Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

7234

Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.127-18.129

βούλομαι οὖν εἰπεῖν ἐπὶ μακρότερον περί τε ̔Ηρώδου καὶ γένους αὐτοῦ ὡς ἐγένετο, ἅμα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ ἀνήκειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον, ἅμα δὲ καὶ παράστασιν ἔχειν τοῦ θείου, ὡς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ πλῆθος οὐδ' ἄλλη τις ἀλκὴ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἐπιτετευγμένων δίχα τῶν πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβειῶν

I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God;

εἴ γε ἐντὸς ἑκατὸν ἐτῶν ἐξόδου συνέβη πλὴν ὀλίγων, πολλοὶ δ' ἦσαν, διαφθαρῆναι τοὺς ̔Ηρώδου ἀπογόνους: φέροι δ' ἄν τι κἀπὶ σωφρονισμῷ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου γένους τὸ τὴν δυστυχίαν αὐτῶν μαθεῖν

for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were:

ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν διηγήσασθαι θαύματος ἀξιώτατον γεγενημένον, ὃς ἐκ πάνυ ἰδιώτου καὶ παρὰ πᾶσαν δόξαν τῶν εἰδότων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε ηὐξήθη δυνάμεως. εἴρηται μὲν οὖν μοι καὶ πρότερον περὶ αὐτῶν, λεχθήσεται δὲ καὶ νῦν ἀκριβῶς.

it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

4 results

1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 4.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

4.2. וְאֶתְכֶם לָקַח יְהוָה וַיּוֹצִא אֶתְכֶם מִכּוּר הַבַּרְזֶל מִמִּצְרָיִם לִהְיוֹת לוֹ לְעַם נַחֲלָה כַּיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃ 4.2. לֹא תֹסִפוּ עַל־הַדָּבָר אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוֶּה אֶתְכֶם וְלֹא תִגְרְעוּ מִמֶּנּוּ לִשְׁמֹר אֶת־מִצְוֺת יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי מְצַוֶּה אֶתְכֶם׃

4.2. Ye shall not add unto the word which I command you, neither shall ye diminish from it, that ye may keep the commandments of the LORD your God which I command you.

2. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.14-1.15, 1.18, 2.202, 4.196, 4.292, 10.189, 10.277-10.281, 13.171-13.173, 13.297, 14.274, 15.266-15.267, 15.281, 15.328, 16.150-16.159, 16.398, 17.28, 17.170, 17.180-17.181, 17.191, 17.299-17.301, 17.304, 17.306-17.308, 17.341, 17.354, 18.1-18.25, 18.36-18.38, 18.101, 18.103, 18.106-18.123, 18.128-18.238, 18.240-18.255, 18.289-18.309, 19.1-19.211, 19.222-19.316, 19.321, 19.326-19.352 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.14. τὸ σύνολον δὲ μάλιστά τις ἂν ἐκ ταύτης μάθοι τῆς ἱστορίας ἐθελήσας αὐτὴν διελθεῖν, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν θεοῦ γνώμῃ κατακολουθοῦσι καὶ τὰ καλῶς νομοθετηθέντα μὴ τολμῶσι παραβαίνειν πάντα κατορθοῦται πέρα πίστεως καὶ γέρας εὐδαιμονία πρόκειται παρὰ θεοῦ: καθ' ὅσον δ' ἂν ἀποστῶσι τῆς τούτων ἀκριβοῦς ἐπιμελείας, ἄπορα μὲν γίνεται τὰ πόριμα, τρέπεται δὲ εἰς συμφορὰς ἀνηκέστους ὅ τι ποτ' ἂν ὡς ἀγαθὸν δρᾶν σπουδάσωσιν 1.14. Νῶχος μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τῆς γῆς κατασταθείσης εἰς τὴν αὐτῆς φύσιν ἐπ' ἔργα χωρεῖ καὶ καταφυτεύσας αὐτὴν ἀμπέλοις, ἡνίκα τοῦ καρποῦ τελεσφορηθέντος καθ' ὥραν ἐτρύγησε καὶ παρῆν εἰς χρῆσιν ὁ οἶνος, θύσας ἐν εὐωχίαις ἦν. 1.15. ἤδη τοίνυν τοὺς ἐντευξομένους τοῖς βιβλίοις παρακαλῶ τὴν γνώμην θεῷ προσανέχειν καὶ δοκιμάζειν τὸν ἡμέτερον νομοθέτην, εἰ τήν τε φύσιν ἀξίως αὐτοῦ κατενόησε καὶ τῇ δυνάμει πρεπούσας ἀεὶ τὰς πράξεις ἀνατέθεικε πάσης καθαρὸν τὸν περὶ αὐτοῦ φυλάξας λόγον τῆς παρ' ἄλλοις ἀσχήμονος μυθολογίας: 1.15. ̔́Εβερος δὲ τετάρτῳ καὶ τριακοστῷ πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν γεννᾷ Φάλεγον γεννηθεὶς αὐτὸς ὑπὸ Σέλου τριακοστὸν ἔτος ἔχοντος καὶ ἑκατοστόν, ὃν ̓Αρφάξαδος ἐτέκνωσε κατὰ πέμπτον καὶ τριακοστὸν ἔτος πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατόν: Σημᾷ δὲ υἱὸς ̓Αρφαξάδης ἦν μετὰ ἔτη δώδεκα τῆς ἐπομβρίας γενόμενος. 1.18. ̓Επειδὴ δὲ πάντα σχεδὸν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ νομοθέτου σοφίας ἡμῖν ἀνήρτηται Μωυσέος, ἀνάγκη μοι βραχέα περὶ ἐκείνου προειπεῖν, ὅπως μή τινες τῶν ἀναγνωσομένων διαπορῶσι, πόθεν ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος περὶ νόμων καὶ πράξεων ἔχων τὴν ἀναγραφὴν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον φυσιολογίας κεκοινώνηκεν. 1.18. ἔνθα ὁ τῆς Σολυμᾶ ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν Μελχισεδέκ: σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο βασιλεὺς δίκαιος: καὶ ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτος ὁμολογουμένως, ὡς διὰ ταύτην αὐτὸν τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ ἱερέα γενέσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ: τὴν μέντοι Σολυμᾶ ὕστερον ἐκάλεσεν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. 2.202. ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὸ τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν γένος ἀκμάζον καὶ δι' ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸ πονεῖν εὐφυί̈αν πλήθει χρημάτων ἤδη καὶ λαμπρούς, κατ' αὐτῶν αὔξεσθαι τούτους ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν τ' ἦσαν ὑπὸ ̓Ιωσήπου τετυχηκότες διὰ χρόνου μῆκος λήθην λαβόντες καὶ τῆς βασιλείας εἰς ἄλλον οἶκον μετεληλυθυίας δεινῶς ἐνύβριζόν τε τοῖς ̓Ισραηλίταις καὶ ταλαιπωρίας αὐτοῖς ποικίλας ἐπενόουν. 4.196. Βούλομαι δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν πρότερον εἰπὼν τῷ τε Μωυσέος ἀξιώματι τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀναλογοῦσαν καὶ μαθεῖν παρέξων δι' αὐτῆς τοῖς ἐντευξομένοις. οἷα τὰ καθ' ἡμᾶς ἀρχῆθεν ἦν, ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων τραπέσθαι διήγησιν. γέγραπται δὲ πάνθ' ὡς ἐκεῖνος κατέλιπεν οὐδὲν ἡμῶν ἐπὶ καλλωπισμῷ προσθέντων οὐδ' ὅτι μὴ κατελέλοιπε Μωυσῆς. 4.292. Αὕτη μὲν οὖν ὑμῖν εἰρηνικὴ τῶν νόμων κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν διάταξις ἔστω: καὶ ὁ θεὸς εὐμενὴς ἀστασίαστον αὐτῆς τὸν κόσμον παρέξεται, γένοιτο δὲ χρόνος μηδὲ εἷς, ὃς καινίσει τι τούτων καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἐναντίον μεταβαλεῖ. 10.189. καὶ τὸν μὲν Δανίηλον ἐκάλουν Βαλτάσαρον, τὸν δ' ̓Ανανίαν Σεδράχην, Μισάηλον δὲ Μισάχην, τὸν δ' ̓Αζαρίαν ̓Αβδεναγώ. τούτους ὁ βασιλεὺς δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐφυί̈ας καὶ σπουδῆς τῆς περὶ τὴν παίδευσιν καὶ σοφίας ἐν προκοπῇ γενομένους εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ καὶ στέργων διετέλει. 10.277. ταῦτα πάντα ἐκεῖνος θεοῦ δείξαντος αὐτῷ συγγράψας κατέλειψεν: ὥστε τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας καὶ τὰ συμβαίνοντα σκοποῦντας θαυμάζειν ἐπὶ τῇ παρὰ θεοῦ τιμῇ τὸν Δανίηλον καὶ τοὺς ̓Επικουρείους ἐκ τούτων εὑρίσκειν πεπλανημένους 10.278. οἳ τήν τε πρόνοιαν ἐκβάλλουσι τοῦ βίου καὶ θεὸν οὐκ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐπιτροπεύειν τῶν πραγμάτων, οὐδ' ὑπὸ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ ἀφθάρτου πρὸς διαμονὴν τῶν ὅλων οὐσίας κυβερνᾶσθαι τὰ σύμπαντα, ἄμοιρον δὲ ἡνιόχου καὶ ἀφρόντιστον τὸν κόσμον αὐτομάτως φέρεσθαι λέγουσιν. 10.279. ὃς εἰ τοῦτον ἀπροστάτητος ἦν τὸν τρόπον, καθάπερ καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐρήμους κυβερνητῶν καταδυομένας ὁρῶμεν ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ἢ καὶ τὰ ἅρματα περιτρεπόμενα μὴ ἔχοντα τοὺς ἡνιοχοῦντας, συντριβεὶς ἂν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀπρονοήτου συμφορᾶς ἀπωλώλει καὶ διεφθείρετο. 10.281. ἐγὼ μὲν περὶ τούτων ὡς εὗρον καὶ ἀνέγνων οὕτως ἔγραψα: εἰ δέ τις ἄλλως δοξάζειν βουλήσεται περὶ αὐτῶν, ἀνέγκλητον ἐχέτω τὴν ἑτερογνωμοσύνην. 13.171. Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τρεῖς αἱρέσεις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, αἳ περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων διαφόρως ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν ἡ μὲν Φαρισαίων ἐλέγετο, ἡ δὲ Σαδδουκαίων, ἡ τρίτη δὲ ̓Εσσηνῶν. 13.172. οἱ μὲν οὖν Φαρισαῖοι τινὰ καὶ οὐ πάντα τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔργον εἶναι λέγουσιν, τινὰ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνειν τε καὶ μὴ γίνεσθαι. τὸ δὲ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν γένος πάντων τὴν εἱμαρμένην κυρίαν ἀποφαίνεται καὶ μηδὲν ὃ μὴ κατ' ἐκείνης ψῆφον ἀνθρώποις ἀπαντᾶν. 13.173. Σαδδουκαῖοι δὲ τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην ἀναιροῦσιν οὐδὲν εἶναι ταύτην ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὰ ἀνθρώπινα τέλος λαμβάνειν, ἅπαντα δὲ ἐφ' ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς κεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν αἰτίους ἡμᾶς γινομένους καὶ τὰ χείρω παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀβουλίαν λαμβάνοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀκριβεστέραν πεποίημαι δήλωσιν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τῆς ̓Ιουδαϊκῆς πραγματείας. 13.297. περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, ὅτι νόμιμά τινα παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς Μωυσέως νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ Σαδδουκαίων γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ' ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων μὴ τηρεῖν. 14.274. καὶ πρῶτος ̔Ηρώδης ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας εἰσπραξάμενος ὅσα ἦν αὐτῷ προστεταγμένα φίλος ἦν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα Κασσίῳ: σῶφρον γὰρ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ̔Ρωμαίους ἤδη θεραπεύειν καὶ τὴν παρ' αὐτῶν κατασκευάζειν εὔνοιαν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων πόνων. 15.266. περὶ τούτων ἐξαγγελθέντων αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς πέμψας εἰς τοὺς τόπους, ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν ἐμηνύθησαν, ἐκείνους τε καὶ τοὺς συγκαταιτιαθέντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὥστ' εἶναι μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκ τῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ συγγενείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῷ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐπ' ἀξιώματος ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς παρανομουμένοις. 15.267. Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξέβαινεν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ὑποδιέφθειρεν τὴν πάλαι κατάστασιν ἀπαρεγχείρητον οὖσαν, ἐξ ὧν οὐ μικρὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν αὖθις χρόνον ἠδικήθημεν ἀμεληθέντων ὅσα πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἦγεν τοὺς ὄχλους: 15.281. τινὲς δ' αὐτῶν ἐπέμενον τῇ δυσχερείᾳ τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτηδευμάτων, καὶ τὸ καταλύεσθαι τὰ πάτρια μεγάλων ἡγούμενοι ἀρχὴν κακῶν ὅσιον ᾠήθησαν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι μᾶλλον ἢ δοκεῖν ἐξαλλαττομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πολιτείας περιορᾶν ̔Ηρώδην πρὸς βίαν ἐπεισάγοντα τὰ μὴ δι' ἔθους ὄντα, καὶ λόγῳ μὲν βασιλέα, τῷ δ' ἔργῳ πολέμιον φαινόμενον τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους. 15.328. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς θεραπείας, ἣν ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους, ἐκβαίνειν τῶν ἐθῶν ἠναγκάζετο καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων παραχαράττειν, πόλεις τε κτίζων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγείρων, οὐκ ἐν τῇ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων 16.151. ὅταν δὲ εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας καὶ ἀδικίας, ἃς εἰς τοὺς ἀρχομένους καὶ τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἐπεδείξατο βλέψῃ καὶ καταμάθῃ τὸ σκληρὸν καὶ τὸ δυσπαράκλητον τοῦ τρόπου, νικηθήσεται θηριώδη δοκεῖν καὶ πάσης μετριότητος ἀλλότριον. 16.152. ἔνθεν καὶ διάφορόν τινα καὶ μαχομένην ἐπ' αὐτῷ νομίζουσιν γενέσθαι τὴν προαίρεσιν. ἐγὼ δ' οὐχ οὕτως ἔχων μίαν αἰτίαν ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ὑπολαμβάνω: 16.153. φιλότιμος γὰρ ὢν καὶ τούτου τοῦ πάθους ἡττημένος ἰσχυρῶς, προήγετο μὲν εἰς μεγαλοψυχίαν, εἴ που μνήμης εἰς αὖθις ἢ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εὐφημίας ἐλπὶς ἐμπέσοι. 16.154. ταῖς δὲ δαπάναις ὑπὲρ δύναμιν χρώμενος ἠναγκάζετο χαλεπὸς εἶναι τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις: τὰ γὰρ εἰς οὓς ἐδαπάνα πολλὰ γενόμενα κακῶν ποριστὴν ἐξ ὧν ἐλάμβανεν ἐποίει. 16.155. καὶ συνειδὼς ἐφ' οἷς ἠδίκει τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους μισούμενον ἑαυτὸν τὸ μὲν ἐπανορθοῦσθαι τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐνόμιζεν: οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰς τὰς προσόδους λυσιτελὲς ἦν. ἀντεφιλονείκει δὲ τὴν δύσνοιαν αὐτὴν εὐπορίας ἀφορμὴν ποιούμενος. 16.156. περί γε μὴν τοὺς οἰκείους, εἴ τις ἢ λόγῳ μὴ θεραπεύοι τὸ δοῦλον ἐξομολογούμενος ἢ δόξειεν εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν τι παρακινεῖν, οὐχ ἱκανὸς ἑαυτοῦ κρατεῖν ἐγίνετο καὶ διεξῆλθεν ὁμοῦ συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους ἴσα πολεμίοις τιμωρούμενος ἐκ τοῦ μόνος ἐθέλειν τετιμῆσθαι τὰς τοιαύτας ἁμαρτίας ἀναλαμβάνων. 16.157. μαρτύριον δέ μοι τούτου τοῦ πάθους, ὅτι μέγιστον περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν, καὶ τὰ γινόμενα κατὰ τὰς Καίσαρος καὶ ̓Αγρίππα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων τιμάς: οἷς γὰρ ἐθεράπευεν τοὺς κρείττονας, τούτοις καὶ αὐτὸς ἠξίου θεραπεύεσθαι καὶ τὸ κάλλιστον ὧν ᾤετο παρέχων ἐν τῷ διδόναι τὴν τοῦ τυχεῖν τῶν ὁμοίων ἐπιθυμίαν ἐδήλου. 16.158. τό γε μὴν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ἠλλοτρίωται νόμῳ πρὸς πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ συνείθισται τὸ δίκαιον ἀντὶ τοῦ πρὸς δόξαν ἠγαπηκέναι. διόπερ οὐκ ἦν αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένον, ὅτι μὴ δυνατὸν εἰκόσιν ἢ ναοῖς ἢ τοιούτοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν κολακεύειν τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ φιλότιμον. 16.159. αἰτία μὲν αὕτη μοι δοκεῖ τῆς ̔Ηρώδου περὶ μὲν τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ συμβούλους ἁμαρτίας, περὶ δὲ τοὺς ἔξω καὶ μὴ προσήκοντας εὐεργεσίας. 16.398. