבי אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררים ואינה יולדת ואינה משבחת אלא מתנוונה והולכת לסוף היא מתה באותה מיתה,נטמאת מנחתה עד שלא קדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותפדה ואם משקדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותשרף ואלו שמנחותיהן נשרפות

22b. bAnd until whenis it considered too premature for a scholar to issue halakhic rulings? It is buntil forty years.The Gemara asks: bIs that so? But didn’t Rabba issue rulings,even though he lived for only forty years? The Gemara answers: It is permitted for a scholar who has not studied for so long to issue rulings bwhenhis knowledge reaches the level of the foremost scholar in his city and bthey are equals. /b,§ It states in the mishna: bAnd those who injurethemselves out of false babstinence [ iperushin /i]are people who erode the world. bThe Sages taught: There are sevenpseudo- brighteouspeople who erode the world: The brighteous of Shechem,the self- bflagellating righteous,the bbloodletting righteous,the bpestle /b-like brighteous,the brighteouswho say: Tell me bwhat my obligationis band I will perform it,those who are brighteous due to love,and those who are brighteous due to fear. /b,The Gemara explains: The brighteous of Shechem [ ishikhmi /i]; this isone bwho performsactions comparable to the bactionof the people of bShechem,who agreed to circumcise themselves for personal gain (see Genesis, chapter 34); so too, he behaves righteously only in order to be honored. The self- bflagellating righteous; this isone bwho injures his feet,as he walks slowly, dragging his feet on the ground in an attempt to appear humble, and injures his feet in the process. The bbloodletting righteous; Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak saysthat bthis isone bwho lets bloodby banging his head bagainst the wallsbecause he walks with his eyes shut, ostensibly out of modesty. The bpestle /b-like brighteous; Rabba bar Sheila saysthat this is one bwhowalks bbent over likethe bpestleof a mortar.,With regard to the brighteousone who says: Tell me bwhat my obligationis band I will perform it,the Gemara asks: bIsn’t this virtuousbehavior, as he desires to be aware of his obligations? bRather,this is referring to one bwho says:Tell me bwhat further obligationsare incumbent bupon me and I will perform them,indicating that he fulfills all of his mitzvot perfectly and therefore seeks additional obligations.,The ibaraitaalso includes in the list of pseudo-righteous people those who are brighteous due to loveand those who are brighteous due to fear,i.e., one who performs mitzvot due to love of their reward or due to fear of punishment. bAbaye and Rava said to the itanna /iwho transmitted this ibaraita /i: bDo not teachin the ibaraita /i: Those who are brighteous due to loveand those who are brighteous due to fear, as Rav Yehuda saysthat bRav says: A person should always engage in Torahstudy band inperformance of bthe mitzvot even ifhe does bnotdo so bfor their own sake, as throughperforming them bnot for their own sake,one bcomesto perform them bfor their own sake. /b, bRav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said:That bwhich is hidden is hidden, andthat bwhich is revealed is revealed,but in Heaven everything is known, and bthe great courtin Heaven bwill exact payment from those who wear the cloakof the righteous but are in fact unworthy. The Gemara relates: bKing Yannai said to his wifebefore he died: bDo not be afraid of the Pharisees [ iperushin /i], and neithershould you fear bfrom those who are not Pharisees,i.e., the Sadducees; brather,beware bof the hypocrites who appear like Pharisees, as their actions are like the act ofthe wicked bZimri and they requesta breward likethat of the righteous bPinehas(see Numbers, chapter 25)., strongMISHNA: /strong bRabbi Shimon says: Merit does not delaythe punishment bof the bitter waterof a isota /i, band if you saythat bmerit does delaythe punishment bof the water that causes the curse,as stated earlier by the Rabbis (20a), byou weaken [ imadhe /i]the power of bthebitter bwater before all the women who drinkthe water, who will no longer be afraid of it, as they will rely on their merit to save them. bAnd you defame the untainted women who drankthe water and survived, baspeople bsay: They are defiled butit is their bmerit that delayedthe punishment bfor them. RabbiYehuda HaNasi bsays: Merit delaysthe punishment bof the water that causes the curse, buta woman whose punishment is delayed bdoes not give birth and does not flourish; rather, she progressively deteriorates. Ultimately she dies by the same deathas a isotawho dies immediately.,§ If bthe meal-offeringof the isota bis rendered impure before it has been sanctified in theservice bvessel, itsstatus bis likethat of ball theother bmeal-offeringsthat are rendered impure before being sanctified in a service vessel, band it is redeemed. But ifit is rendered impure bafter it has been sanctified in theservice bvessel, itsstatus bis likethat of ball theother bmeal-offeringsthat are rendered impure after being sanctified in a service vessel, band it is burned. And these arethe isotawomen bwhose meal-offerings are burnedif they have already been sanctified in a service vessel:

16. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

48b. כמין שני חוטמין דקין (ואחד) מעובה ואחד דק כדי שיהו שניהם כלין בבת אחת מערבו של מים מזרחו של יין עירה של מים לתוך של יין ושל יין לתוך של מים יצא,ר' יהודה אומר בלוג היה מנסך כל שמונה ולמנסך אומר לו הגבה ידך שפעם אחד נסך אחד על גבי רגליו ורגמוהו כל העם באתרוגיהן,כמעשהו בחול כך מעשהו בשבת אלא שהיה ממלא מערב שבת חבית של זהב שאינה מקודשת מן השילוח ומניחה בלשכה נשפכה נתגלתה היה ממלא מן הכיור שהיין והמים מגולין פסולין לגבי מזבח:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מנא הנ"מ אמר רב עינא דאמר קרא (ישעיהו יב, ג) ושאבתם מים בששון וגו',הנהו תרי מיני חד שמיה ששון וחד שמיה שמחה א"ל ששון לשמחה אנא עדיפנא מינך דכתיב (ישעיהו לה, י) ששון ושמחה ישיגו וגו' א"ל שמחה לששון אנא עדיפנא מינך דכתיב (אסתר ח, יז) שמחה וששון ליהודים א"ל ששון לשמחה חד יומא שבקוך ושויוך פרוונקא דכתיב (ישעיהו נה, יב) כי בשמחה תצאו א"ל שמחה לששון חד יומא שבקוך ומלו בך מיא דכתיב ושאבתם מים בששון,א"ל ההוא מינא דשמיה ששון לר' אבהו עתידיתו דתמלו לי מים לעלמא דאתי דכתיב ושאבתם מים בששון א"ל אי הוה כתיב לששון כדקאמרת השתא דכתיב בששון משכיה דההוא גברא משוינן ליה גודא ומלינן ביה מיא:,עלה בכבש ופנה לשמאלו כו': ת"ר כל העולים למזבח עולין דרך ימין ומקיפין ויורדין דרך שמאל חוץ מן העולה לשלשה דברים הללו שעולין דרך שמאל וחוזרין על העקב ואלו הן ניסוך המים וניסוך היין ועולת העוף כשרבתה במזרח:,אלא שהיו משחירין: בשלמא דיין משחיר דמיא אמאי משחיר כיון דאמר מר עירה של מים לתוך של יין ושל יין לתוך של מים יצא של מים אתי לאשחורי:,ומנוקבים כמין ב' חוטמין וכו': לימא מתניתין ר' יהודה היא ולא רבנן דתנן רבי יהודה אומר בלוג היה מנסך כל שמונה דאי רבנן כי הדדי נינהו,אפי' תימא רבנן חמרא סמיך מיא קליש,הכי נמי מסתברא דאי רבי יהודה רחב וקצר אית ליה דתניא רבי יהודה אומר שני קשוואות היו שם אחד של מים ואחד של יין של יין פיה רחב של מים פיה קצר כדי שיהו שניהם כלין בבת אחת ש"מ:,מערבו של מים: ת"ר מעשה בצדוקי אחד שניסך על גבי רגליו ורגמוהו כל העם באתרוגיהן ואותו היום נפגמה קרן המזבח והביאו בול של מלח וסתמוהו לא מפני שהוכשר לעבודה אלא מפני שלא יראה מזבח פגום

48b. with btwo thinperforated bnose-likeprotrusions. bOneof the basins, used for the wine libation, had a perforation that was bbroad, and one,used for the water libation, had a perforation that was bthin, so thatthe flow of bboththe water and the wine, which do not have the same viscosity, would bconclude simultaneously.The basin to the bwest ofthe altar was bfor water,and the basin to the beast ofthe altar was bfor wine.However, if bone pouredthe contents of the basin bof water intothe basin bof wine, orthe contents of the basin bof wine intothe basin bof water, he fulfilledhis obligation, as failure to pour the libation from the prescribed location does not disqualify the libation after the fact., bRabbi Yehuda says:The basin for the water libation was not that large; rather, bone would pourthe water bwitha vessel that had a capacity of bone ilog /ion ball eightdays of the Festival and not only seven. bAndthe appointee bsays to the one pouringthe water into the silver basin: bRaise your hand,so that his actions would be visible, bas one timea Sadducee priest intentionally bpouredthe water bon his feet,as the Sadducees did not accept the oral tradition requiring water libation, and in their rage ball the people pelted him with their ietrogim /i. /b,Rabbi Yehuda continues: bAs its performance during the week, so is its performance on Shabbat, exceptthat on Shabbat one would not draw water. Instead, bon Shabbat eve, one would fill a golden barrel that was not consecratedfor exclusive use in the Temple bfrom the Siloampool, band hewould bplace it in theTemple bchamberand draw water from there on Shabbat. If the water in the barrel bspilled,or if it bwas exposedovernight, leading to concern that a snake may have deposited poison in the water, bone would fillthe jug with water bfrom the basinin the Temple courtyard, bas exposed wine or water is unfit for the altar.Just as it is prohibited for people to drink them due to the potential danger, so too, they may not be poured on the altar., strongGEMARA: /strong With regard to the customs accompanying the drawing of the water, the Gemara asks: bFrom where are these mattersderived? bRav Eina saidthat it is bas the verse states: “With joy [ isason /i] you shall draw waterout of the springs of salvation” (Isaiah 12:3), indicating that the water was to be drawn from the spring and the rite performed in extreme joy.,Apropos this verse, the Gemara relates: There were bthese two heretics, one named Sason and one named Simḥa. Sason said to Simḥa: I am superior to you, as it is written: “They shall obtain joy [ isason /i] and happiness [ isimḥa /i],and sorrow and sighing shall flee” (Isaiah 35:10). The verse mentions joy first. bSimḥa said to Sason,On the contrary, bI am superior to you, as it is written: “There was happiness [ isimḥa /i] and joy [ isason /i] for the Jews”(Esther 8:17). bSason said to Simḥa: One day they will dismiss you and render you a messenger [ iparvanka /i], as it is written: “For you shall go out with happiness [ isimḥa /i]”(Isaiah 55:12). bSimḥa said to Sason: One day they will dismiss you and draw water with you, as it is written: “With joy [ isason /i] you shall draw water.” /b,The Gemara relates a similar incident: bA