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν λόγον ὡς μείζω πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀρκέσει κινεῖν ἡμῖν τε αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδόντας τι καὶ τὰς διαφορὰς τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων οὐκ ἀνυπευθύνους ποιοῦντας, ἃ πρὸ ἡμῶν ἤδη πεφιλοσόφηται καὶ τῷ νόμῳ. 17.28. ̓Αγρίππας μέντοι γε ὁ μέγας καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁμώνυμος καὶ πάνυ ἐξετρύχωσαν αὐτούς, οὐ μέντοι τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας κινεῖν ἠθέλησαν. παρ' ὧν ̔Ρωμαῖοι δεξάμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ μὲν ἐλευθέρου καὶ αὐτοὶ τηροῦσιν τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ἐπιβολαῖς δὲ τῶν φόρων εἰς τὸ πάμπαν ἐπίεσαν αὐτούς. καὶ τάδε μὲν ᾗ καιρὸς ἀκριβώσομαι προϊόντος τοῦ λόγου. 17.28. καὶ οἵδε μὲν στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν καὶ ὑπεστράτευον αὐτῷ ὁπόσα εἰς τὰς μάχας φοιτῶντες δι' αὐτῶν, ὁ δὲ διάδημα περιθέμενος βουλευτήριόν τε ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις καὶ τὰ πάντα γνώμῃ ἀνακείμενα εἶχεν τῇ αὐτοῦ. 17.181. εἴγε καὶ ἀπιὼν τοῦ βίου πρόνοιαν εἶχεν, ὡς ἐν πένθει καὶ ἐρημίᾳ τῶν φιλτάτων τὸ πᾶν καταστήσειεν ἔθνος, ἕνα ἀπὸ ἑκάστου οἴκου κελεύων μεταχειρίσαι μηδὲν ἄδικον μήτε εἰς αὐτὸν δεδρακότας μήτε ἐφ' ἑτέροις ἐγκλήμασιν κατηγορίας αὐτῶν γενομένης, εἰωθότων οἷς προσποίησις ἀρετῆς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς δίκῃ ἐχθροὺς γεγονότας ἐν τοιοῖσδε καιροῖς τὰ μίση κατατίθεσθαι. 17.191. ταῦτα πράξας ἡμέρᾳ πέμπτῃ μεθ' ὃ ̓Αντίπατρον κτείνει τὸν υἱὸν τελευτᾷ, βασιλεύσας μεθ' ὃ μὲν ἀνεῖλεν ̓Αντίγονον ἔτη τέσσαρα καὶ τριάκοντα, μεθ' ὃ δὲ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀπεδέδεικτο ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα, ἀνὴρ ὠμὸς εἰς πάντας ὁμοίως καὶ ὀργῆς μὲν ἥσσων κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ δικαίου, τύχῃ δὲ εἰ καί τις ἕτερος κεχρημένος εὐμενεῖ. 17.299. Οὔαρος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα καταστησάμενος καὶ φρουρὰν ̔Ιεροσολύμων τὸ καὶ πρότερον καταλιπὼν τάγμα ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ἠπείγετο. ̓Αρχελάῳ δ' ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης ἑτέρων πραγμάτων ἐφύοντο ἀρχαὶ κατὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. 17.301. Καίσαρός τε συνέδριον φίλων τε τῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων τῶν πρώτων συνάγοντος ἐν ἱερῷ ̓Απόλλωνος μεγάλοις τέλεσιν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἱδρυμένῳ, οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν αὐτόθι ̓Ιουδαίων ἀφικνοῦνται, ̓Αρχέλαος δὲ μετὰ τῶν φίλων. 17.304. Λόγου οὖν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων πρέσβεσι δοθέντος, οἳ ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς βασιλείας ἤλπιζον λέγειν, ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου παρανομιῶν τρέπονται, βασιλέα μὲν ὀνόματι ἀποφαίνοντες αὐτόν, τῶν δ' ἐν ταῖς τυραννίσιν ἑκάστης τὸ ἀνήκεστον ἀναδεξάμενον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων συνθέντα χρῆσθαι τὰ πολλὰ καὶ φύσει τῇ αὐτοῦ προσκαινουργεῖν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένον. 17.306. πόλεις τε τὰς μὲν περιοικίδας καὶ ὑπὸ ἀλλοφύλων οἰκουμένας κοσμοῦντα ῶν ἐκ παύσασθαι καὶ καταλύσεώς τε καὶ ἀφανισμῷ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ αὐτοῦ κατῳκημένων. 17.307. πενίας δὲ ἀπόρου τὸ ἔθνος ἀναπεπληκέναι σὺν ὀλίγοις εὔδαιμον παρειληφότα, τῶν τε εὐπατριδῶν ὁπότε κτείνειεν αὐτοὺς ἐπ' ἀλόγοις αἰτίαις τὰς οὐσίας ἀποφερόμενον καὶ οἷς συγχωρήσειε τὴν ἀηδίαν τοῦ ζῆν ψίλωσιν χρημάτων καταδικάζοντα. 17.308. καὶ χωρὶς μὲν πράσσεσθαι φόρους ἐπιβαλλομένους ἑκάστοις τὸ ἐπ' ἔτος, χωρὶς δὲ εὐπορίας εἶναι παρακαταβολὰς αὐτῷ τε καὶ οἰκείοις καὶ φίλοις καὶ τῶν δούλων οἳ ἐπ' ἐκπράξει τῶν φόρων ἐξίοιεν διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι κτήσει τοῦ ἀνυβρίστως μηδ' ὅπως μηδ' ἀργυρίων διδομένων. 17.341. καὶ τοῦ πατρίου παράβασιν ποιησάμενος Γλαφύραν τὴν ̓Αρχελάου μὲν θυγατέρα, ̓Αλεξάνδρου δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ γαμετὴν γενομένην, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τέκνα ἦν αὐτῇ, ἀπώμοτον ὂν ̓Ιουδαίοις γαμετὰς ἀδελφῶν ἄγεσθαι, γαμεῖ. διατρίβει δὲ οὐδὲ ὁ ̔Ελεάζαρος ἐν τῇ ἱερωσύνῃ ἐπικατασταθέντος αὐτῷ ζῶντι ̓Ιησοῦ τοῦ Σεὲ παιδός. 17.354. ̓Εγὼ δὲ οὐκ ἀλλότρια νομίσας αὐτὰ τῷδε τῷ λόγῳ εἶναι διὰ τὸ περὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐνεστηκέναι καὶ ἄλλως ἐπὶ παραδείγματι φέρειν τοῦ τε ἀμφὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀθανασίας ἐμφεροῦς καὶ τοῦ θείου προμηθείᾳ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια περιειληφότος τῇ αὐτοῦ, καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισα εἰπεῖν. ὅτῳ δὲ ἀπιστεῖται τὰ τοιάδε γνώμης ὀνινάμενος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κώλυμα οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο τῷ ἐπ' ἀρετὴν αὐτῷ προστιθεμένῳ. 18.1. Κυρίνιος δὲ τῶν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν συναγομένων ἀνὴρ τάς τε ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἐπιτετελεκὼς καὶ διὰ πασῶν ὁδεύσας ὕπατος γενέσθαι τά τε ἄλλα ἀξιώματι μέγας σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ Συρίας παρῆν, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος δικαιοδότης τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπεσταλμένος καὶ τιμητὴς τῶν οὐσιῶν γενησόμενος 18.1. περὶ ἧς ὀλίγα βούλομαι διελθεῖν, ἄλλως τε ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ κατ' αὐτῶν σπουδασθέντι τοῖς νεωτέροις ὁ φθόρος τοῖς πράγμασι συνέτυχε. 18.1. καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὁπόσον αὐτῷ καθαρῶς συνειστήκει καὶ τόδε ἤτοι ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ τὴν εὔνοιαν προσποιεῖσθαι ἢ πείρας αὐτῷ γενομένης μετατάξεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προαφεστηκότας, εἴς τι τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἔσωζεν αὑτόν. καὶ πολλὴν μετὰ ταῦτα στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας Δαῶν τε καὶ Σακῶν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας κατέσχε τὴν ἀρχήν. 18.2. Κωπώνιός τε αὐτῷ συγκαταπέμπεται τάγματος τῶν ἱππέων, ἡγησόμενος ̓Ιουδαίων τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξουσίᾳ. παρῆν δὲ καὶ Κυρίνιος εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν προσθήκην τῆς Συρίας γενομένην ἀποτιμησόμενός τε αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας καὶ ἀποδωσόμενος τὰ ̓Αρχελάου χρήματα. 18.2. ἄξιον δ' αὐτῶν θαυμάσαι παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένους τόδε διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς ὑπάρξαν ̔Ελλήνων ἢ βαρβάρων τισίν, ἀλλὰ μηδ' εἰς ὀλίγον, ἐκείνοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ συνελθὸν ἐν τῷ ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι: τὰ χρήματά τε κοινά ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, ἀπολαύει δὲ οὐδὲν ὁ πλούσιος τῶν οἰκείων μειζόνως ἢ ὁ μηδ' ὁτιοῦν κεκτημένος: καὶ τάδε πράσσουσιν ἄνδρες ὑπὲρ τετρακισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες. 18.2. οὐκ ἔσθ' ὅπως οὐκ εὐθέως ἀπαλλαγή τέ σοι τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν παρέσται καὶ πρόοδος ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἀξιώματός τε καὶ δυνάμεως, ζηλωτός τε ἂν γένοιο πᾶσιν, οἳ νῦν δι' οἴκτου τὰς τύχας σου λαμβάνουσιν, εὐδαίμονά τε ἂν ποιοῖο τὴν τελευτὴν παισίν, οἷς ἔσῃ τὸν βίον καταλειπόμενος. μνημονεύειν δέ, ὁπότε εἰσαῦθις τὸν ὄρνιν θεάσαιο τοῦτον, πέντε ἡμέραις σοι τὴν τελευτὴν ἐσομένην. 18.3. οἱ δὲ καίπερ τὸ κατ' ἀρχὰς ἐν δεινῷ φέροντες τὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀπογραφαῖς ἀκρόασιν ὑποκατέβησαν τοῦ μὴ εἰς πλέον ἐναντιοῦσθαι πείσαντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ̓Ιωαζάρου, Βοηθοῦ δὲ οὗτος υἱὸς ἦν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡττηθέντες τοῦ ̓Ιωαζάρου τῶν λόγων ἀπετίμων τὰ χρήματα μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαντες: 18.3. καὶ τότε οὖν ἐπεὶ τὸ πρῶτον γίνεται ἡ ἄνοιξις αὐτῶν, ἄνδρες Σαμαρεῖται κρύφα εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ἐλθόντες διάρριψιν ἀνθρωπείων ὀστῶν ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἤρξαντο μὴ πρότερον ἐπὶ τοιούτοις νομίζοντες τά τε ἄλλα διὰ φυλακῆς μείζονος ἦγον τὸ ἱερόν. 18.3. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὴν ἀρετὴν θαυμάσας, ἐν ὀλίγῳ αὔξειν τὴν οἰκείαν ἀρχὴν ἤτοι προσόδοις χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει τοῦ κοινοῦ δὲ τῆς εὐθυμίας ἐπιμελοῖτο πρεσβεύων τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὸ θεῖον, συνεχώρει καὶ γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον, ἐκεῖνον τῆς τε ἀθροίσεως τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐπαινῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπεσταλκότος: 18.4. ̓Ιούδας δὲ Γαυλανίτης ἀνὴρ ἐκ πόλεως ὄνομα Γάμαλα Σάδδωκον Φαρισαῖον προσλαβόμενος ἠπείγετο ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει, τήν τε ἀποτίμησιν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν ἐπιφέρειν λέγοντες καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπ' ἀντιλήψει παρακαλοῦντες τὸ ἔθνος: 18.4. Φραάτης παίδων αὐτῷ γενομένων γνησίων ̓Ιταλικῆς παιδίσκης * ὄνομα αὐτῇ Θεσμοῦσα. ταύτῃ ὑπὸ ̓Ιουλίου Καίσαρος μετ' ἄλλων δωρεῶν ἀπεσταλμένῃ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παλλακίδι ἐχρῆτο, καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ πολλῷ τῆς εὐμορφίας προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ παιδὸς αὐτῇ τοῦ Φραατάκου γενομένου γαμετήν τε τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἀποφαίνεται καὶ τιμίαν ἦγεν. 18.5. ὡς παρασχὸν μὲν κατορθοῦν εἰς τὸ εὔδαιμον ἀνακειμένης τῆς κτήσεως, σφαλεῖσιν δὲ τοῦ ταύτης περιόντος ἀγαθοῦ τιμὴν καὶ κλέος ποιήσεσθαι τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος, καὶ τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ ἐπὶ συμπράξει τῶν βουλευμάτων εἰς τὸ κατορθοῦν συμπροθυμεῖσθαι μᾶλλον, ἂν μεγάλων ἐρασταὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ καθιστάμενοι μὴ ἐξαφίωνται πόνου τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς. 18.5. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐβασίλευεν ἤδη Πάρθοις, Βονώνης δ' εἰς ̓Αρμενίαν διαπίπτει, καὶ κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐφίετο τῆς χώρας καὶ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐπρέσβευεν. 18.6. καὶ ἡδονῇ γὰρ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ὧν λέγοιεν ἐδέχοντο οἱ ἄνθρωποι, προύκοπτεν ἐπὶ μέγα ἡ ἐπιβολὴ τοῦ τολμήματος, κακόν τε οὐκ ἔστιν, οὗ μὴ φυέντος ἐκ τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ εἰπεῖν ἀνεπλήσθη τὸ ἔθνος: 18.6. ̔Υδάτων δὲ ἐπαγωγὴν εἰς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ἔπραξεν δαπάνῃ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων ἐκλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ ῥεύματος ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων διακοσίων, οἱ δ' οὐκ ἠγάπων τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸ ὕδωρ δρωμένοις πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων συνελθόντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ παύσασθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προθυμουμένου, τινὲς δὲ καὶ λοιδορίᾳ χρώμενοι ὕβριζον εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα, οἷα δὴ φιλεῖ πράσσειν ὅμιλος. 18.7. πολέμων τε ἐπαγωγαῖς οὐχ οἷον τὸ ἄπαυστον τὴν βίαν ἔχειν, καὶ ἀποστέρησιν φίλων, οἳ καὶ ἐπελαφρύνοιεν τὸν πόνον, λῃστηρίων τε μεγάλων ἐπιθέσεσιν καὶ διαφθοραῖς ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων, δόξα μὲν τοῦ ὀρθουμένου τῶν κοινῶν, ἔργῳ δὲ οἰκείων κερδῶν ἐλπίσιν. 18.7. καὶ δεχομένου τὴν ἱκετείαν ἡδονῇ πέντε μυριάδων δεήσειν αὐτῇ μόνων ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ ἁλώσει τῆς γυναικός. καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀνεγείρασα τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ τὸ αἰτηθὲν λαβοῦσα ἀργύριον οὐ τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδοὺς ἐστέλλετο τοῖς προδεδιακονημένοις ὁρῶσα τῆς γυναικὸς τὸ μηδαμῶς χρημάτων ἁλισκόμενον, εἰδυῖα δὲ αὐτὴν θεραπείᾳ τῆς ̓́Ισιδος σφόδρα ὑπηγμένην τεχνᾶταί τι τοιόνδε. 18.8. ἐξ ὧν στάσεις τε ἐφύησαν δι' αὐτὰς καὶ φόνος πολιτικός, ὁ μὲν ἐμφυλίοις σφαγαῖς μανίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴς τε ἀλλήλους καὶ αὑτοὺς χρωμένων ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ μὴ λείπεσθαι τῶν ἀντικαθεστηκότων, ὁ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων, λιμός τε εἰς ὑστάτην ἀνακείμενος ἀναισχυντίαν, καὶ πόλεων ἁλώσεις καὶ κατασκαφαί, μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνείματο πυρὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἥδε ἡ στάσις. 18.8. κώλυμα τοῦ μὴ μειζόνως κολάζειν τὸ μετὰ ἔρωτος αὐτῷ ἡμαρτῆσθαι τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἡγησάμενος. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ̓́Ισιδος τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑβρισμένα τοιαῦτα ἦν. ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀφήγησιν τῶν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ̓Ιουδαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συντυχόντων, ὥς μοι καὶ προαπεσήμηνεν ὁ λόγος. 18.9. οὕτως ἄρα ἡ τῶν πατρίων καίνισις καὶ μεταβολὴ μεγάλας ἔχει ῥοπὰς τοῦ ἀπολουμένου τοῖς συνελθοῦσιν, εἴ γε καὶ ̓Ιούδας καὶ Σάδδωκος τετάρτην φιλοσοφίαν ἐπείσακτον ἡμῖν ἐγείραντες καὶ ταύτης ἐραστῶν εὐπορηθέντες πρός τε τὸ παρὸν θορύβων τὴν πολιτείαν ἐνέπλησαν καὶ τῶν αὖθις κακῶν κατειληφότων ῥίζας ἐφυτεύσαντο τῷ ἀσυνήθει πρότερον φιλοσοφίας τοιᾶσδε: 18.9. Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἀνῄει, καὶ ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἑορτὴ πάτριος, πάσχα δὲ καλεῖται, δεχθεὶς μεγαλοπρεπῶς Οὐιτέλλιος τὰ τέλη τῶν ὠνουμένων καρπῶν ἀνίησιν εἰς τὸ πᾶν τοῖς ταύτῃ κατοικοῦσιν καὶ τὴν στολὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τὸν πάντα αὐτοῦ κόσμον συνεχώρησεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ κειμένην ὑπὸ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔχειν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, καθότι καὶ πρότερον ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσία. 18.11. ̓Ιουδαίοις φιλοσοφίαι τρεῖς ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου τῶν πατρίων, ἥ τε τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων, τρίτην δὲ ἐφιλοσόφουν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι λεγόμενοι. καὶ τυγχάνει μέντοι περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν εἰρημένα ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ πολέμου, μνησθήσομαι δ' ὅμως καὶ νῦν αὐτῶν ἐπ' ὀλίγον. 18.11. ἐρασθεὶς δὲ ̔Ηρωδιάδος τῆς τούτου γυναικός, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἦν ̓Αριστοβούλου καὶ οὗτος ἀδελφὸς αὐτῶν, ̓Αγρίππου δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ μεγάλου, τολμᾷ λόγων ἅπτεσθαι περὶ γάμου. καὶ δεξαμένης συνθῆκαι γίνονται μετοικίσασθαι παρ' αὐτόν, ὁπότε ἀπὸ ̔Ρώμης παραγένοιτο. ἦν δὲ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥστε καὶ τοῦ ̓Αρέτα τὴν θυγατέρα ἐκβαλεῖν. 18.12. Οἵ τε γὰρ Φαρισαῖοι τὴν δίαιταν ἐξευτελίζουσιν οὐδὲν ἐς τὸ μαλακώτερον ἐνδιδόντες, ὧν τε ὁ λόγος κρίνας παρέδωκεν ἀγαθῶν ἕπονται τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τὴν φυλακὴν ὧν ὑπαγορεύειν ἠθέλησεν. τιμῆς γε τοῖς ἡλικίᾳ προήκουσιν παραχωροῦσιν οὐδ' ἐπ' ἀντιλέξει τῶν εἰσηγηθέντων ταῦτα οἱ θράσει ἐπαιρόμενοι. 18.12. Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ παρασκευασάμενος ὡς εἰς πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς ̓Αρέταν δυσὶ τάγμασιν ὁπλιτῶν ὅσοι τε περὶ αὐτὰ ψιλοὶ καὶ ἱππεῖς συμμαχοῦντες ἐκ τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις βασιλειῶν ἀγόμενος, ἐπὶ τῆς Πέτρας ἠπείγετο καὶ ἔσχε Πτολεμαί̈δα. 18.13. πράσσεσθαί τε εἱμαρμένῃ τὰ πάντα ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου τὸ βουλόμενον τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ὁρμῆς ἀφαιροῦνται δοκῆσαν τῷ θεῷ κρίσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τῷ ἐκείνης βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῷ ἐθελήσαντι προσχωρεῖν μετ' ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας. 18.13. ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ μεγάλῳ θυγατέρες ἐκ Μαριάμμης τῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ θυγατρὸς γίνονται δύο, Σαλαμψιὼ μὲν ἡ ἑτέρα, ἣ γαμεῖται Φασαήλῳ τῷ αὐτῆς ἀνεψιῷ Φασαήλου παιδὶ ὄντι τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου ἀδελφοῦ δεδωκότος τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτήν, Κύπρος δὲ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ καὶ αὐτὴ ἀνεψιῷ ̔Ηρώδου παιδὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς Σαλώμης. 18.14. ἀθάνατόν τε ἰσχὺν ταῖς ψυχαῖς πίστις αὐτοῖς εἶναι καὶ ὑπὸ χθονὸς δικαιώσεις τε καὶ τιμὰς οἷς ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας ἐπιτήδευσις ἐν τῷ βίῳ γέγονεν, καὶ ταῖς μὲν εἱργμὸν ἀίδιον προτίθεσθαι, ταῖς δὲ ῥᾳστώνην τοῦ ἀναβιοῦν. 18.14. ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ Τιγράνης ὁμώνυμος τῷ ἀδελφῷ γίνεται παῖς καὶ βασιλεὺς ̓Αρμενίας ὑπὸ Νέρωνος ἐκπέμπεται υἱός τε ̓Αλέξανδρος αὐτῷ γίνεται. γαμεῖ δ' οὗτος ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ Κομμαγηνῶν βασιλέως θυγατέρα ̓Ιωτάπην, ἡσίοδός τε τῆς ἐν Κιλικίᾳ Οὐεσπασιανὸς αὐτὸν ἵσταται βασιλέα. 18.15. καὶ δι' αὐτὰ τοῖς τε δήμοις πιθανώτατοι τυγχάνουσιν καὶ ὁπόσα θεῖα εὐχῶν τε ἔχεται καὶ ἱερῶν ποιήσεως ἐξηγήσει τῇ ἐκείνων τυγχάνουσιν πρασσόμενα. εἰς τοσόνδε ἀρετῆς αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐπιτηδεύσει τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσι κρείσσονος ἔν τε τῇ διαίτῃ τοῦ βίου καὶ λόγοις. 18.15. οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖόν γε ̔Ηρώδης ἐνέμεινε τοῖς δεδογμένοις, καίτοι γε οὐδ' ὣς ἀρκοῦντα ἦν: ἐν γὰρ Τύρῳ παρὰ συνουσίαν ὑπὸ οἴνου γενομένων αὐτοῖς λοιδοριῶν, ἀνεκτὸν οὐχ ἡγησάμενος ̓Αγρίππας τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου τε ἐπονειδίσαντος εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ τροφῆς ἀναγκαίας μετάδοσιν, ὡς Φλάκκον τὸν ὑπατικὸν εἴσεισιν φίλον ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης τὰ μάλιστα αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρότερον: Συρίαν δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε διεῖπεν. 18.16. Σαδδουκαίοις δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς ὁ λόγος συναφανίζει τοῖς σώμασι, φυλακῇ δὲ οὐδαμῶς τινων μεταποίησις αὐτοῖς ἢ τῶν νόμων: πρὸς γὰρ τοὺς διδασκάλους σοφίας, ἣν μετίασιν, ἀμφιλογεῖν ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦσιν. 18.16. ἡ δὲ ὑπισχνεῖτο, καὶ ὁ ̓Αλέξανδρος πέντε τάλαντα αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ δοὺς τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν Δικαιαρχείᾳ γενομένοις παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο, δεδιὼς τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὸ εἰς τὰ ἀναλώματα ἕτοιμον. καὶ Κύπρος μὲν ἀπαλλάξασα τὸν ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας πλευσούμενον αὐτὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐπὶ ̓Ιουδαίας ἀνέζευξεν. 18.17. εἰς ὀλίγους δὲ ἄνδρας οὗτος ὁ λόγος ἀφίκετο, τοὺς μέντοι πρώτους τοῖς ἀξιώμασι, πράσσεταί τε ἀπ' αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ὡς εἰπεῖν: ὁπότε γὰρ ἐπ' ἀρχὰς παρέλθοιεν, ἀκουσίως μὲν καὶ κατ' ἀνάγκας, προσχωροῦσι δ' οὖν οἷς ὁ Φαρισαῖος λέγει διὰ τὸ μὴ ἄλλως ἀνεκτοὺς γενέσθαι τοῖς πλήθεσιν. 18.17. οὔτε γὰρ πρεσβειῶν ὑποδοχὰς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐποιεῖτο ἡγεμόσι τε ἢ ἐπιτρόποις ὑπ' αὐτοῦ σταλεῖσιν οὐδεμία ἦν διαδοχή, ὁπότε μὴ φθαῖεν τετελευτηκότες: ὅθεν καὶ δεσμωτῶν ἀκροάσεως ἀπερίοπτος ἦν. 18.18. ̓Εσσηνοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν θεῷ καταλείπειν φιλεῖ τὰ πάντα ὁ λόγος, ἀθανατίζουσιν δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δικαίου τὴν πρόσοδον. 18.18. τιμία δὲ ἦν ̓Αντωνία Τιβερίῳ εἰς τὰ πάντα συγγενείας τε ἀξιώματι, Δρούσου γὰρ ἦν ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ γυνή, καὶ ἀρετῇ τοῦ σώφρονος: νέα γὰρ χηρεύειν παρέμεινεν γάμῳ τε ἀπεῖπεν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον καίπερ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ κελεύοντός τινι γαμεῖσθαι, καὶ λοιδοριῶν ἀπηλλαγμένον διεσώσατο αὐτῆς τὸν βίον. 18.19. εἰς δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναθήματα στέλλοντες θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν, ἃς νομίζοιεν, καὶ δι' αὐτὸ εἰργόμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τεμενίσματος ἐφ' αὑτῶν τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν. βέλτιστοι δὲ ἄλλως ἄνδρες τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πᾶν πονεῖν ἐπὶ γεωργίᾳ τετραμμένοι. 18.19. ἐπεὶ δ' ὁ Καῖσαρ περιοδεύσας τὸν ἱππόδρομον λαμβάνει τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἑστηκότα, “καὶ μὴν δή, φησίν, Μάκρων, τοῦτον εἶπον δεθῆναι”. τοῦ δὲ ἐπανερομένου ὅντινα, “̓Αγρίππαν γε” εἶπεν. 18.21. καὶ οὔτε γαμετὰς εἰσάγονται οὔτε δούλων ἐπιτηδεύουσιν κτῆσιν, τὸ μὲν εἰς ἀδικίαν φέρειν ὑπειληφότες, τὸ δὲ στάσεως ἐνδιδόναι ποίησιν, αὐτοὶ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν ζῶντες διακονίᾳ τῇ ἐπ' ἀλλήλοις ἐπιχρῶνται. 18.21. οὕτως ἀνεπαχθῶς ὡμίλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. ἐξ ὧν μέγα ὄφελος καὶ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ παρὰ πᾶσιν κατελέλειπτο τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἦρτο, ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦντες τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνῳ περιγενησομένης, εἰ δεήσει, καὶ τελευτᾶν. 18.22. ἀποδέκτας δὲ τῶν προσόδων χειροτονοῦντες καὶ ὁπόσα ἡ γῆ φέροι ἄνδρας ἀγαθούς, ἱερεῖς δὲ ἐπὶ ποιήσει σίτου τε καὶ βρωμάτων. ζῶσι δὲ οὐδὲν παρηλλαγμένως, ἀλλ' ὅτι μάλιστα ἐμφέροντες Δακῶν τοῖς πλείστοις λεγομένοις. 18.22. ἀξιῶ δέ σε μηδὲν ἀμνημονεῖν ὁμιλήσαντα αὐτῇ μήτ' εὐνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς, ὃς εἰς τοσόνδε ἀξιώματος καθίστημι μέγεθος 18.23. Τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ τῶν φιλοσοφιῶν ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ̓Ιούδας ἡγεμὼν κατέστη, τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ πάντα γνώμῃ τῶν Φαρισαίων ὁμολογούσῃ, δυσνίκητος δὲ τοῦ ἐλευθέρου ἔρως ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς μόνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ δεσπότην τὸν θεὸν ὑπειληφόσιν. θανάτων τε ἰδέας ὑπομένειν παρηλλαγμένας ἐν ὀλίγῳ τίθενται καὶ συγγενῶν τιμωρίας καὶ φίλων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα ἄνθρωπον προσαγορεύειν δεσπότην. 18.23. ὅσπερ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐφειστήκει τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου, θεώμενος τήν τε σπουδὴν μεθ' οἵας ὁ Μαρσύας ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῶν λόγων χάρμα τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ συνελθόν, ὑποτοπήσας καίνωσίν τινα γεγονέναι τῶν λόγων ἤρετό σφας περὶ τοῦ λόγου τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. 18.24. ἑωρακόσιν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς τὸ ἀμετάλλακτον αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὑποστάσεως περαιτέρω διελθεῖν παρέλιπον: οὐ γὰρ δέδοικα μὴ εἰς ἀπιστίαν ὑποληφθῇ τι τῶν λεγομένων ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, τοὐναντίον δὲ μὴ ἐλασσόνως τοῦ ἐκείνων καταφρονήματος δεχομένου τὴν ταλαιπωρίαν τῆς ἀλγηδόνος ὁ λόγος ἀφηγῆται. 18.24. ̔Ηρωδιὰς δὲ ἡ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου συνοικοῦσα ̔Ηρώδῃ, τετράρχης δὲ οὗτος ἦν Γαλιλαίας καὶ Περαίας, φθόνῳ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐδέχετο ὁρῶσα ἐν πολὺ μείζονι ἀξιώματι γεγενημένον ἀνδρὸς τοῦ αὐτῆς, διὰ τὸ φυγῇ μὲν ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἔξοδον διαλῦσαι τὰ χρέα μὴ δυνάμενον, κάθοδον δὲ μετ' ἀξιώματος καὶ οὕτως πολλοῦ τοῦ εὐδαίμονος. 18.25. ἀνοίᾳ τε τῇ ἐντεῦθεν ἤρξατο νοσεῖν τὸ ἔθνος Γεσσίου Φλώρου, ὃς ἡγεμὼν ἦν, τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἀπονοήσαντος αὐτοὺς ἀποστῆναι ̔Ρωμαίων. καὶ φιλοσοφεῖται μὲν ̓Ιουδαίοις τοσάδε. 18.25. Γάιος δὲ ἅμα τε προσαγορεύων τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, πρῶτον δὲ αὐτῷ ἐνετύγχανεν, ἅμα τε τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιὼν ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου συγκειμένας, κατηγόρει δὲ αὐτοῦ ὁμολογίαν πρὸς Σηιανὸν κατὰ τῆς Τιβερίου ἀρχῆς καὶ πρὸς ̓Αρτάβανον τὸν Πάρθον ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος κατὰ τῆς Γαί̈ου ἀρχῆς 18.36. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ ὁ τετράρχης, ἐπὶ μέγα γὰρ ἦν τῷ Τιβερίῳ φιλίας προελθών, οἰκοδομεῖται πόλιν ἐπώνυμον αὐτῷ Τιβεριάδα τοῖς κρατίστοις ἐπικτίσας αὐτὴν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐπὶ λίμνῃ τῇ Γεννησαρίτιδι. θερμά τε οὐκ ἄπωθέν ἐστιν ἐν κώμῃ, ̓Αμμαθοὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ. 18.36. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς καὶ φράσας ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ πιθανὸς ἦν ἀφίεταί τε Μιθριδάτης, ἐλθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὠνείδιζεν ἡ γυνή, εἰ μὴ προμηθήσεται βασιλέως τε γαμβρὸς ὢν καὶ ταύτῃ τιμωρῶν τιμωρηθήσεσθαι τοὺς ὑβρίσαντας εἰς αὐτὸν περιορώμενος 18.37. σύγκλυδες δὲ ᾤκισαν, οὐκ ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ τὸ Γαλιλαῖον ἦν, καὶ ὅσοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς ὑπ' αὐτῷ γῆς ἀναγκαστοὶ καὶ πρὸς βίαν εἰς τὴν κατοικίαν ἀγόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει. ἐδέξατο δὲ αὐτοῖς συνοίκους καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν ἐπισυναγομένους ἄνδρας ἀπόρους 18.37. οἱ δὲ Βαβυλώνιοι κατοπτίας αὐτοῖς γενομένης μαθόντες τὸ χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ ἱδρυμένος ὁ ̓Ανιλαῖος ἦν, ἐπιπεσόντες κρύφα νυκτὸς μεθύουσι καὶ καθ' ὕπνον τετραμμένοις κτείνουσιν ἀδεῶς πάντας ὅσους ἐγκατέλαβον καὶ ̓Ανιλαῖον αὐτόν. 18.38. ἔστι δ' οὓς μηδὲ σαφῶς ἐλευθέρους, πολλά τε αὐτοὺς κἀπὶ πολλοῖς ἠλευθέρωσεν καὶ εὐηργέτησεν ἀνάγκασμα τοῦ μὴ ἀπολείψειν τὴν πόλιν ἐπιθείς, κατασκευαῖς τε οἰκήσεων τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ γῆς ἐπιδόσει, εἰδὼς παράνομον τὸν οἰκισμὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίοις πατρίου διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ μνήμασιν, ἃ πολλὰ τῇδε ἦν, ἀνῃρημένοις τὴν ἵδρυσιν τῇ Τιβεριάδι γενέσθαι: μιαροὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας εἶναι τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀγορεύει ἡμῖν τὸ νόμιμον. 18.101. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Τιβέριος ἠξίου φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν ̓Αρτάβανον, ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος προκληθεὶς ἄσμενος ἐδέχετο τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον, ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην παρῆσαν ὅ τε ̓Αρτάβανος καὶ Οὐιτέλλιος. 18.103. καὶ ̓Αρτάβανος πέμπει Τιβερίῳ ὅμηρον Δαρεῖον τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ πολλῶν δώρων, ἐν οἷς καὶ ἄνδρα ἑπτάπηχυν τὸ μέγεθος ̓Ιουδαῖον τὸ γένος ̓Ελεάζαρον ὄνομα: 18.106. Τότε δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος, ̔Ηρώδου δὲ ἦν ἀδελφός, τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον εἰκοστῷ μὲν ἐνιαυτῷ τῆς Τιβερίου ἀρχῆς, ἡγησάμενος δὲ αὐτὸς ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα τῆς Τραχωνίτιδος καὶ Γαυλανίτιδος καὶ τοῦ Βατανέων ἔθνους πρὸς αὐταῖς, μέτριον δὲ ἐν οἷς ἦρχεν παρασχὼν τὸν τρόπον καὶ ἀπράγμονα: 18.107. δίαιταν μὲν γὰρ τὸ πᾶν ἐν γῇ τῇ ὑποτελεῖ ἐποιεῖτο, πρόοδοι δ' ἦσαν αὐτῷ σὺν ὀλίγοις τῶν ἐπιλέκτων, καὶ τοῦ θρόνου εἰς ὃν ἔκρινεν καθεζόμενος ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἑπομένου, ὁπότε τις ὑπαντιάσας ἐν χρείᾳ γένοιτο αὐτῷ ἐπιβοηθεῖν, οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἱδρύσεως τοῦ θρόνου ᾗ καὶ τύχοι γενομένης καθεζόμενος ἠκροᾶτο καὶ τιμωρίας τε ἐπετίμα τοῖς ἁλοῦσι καὶ ἠφίει τοὺς ἀδίκως ἐν ἐγκλήμασι γενομένους. 18.108. τελευτᾷ δ' ἐν ̓Ιουλιάδι καὶ αὐτοῦ κομισθέντος ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον, ὃ ἔτι πρότερον ᾠκοδόμησεν αὐτός, ταφαὶ γίνονται πολυτελεῖς. τὴν δ' ἀρχήν, οὐ γὰρ κατελίπετο παῖδας, Τιβέριος παραλαβὼν προσθήκην ἐπαρχίας ποιεῖται τῆς Σύρων, τοὺς μέντοι φόρους ἐκέλευσε συλλεγομένους ἐν τῇ τετραρχίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου γενομένῃ κατατίθεσθαι. 18.109. ̓Εν τούτῳ δὲ στασιάζουσιν ̓Αρέτας τε ὁ Πετραῖος βασιλεὺς καὶ ̔Ηρώδης διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: ̔Ηρώδης ὁ τετράρχης γαμεῖ τὴν ̓Αρέτα θυγατέρα καὶ συνῆν χρόνον ἤδη πολύν. στελλόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης κατάγεται ἐν ̔Ηρώδου ἀδελφοῦ ὄντος οὐχ ὁμομητρίου: ἐκ γὰρ τῆς Σίμωνος τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρὸς ̔Ηρώδης ἐγεγόνει. 