certain heretic named Sason said to Rabbi Abbahu: You areall bdestined to draw water for me in the World-to-Come, as it is written: “With isasonyou shall draw water.”Rabbi Abbahu bsaid to him: If it had been written: For isason /i,it would have been bas you say; now that it is written: With isason /i,it means that bthe skin of that man,you, bwill be rendered a wineskin, and we will draw water with it. /b,§ The mishna continues: The priest bascended the rampof the altar band turned to his left. The Sages taught: All who ascend the altar ascendand turn bviathe bright, and circlethe altar, band descend viathe bleft.This is the case bexcept for one ascendingto perform one of bthese three tasks, asthe ones who perform these tasks bascend viathe bleft, andthen bturn ontheir bheel and returnin the direction that they came. bAndthese tasks bare: The water libation, and the wine libation, and the birdsacrificed as ba burnt-offering when there weretoo bmanypriests engaged in the sacrifice of these burnt-offerings bin thepreferred location beastof the altar. When that was the case, additional priests engaged in sacrificing the same offering would pinch the neck of the bird west of the altar.,The mishna continues: Rabbi Yehuda said that they were limestone, not silver, basins, bbut they would blackendue to the wine. The Gemara asks: bGranted,the basin bfor wine blackeneddue to the wine; however, bwhy did thebasin bfor water blacken?The Gemara answers: bSince the Master saidin the mishna: However, if boneinadvertently bpouredthe contents of the basin bof water intothe basin bof wine orthe contents of the basin bof wine intothe basin bof water, he fulfilledhis obligation. Then even the basin bfor waterwould bcome to blackenover the course of time as well.,§ The mishna continues: bAndthe two basins were bperforatedat the bottom with btwo thin,perforated, bnose-likeprotrusions, one broad and one thin. The Gemara asks: bLet us saythat bthe mishna isin accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Yehuda and notwith that of bthe Rabbis, as we learnedin the mishna that bRabbi Yehuda says: One would pourthe water bwitha vessel that had a capacity of bone ilog /ion ball eightdays of the Festival, unlike the wine libation, for which a three- ilogbasin was used. According to his opinion, there is a difference between the capacity of the wine vessel and that of the water vessel; therefore, it is clear why the opening in the wine vessel was broader. bAs, ifthe mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bthe Rabbis, they are the sameas the capacity of the water basin, three ilog /i. Why, then, were there different sized openings?,The Gemara answers: bEvenif byou saythat the mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bthe Rabbis,the reason for the different-sized openings is that bwine is thickand bwater is thin,and therefore wine flows more slowly than water. In order to ensure that the emptying of both basins would conclude simultaneously, the wine basin required a wider opening., bSo too, it is reasonableto establish that the mishna is in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis, bas, ifit is in accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Yehuda,unlike the description of the two openings in the mishna as broad and thin, elsewhere he bis ofthe opinion that the openings bas wide and narrow, as it was taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Yehuda says: There were twosmall bpipes there, one for water and one for wine. The mouth ofthe pipe bfor wine was wide and the mouth ofthe pipe bfor water was narrow, so thatthe emptying of both basins bwould conclude simultaneously.The disparity between wide and narrow is greater than the disparity between broad and thin, thereby facilitating the simultaneous emptying of the three- ilogand one- ilogbasins according to Rabbi Yehuda. The Gemara concludes: Indeed, blearn from itthat the mishna is not in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda.,§ The mishna continues: The basin to the bwest ofthe altar was bfor water,and the basin to the east of the altar was for wine, and they would tell the one pouring the water to raise his hand. bThe Sages taught:There was ban incident involving one Sadduceepriest bwho pouredthe water bon his feet,and in anger ball the people pelted him with their ietrogim /i. And that day, the horn of the altar was damagedas a result of the pelting and the ensuing chaos. bThey brought a fistful of salt and sealedthe damaged section, bnot because it renderedthe altar bfit for theTemple bservice, butin deference to the altar, bso that the altar would not be seenin its bdamagedstate.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
alexander jannaeus, mercenary force of	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
alexander jannaeus	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77; van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
altar	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
anti-jewish, i	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
antiochus iv epiphanes	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77
antiquities (josephus), comparison to war	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 125, 126