18.111. καὶ ὁ μὲν εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἔπλει ταῦτα συνθέμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπανεχώρει διαπραξάμενος ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ ἐφ' ἅπερ ἔσταλτο, ἡ γυνὴ πύστεως αὐτῇ τῶν πρὸς τὴν ̔Ηρωδιάδα συνθηκῶν γενομένης πρὶν ἔκπυστος αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὰ πάντα ἐκμαθοῦσα κελεύει πέμπειν αὐτὴν ἐπὶ Μαχαιροῦντος, μεθόριον δ' ἐστὶ τῆς τε ̓Αρέτα καὶ ̔Ηρώδου ἀρχῆς, γνώμην οὐκ ἐκφαίνουσα τὴν αὐτῆς. 18.112. καὶ ὁ ̔Ηρώδης ἐξέπεμψεν μηδὲν ᾐσθῆσθαι τὴν ἄνθρωπον προσδοκῶν. ἡ δέ, προαπεστάλκει γὰρ ἐκ πλείονος εἰς τὸν Μαχαιροῦντα τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτῆς ὑποτελεῖ, πάντων εἰς τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν ἡτοιμασμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἅμα τε παρῆν καὶ ἀφωρμᾶτο εἰς τὴν ̓Αραβίαν κομιδῇ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρῆν τε ὡς τὸν πατέρα ᾗ τάχος καὶ αὐτῷ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου διάνοιαν ἔφραζεν. 18.113. ὁ δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔχθρας ταύτην ποιησάμενος περί τε ὅρων ἐν γῇ τῇ Γαμαλικῇ, καὶ δυνάμεως ἑκατέρῳ συλλεγείσης εἰς πόλεμον καθίσταντο στρατηγοὺς ἀπεσταλκότες ἀνθ' ἑαυτῶν. 18.114. καὶ μάχης γενομένης διεφθάρη πᾶς ὁ ̔Ηρώδου στρατὸς προδοσίας αὐτῷ γενομένης ὑπ' ἀνδρῶν φυγάδων, οἳ ὄντες ἐκ τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας ̔Ηρώδῃ συνεστράτευον. 18.115. ταῦτα ̔Ηρώδης γράφει πρὸς Τιβέριον. ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ φέρων τὴν ̓Αρέτα ἐπιχείρησιν γράφει πρὸς Οὐιτέλλιον πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ ἤτοι ζωὸν ἑλόντα ἀναγαγεῖν δεδεμένον ἢ κτεινομένου πέμπειν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπ' αὐτόν. καὶ Τιβέριος μὲν ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπέστελλεν τῷ κατὰ Συρίαν στρατηγῷ. 18.116. Τισὶ δὲ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐδόκει ὀλωλέναι τὸν ̔Ηρώδου στρατὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μάλα δικαίως τινυμένου κατὰ ποινὴν ̓Ιωάννου τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου βαπτιστοῦ. 18.117. κτείνει γὰρ δὴ τοῦτον ̔Ηρώδης ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις κελεύοντα ἀρετὴν ἐπασκοῦσιν καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείᾳ χρωμένοις βαπτισμῷ συνιέναι: οὕτω γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὴν βάπτισιν ἀποδεκτὴν αὐτῷ φανεῖσθαι μὴ ἐπί τινων ἁμαρτάδων παραιτήσει χρωμένων, ἀλλ' ἐφ' ἁγνείᾳ τοῦ σώματος, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς δικαιοσύνῃ προεκκεκαθαρμένης. 18.118. καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συστρεφομένων, καὶ γὰρ ἥσθησαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῇ ἀκροάσει τῶν λόγων, δείσας ̔Ηρώδης τὸ ἐπὶ τοσόνδε πιθανὸν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τινὶ φέροι, πάντα γὰρ ἐῴκεσαν συμβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνου πράξοντες, πολὺ κρεῖττον ἡγεῖται πρίν τι νεώτερον ἐξ αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι προλαβὼν ἀνελεῖν τοῦ μεταβολῆς γενομένης μὴ εἰς πράγματα ἐμπεσὼν μετανοεῖν. 18.119. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὑποψίᾳ τῇ ̔Ηρώδου δέσμιος εἰς τὸν Μαχαιροῦντα πεμφθεὶς τὸ προειρημένον φρούριον ταύτῃ κτίννυται. τοῖς δὲ ̓Ιουδαίοις δόξαν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐπὶ τῷ στρατεύματι γενέσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ κακῶσαι ̔Ηρώδην θέλοντος. 18.121. ὡρμημένῳ δ' αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἄγειν τὸν στρατὸν ὑπαντιάσαντες ἄνδρες οἱ πρῶτοι παρῃτοῦντο τὴν διὰ τῆς χώρας ὁδόν: οὐ γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι πάτριον περιορᾶν εἰκόνας εἰς αὐτὴν φερομένας, πολλὰς δ' εἶναι σημαίαις ἐπικειμένας. 18.122. καὶ πεισθεὶς μετέβαλέν τε τῆς γνώμης τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προβουλεῦσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου κελεύσας χωρεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτὸς μετὰ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ τετράρχου καὶ τῶν φίλων εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ἀνῄει θύσων τῷ θεῷ ἑορτῆς πατρίου τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐνεστηκυίας. 18.123. εἰς ἣν ἀπαντήσας καὶ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πλήθους ἐκπρεπῶς τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας ταύτῃ διατριβὴν ποιεῖται, ἐν αἷς ̓Ιωνάθην τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος ἐγχειρίζει τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ Θεοφίλῳ 18.128. εἴ γε ἐντὸς ἑκατὸν ἐτῶν ἐξόδου συνέβη πλὴν ὀλίγων, πολλοὶ δ' ἦσαν, διαφθαρῆναι τοὺς ̔Ηρώδου ἀπογόνους: φέροι δ' ἄν τι κἀπὶ σωφρονισμῷ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου γένους τὸ τὴν δυστυχίαν αὐτῶν μαθεῖν 18.129. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν διηγήσασθαι θαύματος ἀξιώτατον γεγενημένον, ὃς ἐκ πάνυ ἰδιώτου καὶ παρὰ πᾶσαν δόξαν τῶν εἰδότων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε ηὐξήθη δυνάμεως. εἴρηται μὲν οὖν μοι καὶ πρότερον περὶ αὐτῶν, λεχθήσεται δὲ καὶ νῦν ἀκριβῶς. 18.131. καὶ Φασαήλῳ μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμψιοῦς γίνονται πέντε παῖδες ̓Αντίπατρος ̓Αλέξανδρος ̔Ηρώδης θυγατέρες τε ̓Αλεξάνδρα καὶ Κύπρος, ἣν ̓Αγρίππας γαμεῖ ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου. ̓Αλεξάνδραν δὲ γαμεῖ μὲν Τίμιος Κύπριος ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀξιολόγων, παρ' ᾧ δὴ ἄτεκνος τελευτᾷ. 18.132. Κύπρῳ δ' ἐξ ̓Αγρίππου μὲν ἄρρενες γίνονται δύο, θυγατέρες δὲ τρεῖς Βερενίκη Μαριάμμη Δρούσιλλα, ̓Αγρίππας δὲ καὶ Δροῦσος τοῖς ἄρσεσιν ὀνόματα, ὧν ὁ Δροῦσος πρὶν ἡβῆσαι τελευτᾷ. 18.133. * τῷ δὲ πατρὶ τούτων ̓Αγρίππας ἐτρέφετο μετὰ καὶ ἑτέρων ἀδελφῶν ̔Ηρώδης καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος: καὶ Βερενίκη καὶ οἵδε παῖδες ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ υἱέος τοῦ μεγάλου: ἡ δὲ Βερενίκη Κοστοβάρου καὶ Σαλώμης παῖς τῆς ̔Ηρώδου ἀδελφῆς. 18.134. τούτους ̓Αριστόβουλος νηπίους λείπεται θνήσκων ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς σὺν ̓Αλεξάνδρῷ τῷ ἀδελφῷ, καθὰ προειρήκαμεν. ἡβήσαντες δ' ἄγονται ̔Ηρώδης μὲν οὗτος ὁ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ἀδελφὸς Μαριάμμην θυγατέρα ̓Ολυμπιάδος τῆς ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως θυγατρὸς καὶ ̓Ιωσήπου τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου, ἀδελφὸς δὲ οὗτος ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως: ἴσχει τε ἐξ αὐτῆς υἱὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον. 18.135. ὁ δὲ τρίτος τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ἀδελφὸς ̓Αριστόβουλος γαμεῖ ̓Ιωτάπην Σαμψιγεράμου θυγατέρα τοῦ ̓Εμεσῶν βασιλέως, θυγάτηρ τε αὐτοῖς γίνεται κωφή: ὄνομα καὶ τῇδε ̓Ιωτάπη. 18.136. καὶ τάδε μὲν τῶν ἀρσένων τέκνα. ̔Ηρωδιὰς δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ ἀδελφὴ γίνεται ̔Ηρώδῃ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ μεγάλου παιδὶ γεγονότι ἐκ Μαριάμμης τῆς τοῦ Σίμωνος τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ αὐτοῖς Σαλώμη γίνεται, μεθ' ἧς τὰς γονὰς ̔Ηρωδιὰς ἐπὶ συγχύσει φρονήσασα τῶν πατρίων ̔Ηρώδῃ γαμεῖται τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τῷ ὁμοπατρίῳ ἀδελφῷ διαστᾶσα ζῶντος. τὴν δὲ Γαλιλαίων τετραρχίαν οὗτος εἶχεν. 18.137. ἡ δὲ θυγάτηρ αὐτῆς Σαλώμη Φιλίππῳ γαμεῖται ̔Ηρώδου παιδὶ τῷ τετράρχῃ τῆς Τραχωνίτιδος, καὶ ἄπαιδος τελευτήσαντος ̓Αριστόβουλος αὐτὴν ἄγεται ̔Ηρώδου παῖς τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ἀδελφοῦ. παῖδες δὲ ἐγένοντο αὐτοῖς τρεῖς ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αγρίππας ̓Αριστόβουλος. 18.138. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ Φασαήλου καὶ Σαλαμψιοῦς ἐστι γένος. Κύπρῳ δ' ἐξ ̓Αντιπάτρου θυγάτηρ γίνεται Κύπρος, καὶ αὐτὴν ̓Αλεξᾶς ὁ ̓Ελκίας γαμεῖ τοῦ ̓Αλεξᾶ, καὶ αὐτῆς θυγάτηρ ἦν Κύπρος. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος, οὓς ἀδελφοὺς ἔφην ̓Αντιπάτρου, ἄτεκνοι τελευτῶσιν. 18.139. ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τῷ ̔Ηρώδου παιδὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένῳ ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ Τιγράνης ἐγεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς ἐκ τῆς ̓Αρχελάου τοῦ Καππαδόκων βασιλέως θυγατρός. καὶ Τιγράνης μὲν βασιλεύων ̓Αρμενίας κατηγοριῶν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης γενομένων ἄπαις τελευτᾷ. 18.141. καὶ τὸ μὲν ̓Αλεξάνδρου γένος εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ φυῆναι τὴν θεραπείαν ἐξέλιπεν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπιχωρίων μεταταξάμενοι πρὸς τὰ ̔́Ελλησι πάτρια: ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς θυγατράσιν ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀτέκνοις τελευτᾶν συνέπεσεν. 18.142. τῶν δὲ γενομένων ̔Ηρώδου ἀπογόνων οὓς κατέλεξα ἔμενον ἐν ᾧ χρόνῳ ̓Αγρίππας ὁ μέγας τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν. τούτων δέ μοι τοῦ γένους προδεδηλωμένων διέξειμι λοιπόν, ὁπόσαι ̓Αγρίππᾳ τύχαι συνέλθοιεν, ὥς τε αὐτῶν διάδρασιν ποιησάμενος ἐπὶ μέγιστον ἀξιώματός τε ἅμα προκόψειεν καὶ δυνάμεως. 18.143. ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ὀλίγον πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς ̓Αγρίππας ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ διαιτώμενος καὶ ὁμοτροφίας καὶ συνηθείας αὐτῷ πολλῆς γενομένης πρὸς Δροῦσον τὸν Τιβερίου τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος υἱὸν καὶ ̓Αντωνίᾳ τῇ Δρούσου τοῦ μεγάλου γυναικὶ εἰς φιλίαν ἀφίκετο, Βερενίκης τῆς μητρὸς τιμωμένης παρ' αὐτῇ καὶ προαγωγῶν ἠξιωκυίας τὸν υἱόν. 18.144. φύσει δὲ μέγας ὢν ὁ ̓Αγρίππας καὶ δωρεῖσθαι πολυτελὴς ζώσης μὲν τῆς μητρὸς οὐκ ἐξέφαινε τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ θέλον διαδιδράσκειν αὐτῆς ἠξιωκὼς τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις γενομένην ὀργήν 18.145. ἐπεὶ δὲ Βερενίκη τελευτᾷ, γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ αὐτοῦ τρόπῳ, τὰ μὲν εἰς πολυτέλειαν τῆς καθ' ἡμέραν διαίτης, τὰ δ' εἰς τῶν δωρεῶν τὸ μὴ μέτρῳ προϊέμενον ἀνάλωσε τῶν χρημάτων, τὰ πλεῖστα δ' εἰς τοὺς Καίσαρος ἀπελευθέρους ἐτετέλεστο ἐλπίδι πράξεως τῆς αὐτῶν, πενία τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν. 18.146. καὶ τοῦτο ἦν κώλυμα τῆς ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ διαίτης, καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος τοῖς φίλοις τοῦ υἱέος τετελευτηκότος ἀπειπὼν φοιτᾶν εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ, διὰ τὸ ἀνερεθίζεσθαι πρὸς τὸ λυπεῖσθαι μνημονεύων τοῦ παιδὸς θεωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων. 18.147. Διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας πλέων ᾤχετο κακοπραγῶν καὶ τεταπεινωμένος ὀλέθρῳ τε ὧν εἶχεν χρημάτων καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ ἐκτίσοντος τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανεισταῖς πολλοῖς τε οὖσιν καὶ ἀλεωρὰν οὐδ' ἡντινοῦν ἐνδιδοῦσιν, ὥστε ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ποιητέων καὶ αἰσχύνῃ τῇ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ὑποχωρήσας εἴς τινα πύργον ἐν Μαλάθοις τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας ἐν περινοίᾳ τοῦ μεταστήσοντος αὑτὸν ἦν. 18.148. αἰσθάνεται δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν Κύπρος ἡ γυνὴ παντοία τε ἦν ἀπείργουσα τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις βουλευμάτων. διαπέμπεται δὲ καὶ ὡς τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ ̔Ηρωδιάδα ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ τετράρχῃ συνοικοῦσαν γράμματα, δηλοῦσα τό τε ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τοῦ ̓Αγρίππα προβουλεῦσαν καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην, ἣ ἐπ' αὐτὰ ἐξήγαγεν: 18.149. ἐκέλευέν τε συγγενῆ οὖσαν βοηθεῖν θεωροῦσαν, ὡς αὐτὴ παντοίως ὡς κουφίζοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ὁμοίων ἀφορμῶν. οἱ δὲ μεταπέμψαντες αὐτὸν οἰκητήριον ἀπέδειξαν Τιβεριάδα καί τι καὶ ἀργύριον ὥρισαν εἰς τὴν δίαιταν, ἀγορανομίᾳ τε τῆς Τιβεριάδος ἐτίμησαν. 18.151. Καὶ δεξαμένου Φλάκκου παρὰ τούτῳ διῆγεν παρακατεσχηκότος αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ ̓Αριστοβούλου, ὃς ἀδελφὸς ὢν ̓Αγρίππου διάφορός τ' ἦν. οὐ μὴν ἐβλάπτοντο ἔχθρᾳ τῇ ἀλλήλων, ὥστε μὴ φιλίᾳ τοῦ ὑπατικοῦ τὰ εἰκότα τιμὴν φέρεσθαι. 18.152. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε ̓Αριστόβουλος ἀνίει τι τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν δυσμενοῦς μέχρι καὶ εἰς ἔχθραν αὐτὸν Φλάκκῳ καθίστησιν, αἰτίαν τοιαύτην ἐπὶ τῇ δυσμενείᾳ παραλαβών. 18.153. Δαμασκηνοὶ Σιδωνίοις περὶ ὅρων διάφοροι καθεστῶτες, μέλλοντος Φλάκκου περὶ τούτων ἀκροᾶσθαι μαθόντες τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ὡς παρ' αὐτῷ μέγα δύναιτ' ἂν ἠξίουν μερίδος τῆς αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, ἀργύριόν τε πλεῖστον ὡμολογεῖτο αὐτῷ. 18.154. καὶ ὁ μὲν πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν Δαμασκηνῶν ὥρμητο πράσσειν. ̓Αριστόβουλος δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐλάνθανεν αὐτὸν ἡ ὁμολογία τῶν χρημάτων, καταγορεύει πρὸς τὸν Φλάκκον. καὶ βασανιζομένου τοῦ πράγματος ἐπεὶ φανερὰ ἦν, ἐξωθεῖ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν φιλίας τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν. 18.155. ὁ δὲ εἰς ὑστάτην περιωσμένος ἀπορίαν εἰς Πτολεμαί̈δα παρῆν, καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἄπορον τῆς ἀλλαχόθι διαίτης γνώμην ἐποιεῖτο ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας πλεῖν. εἰργόμενος δὲ χρημάτων ἀπορίᾳ ἠξίου Μαρσύαν ὄντα αὐτοῦ ἀπελεύθερον ποριστὴν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις μηχανῶν δανεισάμενον παρά τινος. 18.156. καὶ ὁ Μαρσύας Πρῶτον κελεύει Βερενίκης ὄντα ἀπελεύθερον τῆς ̓Αγρίππου μητρός, διαθήκης δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου δικαίῳ ὑποτελοῦντα τῆς ̓Αντωνίας, αὐτῷ γοῦν παρασχεῖν ἐπὶ γράμματι καὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ. 18.157. ὁ δέ, ἐπεκάλει γὰρ τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ χρημάτων τινῶν ἀποστέρησιν, ἀναγκάζει τὸν Μαρσύαν δύο μυριάδων ̓Ατθίδων συμβόλαιον ποιησάμενον πεντακοσίαις καὶ δισχιλίαις ἔλασσον λαμβάνειν. συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος κατὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ποιεῖν. 18.158. εἰλημμένου δὲ τοῦ χρήματος τούτου ̓Αγρίππας εἰς ̓Ανθηδόνα παραγενόμενος καὶ λαβὼν ναῦν ἐν ἀναγωγαῖς ἦν. καὶ γνοὺς ̓Ερέννιος Καπίτων ὁ τῆς ̓Ιαμνείας ἐπίτροπος πέμπει στρατιώτας, οἳ εἰσπράξονται αὐτὸν ἀργυρίου τριάκοντα μυριάδας θησαυρῷ τῷ Καίσαρος ὀφειλομένας ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, ἀνάγκας τε ἐπετίθεσαν τοῦ μενοῦντος. 18.159. καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν. 18.161. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ εἰς Ποτιόλους παραβαλὼν ἐπιστολὴν ὡς Τιβέριον τὸν Καίσαρα γράφει διαιτώμενον ἐν Καπρέαις, παρουσίαν τε τὴν αὐτοῦ δηλῶν ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ καὶ ὄψει τῇ ἐκείνου, καὶ ἀξιῶν ἔφεσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι εἰς Καπρέας παραβαλεῖν. 18.162. Τιβέριος δὲ οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσας τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ γράφει φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρώμενος, ἐκτίνει τε χάριν ἀποσημαίνων ἐπὶ τῷ σῶν ἐπανήκειν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, ἐπεὶ δ' ἀφικνεῖται μηδὲν ὑφελὼν τοῦ ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι προθύμου ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ ἐξένιζεν. 18.163. τῇ δ' ἑξῆς Καίσαρι γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παρὰ ̓Ερεννίου Καπίτωνος ἀφικομένων, ὅτι ̓Αγρίππας μυριάδας τριάκοντα δάνεισμα ποιήσας καὶ πρὸς τὰς καταβολὰς ἐκλιπὼν χρόνον τὸν συγκείμενον ἀπαιτήσεως γενομένης οἴχοιτο φυγὰς ἐκ τῶν ὑπ' αὐτῷ χωρίων ἄκυρον αὐτὸν καθιστὰς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ εἰσπραξομένῳ ἐξουσίας 18.164. ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν περιαλγεῖ τε ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ διάκλεισιν γενέσθαι τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ κελεύει εἰσόδων τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄχρι δὴ καταβολῆς τοῦ χρέους. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν τῇ ὀργῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος καταπλαγεὶς ̓Αντωνίας δεῖται Γερμανικοῦ μητρὸς καὶ Κλαυδίου τοῦ ὕστερον γενομένου Καίσαρος, δάνεισμα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι τῶν τριάκοντα μυριάδων, ὡς φιλίας μὴ ἁμάρτοι τῆς πρὸς Τιβέριον. 18.165. ἡ δὲ Βερενίκης τε μνήμῃ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, σφόδρα γὰρ ἀλλήλαις ἐχρῶντο αἵδε αἱ γυναῖκες, καὶ αὐτῷ ὁμοτροφίας πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφὶ Κλαύδιον γεγενημένης, δίδωσι τὸ ἀργύριον, καὶ αὐτῷ ἀποτίσαντι τὸ χρέος ἀνεπικώλυτος ἦν ἡ φιλία τοῦ Τιβερίου. 18.166. αὖθις δὲ αὐτῷ Τιβέριος ὁ Καῖσαρ συνίστησιν υἱωνὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ κελεύων τὰ πάντα αὐτῷ ταῖς ἐξόδοις παρατυγχάνειν. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ φιλίᾳ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας κατὰ θεραπείαν τρέπεται τὴν Γαί̈ου υἱωνοῦ τε ὄντος αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὰ πρῶτα τιμωμένου. 18.167. καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλος Σαμαρεὺς γένος Καίσαρος δὲ ἀπελεύθερος: παρὰ τούτου δάνεισμα μυριάδας ἑκατὸν εὑρόμενος τῇ τε ̓Αντωνίᾳ καταβάλλει τὸ ὀφειληθὲν χρέος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τῷ ἀναλώματι θεραπεύων τὸν Γάιον μειζόνως ἐν ἀξιώματι ἦν παρ' αὐτῷ. 18.168. Προϊούσης δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ τῆς πρὸς Γάιον φιλίας αἰωρουμένοις ποτὲ λόγος περὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου γίνεται, καὶ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου κατ' εὐχὰς τραπομένου, μόνω δ' ἤστην, ᾗ τάχος Τιβέριον ὑπεκστάντα τῆς ἀρχῆς Γαί̈ῳ παραχωρεῖν ἀξιωτέρῳ τὰ πάντα ὄντι, τούτων ἀκροᾶται τῶν λόγων Εὔτυχος, ̓Αγρίππου δ' ἦν ἀπελεύθερος ἡνίοχος, καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν σιγῇ παρεδίδου. 18.169. κλοπῆς δὲ ἱματίων αὐτῷ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ἐπικαλουμένης, καὶ ἀκριβῶς δὲ ἐκεκλόφει, φυγὼν καὶ ληφθεὶς ἀγωγῆς αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Πείσωνα γενομένης, ὃς ἦν φύλαξ τῆς πόλεως, ἐρομένου τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς φυγῆς Καίσαρί φησιν ἀπορρήτους ἔχειν λόγους εἰπεῖν ἐπ' ἀσφαλείᾳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ φέροντας, ὥστε δήσας αὐτὸν ἔστελλεν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, καὶ Τιβέριος τῷ αὑτοῦ τρόπῳ χρώμενος εἶχεν αὐτὸν δέσμιον, μελλητὴς εἰ καί τις ἕτερος βασιλέων ἢ τυράννων γενόμενος. 18.171. ὥστε καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐρομένων τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὁλκῇ χρωμένου, ἔφη τὰς μὲν πρεσβείας τρίβειν, ὅπως μὴ ἀπαλλαγῆς αὐταῖς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος γενομένης ἕτεροι πρέσβεις ἐπιχειροτονηθέντες ἐπανίοιεν ὄχλος τε αὐτῷ γίγνοιτο ἐπιδοχαῖς αὐτῶν καὶ πομπαῖς προσκειμένῳ. 18.172. τὰς δ' ἀρχὰς συγχωρεῖν τοῖς ἅπαξ εἰς αὐτὰς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καταστᾶσιν αἰδοῦς προμηθείᾳ τῶν ὑποτελῶν: φύσει μὲν γὰρ εἶναι πᾶσαν ἡγεμονίαν οἰκείαν τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν: τὰς δὲ μὴ πατρίους, ἀλλ' εἰς ὀλίγον καὶ ἄδηλον ὁπότε ἀφαιρεθεῖεν καὶ μειζόνως ἐξοτρύνειν ἐπὶ κλοπαῖς τοὺς ἔχοντας. 18.173. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐφεστήκασιν εἰς πλέον, αὐτοὺς ἄδην τῶν κλοπῶν ἕξειν ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῶν κεκερδημένων ἀμβλυτέρως τὸ λοιπὸν αὐταῖς χρωμένους. διαδοχῆς δ' ἐπιπαραγενομένης ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μηδαμῶς ἂν ἀρκέσαι τοὺς ἆθλα τοῖς ἄρχουσι προκειμένους ἀναστροφῆς αὐτοῖς οὐ διδομένης καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς πλήρεις οἱ προειληφότες γενόμενοι ὑποδιδοῖέν τε σπουδῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ λαμβάνειν, διὰ τὸ πρὶν ἐν καιρῷ γενέσθαι μεταστῆναι. 18.174. παράδειγμά τε αὐτοῖς φησι τοῦτον τὸν λόγον: τραυματίᾳ τινὶ κειμένῳ μυῖαι κατὰ πλῆθος τὰς ὠτειλὰς περιέστασαν. καί τις τῶν παρατυχόντων οἰκτείρας αὐτοῦ τὴν δυστυχίαν καὶ νομίσας ἀδυναμίᾳ μὴ βοηθεῖν οἷός τ' ἦν ἀποσοβεῖν αὐτὰς παραστάς. 18.175. καὶ δεομένου παύσασθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε, ὑπολαβὼν ἤρετο τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἀπρομηθοῦς εἰς τὴν διαφυγὴν κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. “μειζόνως γὰρ ἂν ἀδικοῖς με, εἶπε, ταύτας ἀπαγαγών. ταῖς μέν γε ἤδη πληρωθείσαις τοῦ αἵματος οὐκέθ' ὁμοίως ἔπειξις ὄχλον μοι παρασχεῖν, ἀλλά πῃ καὶ ἀνίσχουσιν. αἱ δ' ἀκραιφνεῖ τῷ κατ' αὐτὰς λιμῷ συνελθοῦσαι καὶ τετρυμένον ἤδη παραλαμβάνουσαι κἂν ὀλέθρῳ παραδοῖεν”. 18.176. διὰ τάδε οὖν καὐτὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν τῶν κλοπῶν διεφθαρμένοις τοῖς ὑποτελέσιν προμηθὲς εἶναι μὴ συνεχὲς ἐξαποστέλλειν τοὺς ἡγησομένους, οἳ ἐν τρόπῳ μυιῶν ἐκπολεμοῖεν αὐτούς, φύσει πρὸς κέρδος ὀρωρεγμένοις σύμμαχον παραλαμβάνοντες τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ ταχέως ἀφαιρεθησομένου τὴν ἐνθένδε ἡδονήν. 18.177. μαρτυρήσει δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις φύσεως Τιβερίου τὸ ἔργον αὐτό: ἔτη γὰρ δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος δύο τοὺς πάντας ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐξέπεμψεν διοικήσοντας τὸ ἔθνος, Γρᾶτον τε καὶ Πιλᾶτον, ὃς αὐτῷ διεδέξατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 18.178. καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τοιοῦτος ἦν, ἑτεροῖος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑπηκόων. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν δεσμωτῶν τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀκροάσεως ἀπεσήμαινεν ὑπὸ τοῦ δικαιωθεῖσι μὲν θανάτῳ κούφισιν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐνεστηκότων κακῶν, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ' ἀρετῇ τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τύχῃ συνελθεῖν, τριβομένοις δὲ ἀχθηδόνι τῇ ἐπικειμένῃ μείζονα προσρέπειν τὴν δυστυχίαν. 18.179. Διὰ μὲν δὴ τάδε καὶ Εὔτυχος ἀκροάσεώς τε οὐκ ἐτύγχανε: καὶ δεσμοῖς ἐνείχετο. χρόνου δὲ ἐγγενομένου Τιβέριός τε ἐκ τῶν Καπρεῶν εἰς Τουσκουλανὸν παραγίνεται ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν τῆς ̔Ρώμης, καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἀξιοῖ τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν διαπράξασθαι γενέσθαι τῷ Εὐτύχῳ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ἐφ' οἷστισι τὴν κατηγορίαν ποιοῖτο αὐτοῦ. 18.181. ἰδίᾳ τε εὐεργέτις ἦν εἰς τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ Τιβερίου: ἐπιβουλῆς γὰρ μεγάλης συστάσης ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Σηιάνου φίλου τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τῷ τότε μεγίστην ἔχοντος διὰ τὸ τῶν στρατευμάτων εἶναι ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τε βουλῆς οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων προσέθεντο καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διέφθαρτο, προυκοπτέν τε ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἐπὶ μέγα κἂν ἐπέπρακτο Σηιάνῳ τὸ ἔργον μὴ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας τόλμῃ χρησαμένης σοφωτέρᾳ τῆς Σηιάνου κακουργίας. 18.182. ἐπεὶ γὰρ μανθάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ Τιβερίῳ συντεθειμένα, γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς καὶ Πάλλαντι ἐπιδοῦσα τὰ γράμματα τῷ πιστοτάτῳ τῶν δούλων αὐτῆς ἐκπέμπει πρὸς Τιβέριον εἰς τὰς Καπρέας. ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τόν τε Σηιᾶνον κτείνει καὶ τοὺς συνεπιβούλους, τήν τε ̓Αντωνίαν καὶ πρὶν ἀξιολόγως ἄγων τιμιωτέραν τε ὑπελάμβανεν κἀπὶ τοῖς πᾶσι πιθανήν. 18.183. ὑπὸ δὴ ταύτης τῆς ̓Αντωνίας ὁ Τιβέριος παρακαλούμενος ἐξετάσαι τὸν Εὔτυχον, “ἀλλ' εἰ μὲν καταψεύσειε, φησὶν ὁ Τιβέριος, ἔτι δε ̓Αγρίππου τὰ εἰρημένα Εὔτυχος, ἀρκοῦσαν κομίζεται παρ' αὐτοῦ τιμωρίαν, ἣν ἐπιτετίμηκα αὐτός: εἰ δὲ βασανιζομένου ἀληθῆ φανείη τὰ εἰρημένα, μήπου κολάζειν ποθῶν τὸν ἀπελεύθερον ἐπ' αὐτὸν μᾶλλον καλοίη τὴν δίκην”. 18.184. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ταῦτα φαμένης πρὸς αὐτὸν ̓Αντωνίας πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέκειτο ἀξιῶν ἐξέτασιν γενέσθαι τοῦ πράγματος, καὶ ἡ ̓Αντωνία, οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει πολὺς ὢν ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἐπὶ τοῖσδε δεῖσθαι, καιρὸν παραλαβοῦσα τοιοῦτον: 18.185. αἰωρεῖτο μὲν Τιβέριος ἐπὶ φορείου κείμενος, προϊόντων Γαί̈ου τε τοῦ ἐκείνης υἱωνοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα, ἀπ' ἀρίστου δ' ἦσαν, παραπεριπατοῦσα τῷ φορείῳ παρεκάλει καλεῖσθαί τε τὸν Εὔτυχον καὶ ἐξετάζεσθαι. 18.186. ὁ δέ “ἀλλ' ἴστων μὲν ̓Αντωνία, εἶπεν, οἱ θεοί, ὅτι μὴ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμῃ ἀνάγκῃ δὲ τῆς σῆς παρακλήσεως ἐξαγόμενος πράξω τὰ πραξόμενα.” ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει Μάκρωνα, ὃς Σηιανοῦ διάδοχος ἦν, τὸν Εὔτυχον ἀγαγεῖν. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς παρῆν. Τιβέριος δ' αὐτὸν ἤρετο, τί καὶ ἔχοι λέγειν κατ' ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτῷ παρεσχηκότος. 18.187. ὁ δέ φησιν, “ὦ δέσποτα, αἰωροῦντο μὲν ἐφ' ἁμάξης Γάιός τε οὗτος καὶ ̓Αγρίππας σὺν αὐτῷ καί σφων ἑζόμην παρὰ τοῖν ποδοῖν, λόγων δὲ πολλῶν ἀνακυκλουμένων ̓Αγρίππας φησὶ πρὸς Γάιον: εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιτό ποτε ἡμέρα, ᾗ μεταστὰς ὁ γέρων οὗτος χειροτονοίη σε ἡγεμόνα τῆς οἰκουμένης: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν Τιβέριος ὁ υἱωνὸς αὐτοῦ γένοιτ' ἂν ἐμποδὼν ὑπὸ σοῦ τελευτῶν, καὶ ἥ τε οἰκουμένη γένοιτ' ἂν μακαρία κἀγὼ πρὸ αὐτῆς.” 18.188. Τιβέριος δὲ πιστὰ ἡγησάμενος τὰ εἰρημένα καὶ ἅμα μῆνιν ἀναφέρων τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ παλαιάν, διότι κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ θεραπεύειν Τιβέριον υἱωνόν τε αὐτοῦ γεγονότα καὶ Δρούσου παῖδα ὄντα, ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἀτίμως ἦγεν παρακροασάμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ πᾶς ὡς τὸν Γάιον μετεκάθιζεν 18.189. “τοῦτον μὲν δή, φησί, Μάκρων, δῆσον.” Μάκρων δὲ τὰ μὲν οὐ σαφῶς ὅντινα προστάξειεν ἐξεπιστάμενος, τὰ δὲ οὐκ ἂν προσδοκῶν περὶ τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ αὐτὸν κελεῦσαί τι τοιοῦτον, ἐπανεῖχεν ἀκριβωσόμενος τὰ εἰρημένα. 18.191. καὶ ὁ ̓Αγρίππας τρέπεται μὲν κατὰ δεήσεις, τοῦ τε παιδὸς ᾧ συνετέθραπτο μνημονεύων καὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου τῆς ἐκτροφῆς, οὐ μὴν ἤνυέν γέ τι, ἀλλ' ἦγον αὐτὸν ἐν πορφυρίσι δέσμιον. 18.192. καὶ καῦμά τε γὰρ σφοδρὸν ἦν καὶ ὑπὸ οἴνου τοῦ ἐπὶ σιτίοις μὴ πολλοῦ γεγονότος δίψος ἐξέκαιεν αὐτόν, καί τι καὶ ἠγωνία καὶ τὸ παρ' ἀξίαν προσελάμβανεν, θεασάμενός τινα τῶν Γαί̈ου παίδων Θαυμαστὸν ὄνομα ὕδωρ ἐν ἀγγείῳ κομίζοντα ᾔτησε πιεῖν. 18.193. καὶ ὀρέξαντος προθύμως πιών, “ἀλλ' εἴπερ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς, φησίν, ὦ παῖ, τὰ τῆσδέ σου τῆς διακονίας γέγονεν, διαφυγῆς μοι γενομένης τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν οὐκ ἂν βραδύνοιμι ἐλευθερίαν εἰσπρασσόμενός σοι παρὰ Γαί̈ου, ὃς καὶ δεσμώτῃ μοι γενομένῳ διακονεῖσθαι καθάπερ ἐν τῷ πρότερον καθεστηκότι σχήματι τῆς περὶ ἐμὲ ἀξιώσεως οὐκ ἐνέλιπες.” καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσατο ταῦτα εἰπών, ἀλλὰ δὴ ἠμείψατο: 18.194. ἐν ὑστέρῳ γὰρ βασιλεύσας τὸν Θαυμαστὸν μειζόνως ἐλεύθερόν τε ἀφῆκε παρὰ Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος γεγονότος λαβὼν καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐπίτροπον καθίστησι, τελευτῶν τε τῷ υἱεῖ ̓Αγρίππᾳ καὶ Βερενίκῃ τῇ θυγατρὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμοίοις διακονησόμενον κατέλιπεν, ἐν τιμῇ τε ὢν ταύτῃ γηραιὸς τελευτᾷ. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον. 18.195. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου πρός τινι δένδρῳ κλιθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας μετὰ πολλῶν οἳ ἐδέδεντο. καί τινος ὀρνέου καθίσαντος ἐπὶ τοῦ δένδρου, ᾧ ̓Αγρίππας προσεκέκλιτο, βουβῶνα δὲ οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι τὸν ὄρνιν τοῦτον καλοῦσιν, τῶν δεσμωτῶν τις Γερμανὸς θεασάμενος ἤρετο τὸν στρατιώτην, ὅστις εἴη ὁ ἐν τῇ πορφυρίδι. 18.196. καὶ μαθὼν μὲν ̓Αγρίππαν ὄνομα αὐτῷ, ̓Ιουδαῖον δὲ τὸ γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἀξιολογωτάτων, ἠξίωσεν τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ στρατιώτην πλησίον ἐλθεῖν διὰ λόγων: βούλεσθαι γάρ τινα ἀμφὶ τῶν πατρίων ἔρεσθαι αὐτόν. 