antiquities (josephus), insertions	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 126
antiquities (josephus), intentional omissions	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 126
azotus	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118, 122
beth-zur	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118
caesarea maritima	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118
demetrius iii	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 119
demetrius iii akairos(or eukairos)	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77
dependence on josephus, parallels with josephus'	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
dor	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118
esau	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
ethnic argumentation, stereotypes	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
ethnic boundary making model, nation-building	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
ethnicity, ethnography	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77, 86
etrog, citron	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
favors, of caesar	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
figurae maiorum	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
gens, gentes	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
gezer	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118
greeks	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
hasmoneans, taxes of	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
hebraeorum	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77
hebrew, mishnaic (mh)	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
hellenistic religion	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
herod, king	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
hyrcanus i, and money stolen from davids tomb	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
idumeans	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
insolentia	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
jacob	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
janneus, mentioned in dss	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 125
janneus	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 119, 125, 126
jerusalem	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118
jewish culture	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
jewish state, and caesar	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
josephus, on jewish state, grants to, by caesar	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
josephus, parallels with rabbinic literature	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
josephus	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
jubilees	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
julius caesar, and jews, decrees of c. concerning jewish state	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
julius caesar, favors of	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
lulav	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
maccabean revolt	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77
maresha	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118
mt. gerizim	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
mysteria	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77
nabateans, defeat by janneus	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 119
nero, emperor	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
pella	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 118
pestis	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
polygamy	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
rabbi yosé ben rabbi yehudah	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 119
ritus	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77
sacrifices	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
samaria	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
samaritans	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
scythopolis	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
seditio	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
shechem	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77; van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
shiqmona	van Maaren, The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE (2022) 122
somenzi, chiara	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 77
tax collectors	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
taxation, hasmonean	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
taxes, indirect	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
taxes, local	Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 59
thyrsos	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
trees	Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 82
uirtus	Bay, Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus (2022) 86
war (josephus), comparison to antiquities	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 125, 126
war (josephus), early aramaic or hebrew version of	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
war (josephus)	Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 126