18.197. καὶ τυχών, ἐπεὶ πλησίον ἵσταται, δι' ἑρμηνέως “ὦ νεανία, φησίν, καταχθεῖ μέν σε τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς μεταβολῆς πολλήν τε οὕτως καὶ ἀθρόαν ἐπαγαγὸν τὴν τύχην, ἀπιστία δέ σοι λόγων, οἳ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος διαιροῖντο τοῦ θείου τὴν πρόνοιαν. 18.198. ἴσθι γε μήν, θεοὺς τοὺς ἐμοὶ πατρῴους καὶ τοὺς τοῖσδε ἐγχωρίους, οἳ τόνδε ἐπρυτάνευσαν ἡμῖν τὸν σίδηρον, ἐπομνύμενος λέξω τὰ πάντα οὔτε ἡδονῇ γλωσσάργῳ διδοὺς τὸν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς λόγον οὔτε διακενῆς εὐθυμεῖν σε ἐσπουδακώς. 18.199. αἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε προαγορεύσεις ὑστερηκότος τοῦ ἀποδείξοντος ἔργου χαλεπωτέραν προστίθενται τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ μηδ' εἰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀκροάσαιτο αὐτῶν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν κινδύνοις παραβαλλόμενος δίκαιον ἡγησάμην σοι διασαφῆσαι τὴν προαγόρευσιν τῶν θεῶν. 18.201. ταῦτα πεπράξεται μὲν ᾗπερ ἀποσημαίνει τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐξαποστεῖλαν τουτονὶ τὸν ὄρνιν. προγνώσει τε αὐτῶν σύνεσιν τὴν παραγενομένην ἀποστερεῖν σε ἄδικον ἡγησάμην, ὅπως ἐπιστάμενος ἀγαθοῦ μέλλοντος λυσιτελεῖν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ παρόντος τιθοῖο. μνήμην δὲ ποιεῖσθαι εἰς χεῖράς σου παραγενομένου τοῦ εὐδαίμονος καὶ τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς διαφευξομένου δυστυχίαν, ᾗ τανῦν σύνεσμεν.” 18.202. καὶ ὁ μὲν Γερμανὸς τοσάδε προειπὼν εἰς τοσόνδε ὦφλεν τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ γέλωτα, ἐφ' ὅσον ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον κατεφάνη τεθαυμάσθαι ἄξιος. ἡ δὲ ̓Αντωνία χαλεπῶς φέρουσα τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὴν δυστυχίαν τὸ μὲν Τιβερίῳ περὶ αὐτοῦ διαλέγεσθαι ἐργωδέστερον ἑώρα καὶ ἄλλως ἐπ' ἀπράκτοις γενησόμενον 18.203. εὑρίσκετο δ' αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Μάκρωνος στρατιωτῶν τε μετρίων ἀνδρῶν οἳ παραφυλάξειαν αὐτὸν ἐν φροντίσιν καὶ ἑκατοντάρχου τοῦ ἐφεστηξομένου τε ἐκείνοις καὶ συνδέτου ἐσομένου, λουτρά τε καθ' ἡμέραν συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων εἰσόδους τήν τε ἄλλην ῥᾳστώνην, ἣ τῷ σώματι γένοιτ' ἄν. 18.204. εἰσῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτὸν φίλος τε Σίλας καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Μαρσύας καὶ Στοιχεὺς τροφὰς εἰσκομίζοντες αἷς ἔχαιρεν καὶ δι' ἐπιμελείας πάσης ἔχοντες, ἱμάτιά τε κομίζοντες ἐπὶ προσποιήσει πράσεως ὁπότε νὺξ γένοιτο ὑπεστρώνυσαν αὐτῷ συμπράξει τῶν στρατιωτῶν Μάκρωνος προειρηκότος: καὶ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ μῆνας ἕξ. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ ̓Αγρίππαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. 18.205. Τιβέριος δ' ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας ἐμαλακίζετο τὰ μὲν πρῶτα μετρίως, ἐπιδούσης δ' εἰς τὸ μᾶλλον τῆς νόσου πονηρὰς ἔχων περὶ αὐτῷ τὰς ἐλπίδας Εὔοδον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τιμιώτατος τῶν ἀπελευθέρων, κελεύει τὰ τέκνα προσαγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν: χρῄζειν γὰρ ἀφικέσθαι σφίσι διὰ λόγων πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν. 18.206. ἦσαν δ' αὐτῷ παῖδες γνήσιοι μὲν οὐκέτι: Δροῦσος γὰρ δὴ ὁ μόνος αὐτῷ γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν τεθνεώς: υἱὸς δὲ τούτου κατελείπετο Τιβέριος ἐπικαλούμενος Γέμελλος, Γάιός τε Γερμανικοῦ παῖς, ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸς γεγονώς, νεανίας τε ἤδη καὶ παιδείαν ἐκπεπονηκὼς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εὐνοίᾳ τε τοῦ δήμου τιμώμενος διὰ τὴν Γερμανικοῦ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρετήν: 18.207. ἐπὶ μέγιστον γὰρ δὴ οὗτος προῆλθεν παρὰ τοῖς πλήθεσι τιμῆς εὐσταθείᾳ τρόπου καὶ δεξιότητι τοῦ ὁμιλεῖν ἀνεπαχθὴς ὢν καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν κτώμενος τῷ βούλεσθαι ἴσος πᾶσιν εἶναι. 18.208. ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἡ βουλὴ μειζόνως ἦγον αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑποτελῶν ἕκαστον ἐθνῶν, οἱ μὲν ὡμιληκότες ἁλισκόμενοι τῇ χάριτι τῆς ἐντεύξεως, οἱ δὲ πύστει τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφηγήσεως παραλαμβάνοντες. 18.209. πένθος τε αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος προυτέθη πᾶσιν οὐ θεραπείᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιψευδομένων τὴν συμφοράν, λύπῃ δὲ ἀληθεῖ οἰκειουμένων διὰ τὸ ἴδιον τυχεῖν ἑκάστοις τὴν μετάστασιν αὐτοῦ ὑπειλῆφθαι: 18.211. ̔Ο δὲ Τιβέριος Εὐόδῳ πρόσταγμα ποιησάμενος κατὰ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω εἰσαγαγεῖν τοὺς παῖδας εὔχεται τοῖς πατρίοις θεοῖς σημεῖόν τι πρόφαντον αὐτῷ δεῖξαι περὶ τοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν διαδεξομένου, σπεύδων μὲν τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτὴν καταλιπεῖν, μεῖζον δὲ δόξης τε καὶ βουλήσεως τῆς αὐτοῦ πεπιστευκὼς τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἀποφανούμενον. 18.212. οἰώνισμα δ' οὖν αὐτῷ προύκειτο, εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἥξειν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ὃς ἂν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀφίκοιτο πρότερος πρὸς αὐτόν. ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς πέμπει παρὰ τοῦ υἱωνοῦ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν κελεύων ὑπὸ πρώτην ὥραν ἄγειν τὸν παῖδα ὡς αὐτόν, καταμελήσεσθαι στρατηγίας τὸν θεὸν ὑπολαμβάνων: ὁ δ' ἀντεψήφιζεν αὐτοῦ τὴν χειροτονίαν. 18.213. ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ' ἐνθυμησάμενος, ἐπεὶ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἦν, κελεύει τὸν Εὔοδον εἰσκαλεῖν τῶν παίδων τὸν παρόντα πρότερον. ἐξελθὼν δ' ἐκεῖνος καὶ τὸν Γάιον πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου καταλαβών, ὁ γὰρ Τιβέριος οὐ παρῆν μετεώρου τῆς τροφῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης, ᾔδει δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν ἐβούλετο ὁ δεσπότης, “καλεῖ σε, φησίν, ὁ πατήρ”, καὶ εἰσήγαγεν αὐτόν. 18.214. Τιβέριος δὲ ὡς θεᾶται Γάιον, τότε πρῶτον εἰς ἐπίνοιαν ἐλθὼν τοῦ θείου τῆς ἐξουσίας καὶ τὴν κατ' αὐτὸν ἡγεμονίαν παντελῶς ἀφῃρημένην ἐπικυροῦν οἷς ψηφίσαιτο δυνάμεως ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῷ μὴ παραγενομένης, πολλὰ δὴ κατολοφυράμενος αὑτὸν μὲν τοῦ ἐφ' οἷς προβουλεύσειε κυροῦν ἀφῃρημένου τὸ κράτος 18.215. Τιβέριον δὲ τὸν υἱωνόν, ὡς τῆς τε ̔Ρωμαίων ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ διαμάρτοι καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας κεχρημένον διὰ τὸ ἐπ' ἄλλων κρειττόνων οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν εἰσηγησαμένω τὴν συναναστροφὴν κείσεσθαι τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ συγγενοῦς μὴ ὠφελεῖν δυναμένου, φόβῳ τε καὶ μίσει τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος χρησομένου πρὸς αὐτόν, τὰ μὲν ὡς προσεδρεύοντα τῇ ἀρχῇ, τὰ δὲ ὡς ἀντεπιβουλεύειν ὑπέρ τε τῆς σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς ἀντιλήψεως τῶν πραγμάτων μὴ ἀφησόμενον. 18.216. ἦν δὲ καὶ γενεθλιαλογίᾳ Τιβέριος μάλιστα προσκείμενος καὶ κατορθούμενα αὐτῇ μειζόνως τῶν εἰς τόδε ἀνακειμένων ἑκόντων τὸν βίον ἐξηγμένος. Γάλβαν οὖν ποτε θεασάμενος ὡς αὐτὸν εἰσιόντα φησὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους αὐτῷ, ὡς παραγίνοιτο ἀνὴρ τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων προτιμησόμενος ἡγεμονίᾳ. 18.217. τά τε πάντα μαντειῶν ὁπόσα ἐχόμενα πιθανὰ ἡγούμενος ἡγεμόνων μάλιστα ἀνὴρ οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπαληθείοντος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐχρῆτο αὐταῖς. 18.218. καὶ τότε ἐν χαλεποῖς ἦν συντυχίᾳ τοῦ γεγονότος, ὡς ἐπ' ἀπολωλότι τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀχθεινῶς διατιθέμενος καὶ κατάμεμψιν αὐτοῦ ποιούμενος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν οἰώνισιν προμηθοῦς: παρὸν γὰρ ἂν αὐτῷ λύπης ἀπηλλαγμένῳ τελευτᾶν ἀμαθίᾳ τῶν ἐσομένων, διατρίβεσθαι τῷ προεγνωκὼς τὴν ἐσομένην δυστυχίαν τῶν φιλτάτων τελευτᾶν. 18.219. καίπερ δὲ συντεταραγμένος τῇ παρὰ δόξαν τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς οὓς οὐκ ἤθελεν περιόδῳ, ἄκων δὲ καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος φησὶ γοῦν πρὸς τὸν Γάιον: “ὦ παῖ, καίπερ μοι συγγενεστέρου Τιβερίου ἢ κατὰ σὲ ὄντος δόξῃ τε τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῷ ὁμοψήφῳ ἐπ' αὐτῇ τῶν θεῶν σοὶ φέρων ἐγχειρίζω τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν. 18.221. μήτε τοῦ πρὸς Τιβέριον συγγενοῦς, ἀλλ' ἐπιστάμενον, ὡς σύν τε τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ μετ' αὐτοὺς τοιῶνδέ σοι κατασταίην ἀγαθῶν ποριστής, ἀμείβεσθαί μου τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς πρόθυμον καὶ ἅμα Τιβερίου φροντίζειν διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἄλλως τε γινώσκειν, ὡς τεῖχός σοι καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας περιὼν γίνοιτο ἂν Τιβέριος, φροίμιον δὲ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς μεθιστάμενος. 18.222. αἵ τε γὰρ μονώσεις ἐπικίνδυνοι τοῖς εἰς τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ὄγκον καταστᾶσιν καὶ θεοῖς οὐκ ἀτιμώρητα ὁπόσα παρὰ δίκην πρασσόμενα ἀφανίζοι τοῦ νόμου τὸ ἑτέρως πράσσειν παρακαλοῦν.” ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Τιβέριος ἔλεγεν 18.223. οὐ μὴν πιθανὸς ἦν Γαί̈ῳ καίπερ ὑπισχνουμένῳ, ἀλλὰ καταστὰς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν τόν τε Τιβέριον μαντείαις ἀναιρεῖ ταῖς ἐκείνου καὐτὸς ἐπιβουλῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν συντεθεισῶν μετ' οὐ πολὺ τελευτᾷ. 18.224. Τιβέριος δὲ τὸν Γάιον ἀποδείξας διάδοχον τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὀλίγας ἐπιβιοὺς ἡμέρας ἔθανεν σχὼν αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἡμέρας τρεῖς καὶ πέντε μῆνας πρὸς ἐνιαυτοῖν δυοῖν καὶ εἴκοσι. Γάιος δὲ ἦν αὐτοκράτωρ τέταρτος. 18.225. ̔Ρωμαίοις δ' ἦν μὲν πύστις τῆς Τιβερίου τελευτῆς εὐφραίνοντό τε τῷ ἀγαθῷ τῆς ἀγγελίας, οὐ μὴν πιστεύειν γε θάρσος ἦν αὐτοῖς, οὐ τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι, πρὸ πολλῶν γὰρ ἂν ἐτίμησαν χρημάτων τὸ ἐπαληθεῦσαν τῶν λόγων, δέει δὲ μὴ ψευδοῦς τῆς ἀγγελίας γενομένης προεξαναστάντες ἐπὶ δηλώσει τοῦ αὐτῶν χάρματος εἶτ' ἀπολλύοιντο διαβολῆς αὐτῶν γενομένης: 18.226. πλεῖστα γὰρ ἀνὴρ εἷς οὗτος ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς εὐπατρίδας εἰργάσατο δεινὰ δυσόργητος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὢν καὶ ἀνήκεστος εἰς τὸ ἐργάζεσθαι καταστάς, εἰ καὶ χωρὶς λόγου τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπανέλοιτο τοῦ μισεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι μὲν οἷς κρίνοιεν ἐξαγριοῦν φύσιν ἔχων, εἰς θάνατον δὲ καὶ τῶν κουφοτάτων ἀνατιθεὶς τὴν ζημίαν. 18.227. ὥστε ἡδονῇ τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτῷ λόγου φέροντος τὴν ἀκρόασιν εἰς ὅσον ἐβούλοντο ἀπολαύσματι χρῆσθαι ἐπεκεκώλυντο δείμασι κακῶν, ἃ προεωρᾶτο ψευσθεῖσι τῆς ἐλπίδος. 18.228. Μαρσύας δὲ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ὁ ἀπελεύθερος πυθόμενος τοῦ Τιβερίου τὴν τελευτὴν ὠθεῖτο δρομαῖος τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν εὐαγγελιούμενος, καὶ καταλαβὼν ἐν ἐξόδοις ὄντα εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον συννεύσας πρὸς αὐτὸν γλώσσῃ τῇ ̔Εβραίων “τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων” φησίν. 18.229. ὁ δὲ σύνεσίν τε τοῦ λόγου ποιησάμενος καὶ χάρματι τῷ ἐπ' αὐτῷ περιενεχθείς “ἀλλά σοι τῶν ἁπάντων καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷδε εὐαγγελίας χάριτες ἐν ἐμοὶ παντοῖαι γίνοιντο, μόνον ἀληθῆ τὰ λεγόμενα εἴη.” καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης 18.231. οἱ δὲ τέως μὲν παρέτρεπον, ἐγκειμένῳ δὲ ἀποσημαίνει ὁ ̓Αγρίππας, ἤδη γὰρ φίλος ἦν, μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσας. ὁ δὲ ἐκοινοῦτό τε τὴν ἡδονὴν τοῦ λόγου διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀγαθὰ τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ φέρειν προυτίθει τε αὐτῷ δεῖπνον. εὐωχουμένων δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ πότου προϊόντος παρῆν τις λέγων ζῆν τε τὸν Τιβέριον καὶ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἐπανήξειν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. 18.232. καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης δεινῶς θορυβηθεὶς τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακείμενα πεπραχέναι δεσμώτῃ τε καὶ ἐπ' ἀγγελίᾳ θανάτου αὐτοκράτορος συνδιῃτῆσθαι μετὰ χάρματος, ἀπωθεῖταί τε τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν τοῦ κλινιδίου καί “ἦπου, φησίν, λήσειν με ὑπονοεῖς θάνατον τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος κατεψευσμένος, ἀλλ' οὐ κεφαλῇ τῇ σῇ τοῦτον ἀναμαξόμενος τὸν λόγον;” 18.233. ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει δῆσαι τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν λελυκὼς πρότερον αὐτὸν φυλακήν τε ἀκριβεστέραν αὐτοῦ ἢ πρότερον καθίσταται. καὶ νύκτα μὲν ἐκείνην ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ἐν τοιούτοις ἦν τοῖς κακοῖς. 18.234. τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ λόγος τε πλείων ἦν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἰσχυριζόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ τοῦ Τιβερίου, ἐθάρρουν τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι φανερῶς ἤδη θροεῖν καί τινες καὶ θυσίας ἐπετέλουν, ἐπιστολαί τε ἀφίκοντο παρὰ τοῦ Γαί̈ου, ἡ μὲν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον τοῦ Τιβερίου διασαφοῦσα τὴν τελευτὴν καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ παράληψιν τῆς ἡγεμονίας γενομένην 18.235. ἡ δὲ πρὸς Πείσωνα τὸν φύλακα τῆς πόλεως τοῦτό τε ἀγορεύουσα, καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μεταστῆσαι εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐν ᾗ πρότερον ἢ δεθῆναι δίαιταν εἶχεν. τότε ἐν θάρσει λοιπὸν ἦγεν τὰ περὶ αὐτῆς: φυλακὴ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τήρησις ἦν, μετὰ μέντοι ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν δίαιταν. 18.236. Γάιος δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης παρῆν ἄγων τοῦ Τιβερίου τὸ σῶμα, ταφάς τε αὐτοῦ ποιεῖται πολυτελεῖς νόμοις τοῖς πατρίοις, ̓Αγρίππαν τε αὐθημερὸν λύειν ὄντα πρόθυμον κώλυμα ̓Αντωνία ἦν οὔ τι μίσει τῷ πρὸς τὸν δεδεμένον προμηθείᾳ δὲ τοῦ Γαί̈ου εὐπρεποῦς, μὴ δόξαν ἀπάγοιτο ἡδονῇ δεχομένου τὴν Τιβερίου τελευτὴν ἄνδρα ὑπ' ἐκείνου δεδεμένον λύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος. 18.237. διελθουσῶν μέντοι οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀποκείρει τε αὐτὸν καὶ μεταμφιέννυσιν, εἶτα δὲ τὸ διάδημα περιτίθησιν τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ βασιλέα καθίστησιν αὐτὸν τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας δωρησάμενος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν Λυσανίου τετραρχίαν, ἀλλάττει τε σιδηρᾷ ἁλύσει χρυσῆν ἰσόσταθμον. ἱππάρχην δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐκπέμπει Μάρυλλον. 18.238. Δευτέρῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος ἡγεμονίας ̓Αγρίππας ἠξίου συγχώρησιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πλεύσαντι τήν τε ἀρχὴν καταστήσασθαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰς δέον οἰκονομησαμένῳ ἐπανιέναι. 18.241. ἐλυπεῖτο οὖν καὶ βαρέως ἔφερεν τῇ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ μεταβολῇ, καὶ μάλιστα ὁπότε θεάσαιτο μετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων παρασήμων τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιφοιτῶντά τε τοῖς πλήθεσιν, ἐπικρύπτεσθαι οὐκ ἠνείχετο τὴν δυστυχίαν τοῦ φθόνου, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἄνδρα ἐξῆρεν κελεύουσα ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης πλεῖν ἐπὶ μνηστείᾳ τῶν ἴσων: 18.242. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀνεκτὸν εἶναι σφίσι τὸ ζῆν, εἰ ̓Αγρίππας ̓Αριστοβούλου μὲν υἱὸς ὢν θανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς κατεγνωσμένου, πενίᾳ δὲ ἀπόρῳ συνιών, ὡς τελέως αὐτῷ ἐπικουφίζεσθαι τἀναγκαῖα τοῦ ἐφ' ἡμέρας, φυγῇ δὲ τῶν δεδανεικότων τὸν πλοῦν πεποιημένος ἐπανεληλύθοι βασιλεύς, αὐτὸς δέ γε ὢν παῖς βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ συγγενοῦς τῆς ἀρχῆς καλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μεταποιήσει τῶν ἴσων καθέζοιτο ἀγαπῶν ἐν ἰδιωτείᾳ διαβιοῦν. 18.243. “ἀλλ' εἰ καὶ πρότερόν γε, ̔Ηρώδη, μηδὲν ἐλύπει σε τὸ ἐν ἐλάσσονι τιμῇ πατρὸς οὗ γέγονας εἶναι, νῦν γοῦν ὀρέχθητι συγγενοῦς ἀξιώματος μηδὲ ὑπόμενε ἡσσᾶσθαι προύχοντι τιμῆς ἀνδρὶ πλοῦτον τεθεραπευκότι τὸν σόν, μηδὲ πενίαν ἀποφήνῃς τὴν ἐκείνου τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐπορίας ἀρετῇ μᾶλλον χρῆσθαι δυναμένην, μηδὲ δευτερεύειν ἀνεπαίσχυντον ἡγοῦ τῶν χθές τε καὶ πρῴην ἐλέῳ τῷ σῷ διαβεβιωκότων. 18.244. ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἴωμεν, καὶ μήτε πόνου φειδώ τις ἔστω μήτε ἀργυρίου δαπάνης καὶ χρυσίου, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ' οὐδαμινοῖς ἐν βελτίοσιν γενέσθαι τὴν τήρησιν αὐτῶν ἀναλώσεως τῆς ἐπὶ κτήσει βασιλείας ἐσομένης.” 18.245. ̔Ο δὲ τέως μὲν ἀπεμάχετο ἀγαπῶν τὴν ἡσυχίαν καὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης τὸν ὄχλον δι' ὑποψίας λαμβάνων ἀναδιδάσκειν τε αὐτὴν ἐπειρᾶτο, ἡ δ' ἐφ' ὅσον ἐξαναχωροῦντα ἑώρα μειζόνως ἐπέκειτο κελεύουσα μὴ ἀνιέναι πάντα πράσσειν ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ. 18.246. καὶ πέρας οὐκ ἀνῆκεν ἕως ἐξενίκησεν αὐτὸν ὁμογνώμονα αὐτῇ ἀκουσίως γενέσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ἀποφυγεῖν αὐτῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ψηφισάμενον, παρασκευασάμενός τε ὡς ἐνῆν πολυτελῶς καὶ φειδοῖ μηδενὸς χρώμενος ἀνήγετο ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἅμα καὶ τὴν ̔Ηρωδιάδα ἀγόμενος. 18.247. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν αἰσθόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς παρεσκευάζετο, ἐπεί τε ἐκπεπλευκότας ἀκούει, πέμπει καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης Φορτουνᾶτον αὐτοῦ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων δῶρά τε κομίζοντα τῷ αὐτοκράτορι καὶ ἐπιστολὰς κατὰ τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου τὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν διδάξοντα ᾗ καιρὸς τὸν Γάιον. 18.248. ὁ δὲ ἐπαναχθεὶς τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην καὶ δεξιῷ χρησάμενος τῷ πλῷ τοσόνδε ἀπελίπετο τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἐντυχεῖν Γαί̈ῳ, ὁ δὲ ἐπικατάγεται καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀπεδίδου. καὶ προσέπλευσαν ἀμφότεροι Δικαιαρχείᾳ καὶ τὸν Γάιον ἐν Βαί̈αις λαμβάνουσιν. 18.249. πολύδριον δ' ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦτο τῆς Καμπανίας ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων πέντε τῆς Δικαιαρχείας κείμενον, βασίλειοί τέ εἰσιν οἰκήσεις αὐτόθι πολυτελέσι κεχρημέναι κατασκευαῖς φιλοτιμηθέντος τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων ἑκάστου τοὺς προγεγονότας ὑπερβάλλεσθαι, λουτρά τε παρέχεται τὸ χωρίον θερμὰ γῆθεν αὐτόματα ἀνιέντα ἀγαθὰ ἐπί τε ἰάσει τοῖς χρωμένοις καὶ ἄλλως τῷ ἀνειμένῳ τῆς διαίτης συμφέροντα. 18.251. παράδειγμά τε ἦν αὐτῷ τοῦ λόγου μυριάσιν ἑπτὰ ὁπλιτῶν ἀρκέσουσα κατασκευὴ ἐν ταῖς ̔Ηρώδου ὁπλοθήκαις ἀποκειμένη, ἐκινεῖτό τε ὑπὸ τῶν εἰρημένων καὶ ἤρετο τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, εἰ ἀληθὴς ὁ περὶ τῶν ὅπλων λόγος. 18.252. τοῦ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ἀντιφθέγξασθαι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, εἰπόντος εἶναι τὰ ὅπλα, πιστὰ ἡγούμενος εἶναι τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποστάσει κατηγορούμενα, τὴν τετραρχίαν ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν προσθήκην τῇ ̓Αγρίππου βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖται καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ δίδωσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ φυγῇ ἀιδίῳ ἐζημίωσεν ἀποδείξας οἰκητήριον αὐτοῦ Λούγδουνον πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας. 18.253. ̔Ηρωδιάδα δὲ μαθὼν ̓Αγρίππου ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν τά τε χρήματα ἐδίδου ὁπόσα ἐκείνῃ ἰδίᾳ ἦν καὶ τοῦ μὴ κοινωνεῖν νομίσας τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς τεῖχος αὐτῇ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔλεγεν. 18.254. ἡ δέ “ἀλλὰ σὺ μέν, αὐτόκρατορ, εἶπεν, μεγαλοφρόνως τε καὶ ἀξιώματι τῷ σαυτοῦ πρεπόντως τάδε λέγεις, κώλυμα δέ μοί ἐστιν χρῆσθαί σου τῇ χάριτι τῆς δωρεᾶς εὔνοια ἡ πρὸς τὸν γεγαμηκότα, οὗ κοινωνόν με τῆς εὐδαιμονίας γενομένην οὐ δίκαιον ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τὸ ἐπὶ ταῖς τύχαις καθεσταμένον.” 18.255. ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος αὐτὴν ποιησάμενος συνήλαυνεν καὶ αὐτὴν τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτῆς τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ δίδωσιν. ̔Ηρωδιάδι μὲν δὴ φθόνου τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ ̔Ηρώδῃ γυναικείων ἀκροασαμένῳ κουφολογιῶν δίκην ταύτην ἐπετίμησεν ὁ θεός. 18.289. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐτύγχανεν γὰρ ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης διαιτώμενος, προύκοπτε φιλίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν Γάιον μειζόνως. καί ποτε προθεὶς δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ πρόνοιαν ἔχων πάντας ὑπερβαλέσθαι τέλεσί τε τοῖς εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ παρασκευῇ τοῦ εἰς ἡδονὴν φέροντος 18.291. καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἐκθαυμάσας τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μεγαλοπρέπειαν, ὡς ἐπ' ἀρεσκείᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ βιάζοιτο καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν τῶν χρημάτων εὐπορίᾳ χρήσασθαι, βουλόμενός τε μιμήσασθαι τὴν ̓Αγρίππου φιλοτιμίαν ἐφ' ἡδονῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ πρασσομένην, ἀνειμένος ὑπὸ οἴνου καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν εἰς τὸ ἱλαρώτερον ἐκτετραμμένος, φησὶν ἐν συμποσίῳ παρακαλοῦντος εἰς πότον: 18.292. “̓Αγρίππα, καὶ πρότερον μέν σοι τιμὴν συνῄδειν ᾗ ἐχρῶ τὰ πρὸς ἐμὲ καὶ πολλὴν εὔνοιαν μετὰ κινδύνων ἀποδειχθεῖσαν, οἷς ὑπὸ Τιβερίου περιέστης δι' αὐτήν, ἐπιλείπεις τε οὐδὲν καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι τῇ πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ὅθεν, αἰσχρὸν γὰρ ἡσσᾶσθαί με ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς σπουδῆς, ἀναλαβεῖν βούλομαι τὰ ἐλλελειμμένα πρότερον: 18.293. ὀλίγον γὰρ πᾶν ὁπόσον σοι δωρεῶν ἐχόμενον ἀπεμοιρασάμην. τὸ πᾶν, ὅπερ σοι ῥοπὴν ἂν προσθείη τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, δεδιακονήσεται γάρ σοι προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐμῇ.” καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν οἰόμενος γῆν τε πολλὴν τῆς προσόδου αἰτήσεσθαι ἢ καί τινων προσόδους πόλεων 18.294. ὁ δὲ καίπερ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' οἷς αἰτήσαι παρασκευασάμενος οὐκ ἐφανέρου τὴν διάνοιαν, ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἀμείβεται τὸν Γάιον, ὅτι “μήτε πρότερον κέρδος τὸ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ καραδοκῶν παρὰ τὰς Τιβερίου ἐπιστολὰς θεραπεύσειεν αὐτὸν οὔτε νῦν πράσσειν τι τῶν εἰς χάριν τὴν ἐκείνου κερδῶν οἰκείων ἔν τισι λήψεσι. 18.295. μεγάλα δὲ εἶναι τὰ προδεδωρημένα καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ θράσει χρωμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων: καὶ γὰρ εἰ τῆς σῆς ἐλάττονα γέγονεν δυνάμεως 18.296. τῆς γ' ἐμοῦ τοῦ εἰληφότος διανοίας τε καὶ ἀξιώσεως μείζονα.” καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἐκπλαγεὶς τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ πλειόνως ἐνέκειτο εἰπεῖν, ὅ τι χαρίζοιτ' ἂν αὐτῷ παρασχόμενος. ὁ δέ, “ἐπεί περ, ὦ δέσποτα, προθυμίᾳ τῇ σῇ δωρεῶν ἄξιον ἀποφαίνεις, αἰτήσομαι τῶν μὲν εἰς ὄλβον φερόντων οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ μεγάλως με ἐνδιαπρέπειν οἷς ἤδη παρέσχες: 18.297. ὅ τι δ' ἂν σοὶ δόξαν προσποιοῖ τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς καὶ τὸ θεῖον σύμμαχον ἐφ' οἷς θελήσειας παρακαλοῖ κἀμοὶ πρὸς εὐκλείας γένοιτο παρὰ τοῖς πυνθανομένοις, ὡς μηθενὸς ὧν χρησαίμην ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς ἐξουσίας ἀτυχεῖν πώποτε γνόντι: ἀξιῶ γάρ σοι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος τὴν ἀνάθεσιν, ἣν ποιήσασθαι κελεύεις Πετρώνιον εἰς τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἱερόν, μηκέτι πράσσειν διανοεῖσθαι.” 18.298. Καὶ ὁ μὲν καίπερ ἐπικίνδυνον τοῦτο ἡγούμενος, εἰ γὰρ μὴ πιθανὰ ἔκρινε Γάιος, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἐς θάνατον ἔφερεν, διὰ τὸ μεγάλα νομίζειν τε καὶ εἶναι κύβον ἀναρριπτεῖν τὸν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἡγεῖτο. 18.299. Γάιος δὲ καὶ ἅμα τε τῇ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου ἀνειλημμένος καὶ ἄλλως ἀπρεπὲς ὑπολαμβάνων ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε μαρτύρων ψευδὴς γενέσθαι περὶ ὧν προθύμως ἐβιάζετο αἰτεῖσθαι τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν μετὰ τοῦ ὀξέος μεταμέλῳ χρώμενος 18.301. “νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν φθάνεις τὸν ἀνδριάντα ἑστακώς, ἑστάτω: εἰ δὲ μήπω πεποίησαι τὴν ἀνάθεσιν, μηδὲν περαιτέρω κακοπαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τόν τε στρατὸν διάλυε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφ' ἃ τὸ πρῶτόν σε ἔστειλα ἄπιθι: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔτι δέομαι τῆς ἀναστάσεως τοῦ ἀνδριάντος ̓Αγρίππᾳ χαριζόμενος ἀνδρὶ παρ' ἐμοὶ τιμωμένῳ μειζόνως ἢ ὥστε με χρείᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου καὶ οἷς κελεύσειεν ἀντειπεῖν.” 18.302. Γάιος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον πρότερον ἢ ἐντυχεῖν * ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει καταδόξας αὐτοὺς ἐπείγεσθαι, μηδὲν γὰρ ἕτερον ἀποσημαίνειν τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ πόλεμον ἄντικρυς ̔Ρωμαίοις ἀπειλεῖν. 18.303. καὶ περιαλγήσας ὡς ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ τετολμηκότων, ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἥσσων μὲν τοῦ αἰσχροῦ, κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ ἐφ' οἷστισι κρίνειεν ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι παρ' ὁντινοῦν ἐπειγόμενος παίδευσιν αὐτῆς οὐδ' ἡντινοῦν προστιθείς, ἀλλ' ἐφ' ἡδονῇ τιθεὶς τῇ ἐκείνης τὴν κρίσιν τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, γράφει πρὸς τὸν Πετρώνιον: 18.304. “ἐπειδὴ δῶρα ὁπόσα σοι οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι παρέσχον ἐν μείζονι λόγῳ τῶν ἐμῶν πεποίησαι ἐντολῶν διακονεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐκείνων ἀρθεὶς ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν ἐμῶν ἐντολῶν, κελεύω σε σαυτῷ. κριτὴν γενόμενον λογίσασθαι περὶ τοῦ ποιητέου σοι ὑποστάντα ὀργῇ τῇ ἐμῇ, ἐπεί τοι παράδειγμα ποιοῖντό σε οἵ τε νῦν πάντες καὶ ὁπόσοι ὕστεροι γένοιντ' ἄν, μηδαμῶς ἀκυροῦν αὐτοκράτορος ἀνδρὸς ἐντολάς.” 18.305. Ταύτην μὲν γράφει Πετρωνίῳ τὴν ἐπιστολήν, οὐ μὴν φθάνει γε ζῶντος Πετρώνιος δεξάμενος αὐτὴν βραδυνθέντος τοῦ πλοῦ τοῖς φέρουσιν εἰς τοσόνδε, ὥστε Πετρωνίῳ γράμματα πρὸ αὐτῆς ἀφικέσθαι, δι' ὧν μανθάνει τὴν Γαί̈ου τελευτήν. 18.306. θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἄρ' ἀμνημονήσειν ἔμελλε Πετρωνίῳ κινδύνων, οὓς ἀνειλήφει ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ τὸν Γάιον ἀποσκευασάμενος ὀργῆς ὧν ἐπὶ σεβασμῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ πράσσειν ἐτόλμησε, τὸν μισθὸν χρεολυτεῖν * συνευεργετεῖν τῷ Πετρωνίῳ ἥ τε ̔Ρώμη καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχή, μάλιστα δ' ὁπόσοι τῆς βουλῆς προύχοιεν ἀξιώματι, διὰ τὸ εἰς ἐκείνους ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι τὸν Γάιον. 18.307. καὶ τελευτᾷ μὲν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἢ γράψαι τῷ Πετρωνίῳ τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ θανεῖν ἀνακειμένην ἐπιστολήν, τὴν δ' αἰτίαν, ἐξ ἧς τελευτᾷ, καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὸν τρόπον ἀφηγήσομαι προϊόντος τοῦ λόγου. 18.308. Πετρωνίῳ δὲ προτέρα μὲν παρῆν ἡ διασαφοῦσα τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὴν τελευτὴν ἐπιστολή, μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἡ κελεύουσα αὐτὸν τελευτᾶν αὐτόχειρα, καὶ ἥσθη τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ τοῦ ὀλέθρου, ὃς τὸν Γάιον κατέλαβεν 18.309. καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν ἐξεθαύμασεν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μισθὸν αὐτῷ τιμῆς τε τῆς εἰς τὸν ναὸς καὶ βοηθείας τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων σωτηρίας παρασχομένου. καὶ Πετρωνίῳ μὲν οὕτως μὴ ἂν τοπασθεὶς διεφεύχθη ῥᾳδίως ὁ κίνδυνος τοῦ θανεῖν. 19.1. Γάιος δὲ οὐκ εἰς μόνους ̓Ιουδαίους τοὺς ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ τοὺς ὁπόσοι τῇδε οἰκοῦσιν ἐπεδείκνυτο τῆς ὕβρεως τὴν μανίαν, ἀλλὰ διὰ πάσης ἐσομένην γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης ἔστελλεν αὐτήν, ὁπόση ̔Ρωμαίοις ὑπακούει, μυρίων τε ἀνέπλησεν αὐτὴν κακῶν ὁπόσα μὴ ἱστόρητο πρότερον. 19.1. καὶ γράφει τάδε πρὸς τὸν Γάιον ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ τοῦ ἐκλιπεῖν ἀδιακόνητον τὴν ἐπιστολήν, ἀπολέσθαι τε ἐκ τούτων αὐτῷ κινδύνου γενομένου σώζεται φθάνοντος ἤδη Γαί̈ου τελευτῆσαι. 19.1. καὶ Χαιρέας βραδύνοντος Γαί̈ου πρόθυμος ἦν ἐπεισελθεῖν ἐν τῇ καθέδρᾳ προσπεσὼν μέντοι προῄδει τοῦτο σὺν πολλῷ φόνῳ τῶν τε βουλευτῶν καὶ ὁπόσοι τῶν ἱππέων παρῆσαν καίπερ δεδιὼς πρόθυμος ἦν, καλῶς ἔχειν ἡγούμενος πᾶσιν ἀσφάλειαν καὶ ἐλευθερίαν ὠνούμενος ἐν ὀλίγῳ τίθεσθαι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς ἀπολουμένους. 19.2. μάλιστα δὲ ᾐσθάνετο τοῦ δεινοῦ τῶν πρασσομένων ἡ ̔Ρώμη κατ' οὐδὲν αὐτὴν τιμιωτέραν τῶν λοιπῶν πόλεων ἡγουμένου, ἀλλὰ τούς τε ἄλλους ἄγοντος καὶ φέροντος καὶ μάλιστα τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ ὁπόσοι τούτων εὐπατρίδαι καὶ προγόνων ἐπιφανείαις τιμώμενοι. 19.2. Μινουκιανὸς δὲ τὰ μὲν Λεπίδου τε ἐκδικία, φίλον γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰ μάλιστα ὄντα τοῦτον καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν σὺν ὀλίγοις ἀναιρεῖ Γάιος, καὶ ἄλλως φοβηθεὶς τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ πᾶσιν ὁμοίως τὸν Γάιον ἐπὶ θάνατον ἀνακειμένην ἐπαφιέναι τὴν ὀργὴν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐγχείρησιν ἐλθεῖν. 19.2. καὶ ἥδε μὲν εὐψύχως ταύτῃ τελευτᾷ ὑπὸ τοῦ Λούππου καὶ ἐπ' αὐτῇ τὸ θυγάτριον. καὶ Λοῦππος ταῦτα προαπαγγέλλων ἔσπευδεν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Χαιρέαν. 19.3. μυρία τε εὑρίσκετο καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἱππέων μὲν καλουμένων, ἀξιώματι δὲ καὶ δυνάμει χρημάτων ὅμοια τοῖς συγκλητικοῖς ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀγομένων διὰ τὸ ἐκ τούτων εἰς τὴν βουλὴν εἶναι κατακλήσεις: ὧν ἀτίμωσις ἦν καὶ μετανάστασις κτεινομένων τε καὶ τὰ χρήματα συλωμένων διὰ τὸ καὶ τὰς σφαγὰς ὡς τὸ πολὺ ἐπ' ἀφαιρέσει τῶν χρημάτων αὐτοῖς συντυγχάνειν. 19.3. καὶ ταῦτα αἰσχύνης ἀνάπλεα καὶ ταῦτα ἔπρασσεν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένος ἔν τινων τελεταῖς μυστηρίων, ἃς αὐτὸς συνίστατο, στολάς τε ἐνδυόμενος γυναικείους καί τινων περιθέσεις πλοκαμίδων ἐπινοῶν ἄλλα τε ὁπόσα ἐπικαταψεύσασθαι θηλύτητα τῆς ὄψεως ἔμελλεν, αὐτὸς τὴν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις αἰσχύνην ἐτόλμα Χαιρέᾳ προσκαλεῖν. 19.3. παντάπασιν δὲ ὀλίγου χρόνου διελθόντος Δωρῖται νεανίσκοι τῆς ὁσιότητος προτιθέμενοι τόλμαν καὶ πεφυκότες εἶναι παραβόλως θρασεῖς Καίσαρος ἀνδριάντα κομίσαντες εἰς τὴν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων συναγωγὴν ἀνέστησαν. 19.4. ἐξεθείαζέν τε ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὰς τιμὰς οὐκέτ' ἀνθρωπίνως ἠξίου γίνεσθαι παρὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων αὐτῷ: εἴς τε τοῦ Διὸς φοιτῶν τὸ ἱερόν, ὃ Καπετώλιον μὲν καλοῦσιν τιμιώτατον δ' ἄρα αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ἱερῶν, ἀδελφὸν ἐτόλμησε προσαγορεύειν τὸν Δία: 19.4. Χαιρέας ἤδη θάρσει χρώμενος ἐν λόγοις ἦν κινδύνων ἀνειμένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ κατέχοντα δεινὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπεξιών, καὶ ὅτι λόγῳ μὲν εἴη Γάιος ὁ τὴν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις αἰτίαν προτιθέμενος 19.5. καὶ τἆλλα ἔπρασσεν μανίας οὐδὲν ἀπολελειμμένα, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἀπὸ Δικαιαρχείας τῆς πόλεως ἐν Καμπανίᾳ κειμένης εἰς Μισηνοὺς ἑτέραν πόλιν ἐπιθαλάσσιον, καὶ τὴν διάβασιν δεινὸν ἡγούμενος τριήρει περατοῦν 19.5. πᾶσι γὰρ τοῖς ἐν τέλει φοβερὸς ἦν Γάιος, ὡς ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἕκαστον καὶ πρὸς οὕστινας τῇ μανίᾳ χρῆσθαι μὴ ἀφησόμενος 19.6. καὶ ἄλλως ἐπιβάλλειν ἡγούμενος αὐτῷ δεσπότῃ ὄντι τῆς θαλάσσης ταῦτα καὶ ὁποῖα καὶ παρὰ γῆς ἀπαιτεῖν, ἀπ' ἄκρων ἐπ' ἄκρα σταδίους τριάκοντα μέτρον τῆς θαλάσσης ζεύξας καὶ εἴσω τὸν κόλπον ἀπολαβὼν πάντα ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ τῇ γεφύρᾳ τὸ ἅρμα: θεῷ γὰρ ὄντι τοιαύτας ποιεῖσθαι καλῶς ἔχειν τὰς ὁδούς. 19.6. καὶ ἰσχυρίζοντό τινες ὡς βεβαιοῦν τὰ εἰρημένα * εἰσιόντος γὰρ εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον Χαιρέου φωνὴν ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους γενέσθαι τινὸς ἐπ' ἐξορμήσει κελεύοντος περαίνειν μὲν δὴ τὸ πρακτέον καὶ προσλαμβάνειν τὸ δαιμόνιον. 19.7. τῶν τε ἱερῶν τῶν ̔Ελληνικῶν οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀσύλητον κατέλιπεν, ὁπόσα γραφῆς ἢ γλυφῆς ἐχόμενα καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς κατασκευὰς ἀνδριάντων καὶ ἀναθημάτων ἄγεσθαι κελεύσας παρ' αὐτόν: οὐ γὰρ ἐν ἑτέρῳ τὰ καλὰ κεῖσθαι καλῶς ἔχειν ἢ ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ, τυγχάνειν δὲ τοῦτο οὖσαν τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων πόλιν. 19.7. Τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Χαιρέαν ὑπερβολαὶ τὸ καθ' ἡμέραν ἦσαν ὀκνούντων πολλῶν οὐ γὰρ Χαιρέας ἔσται ἑκὼν εἶναι τοῦ πράσσειν ἀναβολὴν ἐποιεῖτο, πάντα καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον τῇ πράξει νομίζων. 19.8. ἐκόσμει τε τοῖς ἐνθένδε ἀγομένοις τήν τε οἰκίαν καὶ τοὺς κήπους ὁπόσαι τε αὐτῷ καταγωγαὶ διὰ γῆς τῆς τῶν ̓Ιταλῶν. ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸν ̓Ολύμπιον τιμώμενον Δία ὑπὸ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων καὶ οὕτως ὠνομασμένον ̓Ολύμπιον Φειδίου τοῦ ̓Αθηναίου πεποιηκότος ἐτόλμησε κελεῦσαι εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην μεταφέρειν. 19.8. τῶν δὲ οὔτε ἀντειπεῖν ὡς οὐ πάνυ καλοῖς δυναμένων οὔτε τὴν πρᾶξιν ἄντικρυς δεχομένων σιγῇ δὲ καταπεπληγότων “τί, φησίν, ὦ γενναῖοι, διαμέλλομεν; ἢ οὐχ ὁρᾶτε τὴν σήμερον τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέραν ὑστάτην οὖσαν καὶ Γάιον ἐκπλευσούμενον;” 19.9. οὐ μὴν ἔπραξέν γε τῶν ἀρχιτεκτόνων φαμένων πρὸς Μέμμιον ̔Ρῆγλον, ὃς ἐπετέτακτο τῇ κινήσει τοῦ Διός, ἀπολεῖσθαι τοὖργον κινήσεως αὐτοῦ γενομένης. λέγεται δὲ Μέμμιον διὰ ταῦτα καὶ σημείων μειζόνων γενομένων, ἢ ὡς ἄν τινα μὴ πιστὰ ἡγεῖσθαι, ὑπερβαλέσθαι τὴν ἀναίρεσιν. 19.9. κατεσκεύαστο δὲ τὸ θέατρον, πηκτὸν δὲ ἐγίνετο κατὰ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν, τοιόνδε τρόπον: θύρας ἔχει δύο φερούσας τὴν μὲν εἰς αἴθριον, τὴν δ' εἰς στοὰν εἰσόδοις καὶ ἀποχωρήσεσιν, ὅπως μὴ ταράσσοιντο οἱ ἔνδον ἀπειλημμένοι, ἐκ δ' αὐτῆς τῆς καλύβης ἐνδοτέρω διαφράγμασιν ἑτέραν ἀπειληφυίαις ἐπ' ἀναστροφῇ τοῖς ἀνταγωνισταῖς καὶ ὁπόσα ἀκροάματα. 19.11. Εἰς τοῦτο δὲ προύβη τὸ μανικὸν αὐτῷ, ὥστε δὴ καὶ θυγατρὸς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἀνακομίσας ἐπὶ τὸ Καπετώλιον ἐπὶ τοῖς γόνασι κατατίθεται τοῦ ἀγάλματος, κοινὸν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τῷ Διὶ γεγονέναι τὸ τέκνον καὶ δύο χειροτονεῖν αὐτῆς πατέρας, ὁπότερον μείζονα φάμενος ἐν μέσῳ τε καταλιμπάνειν. 19.11. καὶ δεξάμενος αὐτὸν Κορνήλιος Σαβῖνος τὴν διάνοιαν ἤδη προκατειργασμένον ὠθεῖ καὶ κλιθέντα ἐπὶ γόνυ πολλοὶ περιστάντες ἀφ' ἑνὸς ἐγκελεύσματος ἔκοπτον τοῖς ξίφεσιν, παρακελευσμός τε τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ πρὸς ἔρις αὐτοῖς ἦν. τελευταῖα δὲ ̓Ακύλας, ὁμολογεῖται δὲ ὑπὸ πάντων πληγὴν ἐπαγαγών, μεθίστησιν αὐτὸν ἀκριβῶς. 19.12. καὶ τάδε ἠνείχοντο πράσσοντα αὐτὸν οἱ ἄνθρωποι. ἐπεχείρησε δὲ καὶ τοῖς οἰκέταις κατηγορίας ποιεῖσθαι τῶν δεσποτῶν ἐφ' οἷστισιν ἐθελήσειαν ἐγκλήμασιν: δεινὰ γὰρ πάντα ἦν, ὁπόσα μέλλοι λέγεσθαι, διὰ τὸ χάριτί τε καὶ ὑπαγορεύσει τῇ ἐκείνου τὰ πολλὰ γίνεσθαι 19.12. θυμῷ δὲ χρῆσθαι πάτριόν ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, ὥσπερ σπάνιον εἴ τισιν ἑτέροις βαρβάρων διὰ τὸ ἡσσόνως λογισμὸν ἐπιδέχεσθαι τῶν ποιουμένων, ῥωμαλέοι τε τοῖς σώμασι καὶ τῇ πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ συνιόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὓς ἂν νομίσωσι, μεγάλα κατορθοῦντες. 19.13. ὥστε ἤδη καὶ Κλαυδίου ἐτόλμα ποιήσασθαι Πολυδεύκης ὁ δοῦλος κατηγορίαν, καὶ Γάιος ἠνείχετο κατὰ πατρῴου τοῦ αὐτοῦ δίκης θανάτου λεγομένης ἐπ' ἀκροάσει συνελθεῖν ἐλπίδι τοῦ παραλαβεῖν δύναμιν ἀνελεῖν αὐτόν. 19.13. ἡ δὲ αὖ γυναικωνῖτις καὶ τὸ νεώτερον, ὅπερ ὄχλος φιλεῖ, θεωρίαις τε καὶ μονομαχιῶν δόσεσιν καί τινων κρεανομιῶν ἡδοναῖς ἀνειλημμένοι, ἃ ἐπράσσετο λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ τῆς πληθύος, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς ἐκπιμπλάντα τῆς μανίας Γαί̈ου τὴν ὠμότητα: 19.14. οὐ μὴν ἐξεγένετό γε αὐτῷ. ἀναπεπληρωκότι δὲ αὐτῷ συκοφαντιῶν καὶ κακῶν πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην, ἧς ἐπῆρχεν, καὶ πολλὴν τὴν δουλοκρατίαν ἐπῃρμένου τοῖς δεσπόταις ἐπιβουλαὶ τὰ πολλὰ ἤδη συνίσταντο, τῶν μὲν ἐπ' ἀμύνῃ ὧν πάθοιεν ὀργὴν ποιουμένων, τῶν δὲ πρὶν ἐμπεσόντες κακῶν τυχεῖν μεγάλων τιθεμένων τὸ μεταχειρίσασθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 19.14. φείδεσθαι οὖν καὶ μὴ τόλμης ἀλλοτρίας παρὰ τῶν οὐδ' ἐν αἰτίᾳ γενομένων ἀπολαμβάνειν τιμωρίαν, παρέντας ἐρεύνην τῶν πεπραχότων ὅ τι καὶ πεπραγμένον εἴη καταστῆναι. 19.15. ὅθεν, ἐπειδὴ τοῖς τε ἁπάντων νόμοις καὶ τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ μεγάλην συνήνεγκεν εὐδαιμονίας ῥοπὴν ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ ἔθνει τε τῷ ἡμετέρῳ οὐδὲ εἰς ὀλίγον ἐξεγεγόνει μὴ οὐκ ἀπολωλέναι μὴ ταχείας αὐτῷ τελευτῆς παραγενομένης, βούλομαι δὲ δι' ἀκριβείας τὸν πάντα περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγον διελθεῖν 19.15. τοσόνδε ἐπερίσσευσεν αὐτοῖς εὐνοίας τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς κἂν μετὰ τοῦ καθ' αὑτοὺς ἀπολουμένου τῆς ψυχῆς κτήσασθαι τὸ ἀνεπιβούλευτον αὐτῷ καὶ τοσαύτῃ δυστυχίᾳ συνεσόμενον. 19.16. ἄλλως τε ἐπειδὴ καὶ πολλὴν ἔχει πίστιν τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ παραμυθίαν τοῖς ἐν τύχαις κειμένοις καὶ σωφρονισμὸν τοῖς οἰομένοις ἀίδιον τὴν εὐτυχίαν, ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐπιμεταφέρειν κακῶς ἀρετῆς αὐτῇ μὴ παραγενομένης. 19.16. καὶ προύθεσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ὕπατοι διάγραμμα Γαί̈ου μὲν κατηγορίας ποιούμενοι, κελεύοντες δὲ τῷ τε δήμῳ καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπὶ τὰ αὐτῶν ἀπιέναι, τῷ μὲν δήμῳ πολλὴν ἀνέσεως ἐπαγγελλόμενοι ἐλπίδα, τῷ στρατιωτικῷ δὲ τιμῶν, εἰ ἐν κόσμῳ μείνειαν τῷ εἰωθότι μηδὲν ὑβρίζειν ἐξαγόμενοι: δέος γὰρ ἦν, μὴ ἐξαγριωσάντων ἀπολαύσειεν τοῦ κακοῦ ἡ πόλις καθ' ἁρπαγὰς αὐτῶν καὶ συλήσεις τῶν ἱερῶν τρεπομένων. 19.17. ̔Οδοὺς μὲν δὴ τρεῖς ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ παρεσκευάζετο καὶ τούτων ἑκάστης ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν εἶχον. Αἰμίλιός τε γὰρ ̔Ρῆγλος ἐκ Κορδύβης τῆς ἐν ̓Ιβηρίᾳ γένος συνεῖχέν τινας ἢ δι' ἐκείνων ἢ δι' αὐτοῦ πρόθυμος ὢν ἄρασθαι Γάιον. 19.17. καὶ εἴη μὲν εἰς πᾶν τοῦ αἰῶνος τὸ ἐπιὸν παραμεῖναι τὴν ἄδειαν αὐτῆς, ἀρκοῦσα δ' ἂν γένοιτο καὶ ἥδε ἡ ἡμέρα τοῖς τε νεωτέροις ἡμῶν καὶ ὅσοι γεγηράκαμεν αἰὼν ὑπείληπται, τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις δόντων ἀγαθῶν αὐτῆς ἐν ὁμιλίᾳ γεγονότες μετασταῖεν, τοῖς δὲ 19.18. ἑτέρα δὲ αὐτοῖς συνεκροτεῖτο, ἧς Χαιρέας Κάσσιος χιλίαρχος ἡγεμὼν ἦν. Μινουκιανὸς δὲ ̓́Αννιος οὐκ ὀλίγη μοῖρα τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν τυραννίδα παρεσκευασμένων ἦν. 19.18. καὶ τέτροφε τὴν τυραννίδα οὐδὲν νεώτερον πλὴν ἥ τε ἀργία καὶ τὸ πρὸς οὐδὲν τῶν ἐκείνῃ θελομένων ἀντιλογίᾳ χρώμενον: 19.19. αἰτία δ' αὐτοῖς μίσους τοῦ πρὸς Γάιον συνελθεῖν, ̔Ρήγλῳ μὲν τὸ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὀργίλον καὶ μίσει χρώμενον πρὸς τὰ μετ' ἀδικίας ἐξαγόμενα: καὶ γὰρ ἔχει τι θυμοειδὲς ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ ἐλευθέριον, ὑφ' οὗ μηδὲ στέγειν προστίθεσθαι τῶν βουλευμάτων: πολλοῖς γοῦν ἀνεκοινώσατο καὶ φίλοις καὶ ἄλλοις δοκοῦσιν αὐτῷ δραστηρίοις. 19.19. Χαιρέας δὲ ἐν δεινῷ τιθέμενος περιεῖναι τὴν θυγατέρα Γαί̈ου καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα, ἀλλὰ μὴ πανοικὶ τὸν ὄλεθρον αὐτῷ συντυχεῖν, ἐπεὶ καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι ὑπολείποιτο αὐτῶν ἐπ' ὀλέθρῳ τῆς πόλεως λειφθήσεσθαι καὶ τῶν νόμων, ἄλλως τε πρόθεσιν ἐσπουδακὼς τελειώσασθαι τὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ πάνυ εὐφρᾶναι μῖσος τὸ πρὸς Γάιον, ̓Ιούλιον ἐκπέμπει Λοῦππον ἕνα τῶν χιλιάρχων κτενοῦντα τήν τε γυναῖκα Γαί̈ου καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα. 19.21. Χαιρέαν δὲ αἰσχύνην φέροντα ὀνείδη τε εἰς τὴν ἀνανδρίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Γαί̈ου προφερομένου, καὶ ἄλλως τὸ ἐφ' ἡμέρᾳ κινδυνεύειν φιλίᾳ καὶ θεραπείᾳ τὴν Γαί̈ου τελευτὴν οὐ πάντ' ἐλεύθερον ὑπολαμβάνων. 19.21. οὐ μὴν ἀντισχεῖν οἷά τε ἐγένετο αὐτῷ τὰ ἐκ τῆς παιδείας συλλεγέντα ἀγαθὰ πρὸς τὸν ἐπελθόντα ὄλεθρον αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τῆς ἐξουσίας: οὕτως ἄρα δυσπόριστον ἡ ἀρετὴ τοῦ σωφρονεῖν, οἷς ἀνυπεύθυνον τὸ πράσσειν ῥᾳστώνῃ πάρεστιν. 19.22. οἱ δὲ καὶ πᾶσι κοινῇ προτεθῆναι τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ πράγματι σκέψιν τήν τε ὕβριν θεωμένοις καὶ ἐπιθυμοῦσιν ἀκμὴν ἐπ' ἀλλήλων ἀκμάζουσαν διαφυγεῖν ἀραμένοις τὸν Γάιον: ἴσως μὲν γὰρ ἂν κατορθῶσαι, καλῶς δὲ κατορθοῦσι τηλικούτων ἀγαθῶν σχεῖν ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς τε πόλεως καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας πονοῦσι καὶ μετὰ ὀλέθρου ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ πράγματος. 19.22. ἀνεβάσταζέν τε αὐτὸν οὐ πάνυ τοῖς ποσὶ βαίνειν δυνάμενον ὑπό τε φόβου καὶ χάρματος τῶν εἰρημένων. 19.23. παρὰ πάντα δὲ Χαιρέαν ἐπείγεσθαι ὀνόματός τε ἐπιθυμίᾳ μείζονος καὶ ἄλλως ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδεέστερον προσιέναι τῷ Γαί̈ῳ διὰ τὴν χιλιαρχίαν ῥᾳστώνης αὐτῷ κτείνειν ἐσομένης. 19.23. παραχωρεῖν δὲ τῇ συγκλήτῳ τοσῶνδε ἀνδρῶν ἕνα ὄντα ἡσσώμενον καὶ τῷ νόμῳ παραχωροῦντα τοῦ ἐπὶ τοῖς κοινοῖς κόσμου τὴν πρόνοιαν, μνημονεύοντα ὧν οἱ πρότεροι τύραννοι κακώσειαν τὴν πόλιν καὶ ὧν ὑπὸ Γαί̈ου καὶ αὐτὸς κινδυνεύσειεν σὺν αὐτοῖς, μηδὲ μισήσαντα τὴν βαρύτητα τῆς τυραννίδος ὑφ' ἑτέρων πρασσομένης τῆς ὕβρεως αὐτὸν ἐθελουσίως ἐπὶ παροινίᾳ θαρσεῖν τῆς πατρίδος. 19.24. ̓Εν τούτῳ δ' ἱπποδρομίαι ἦσαν: καὶ σπουδάζεται γὰρ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἥδε ἡ θεωρία δεινῶς, συνίασίν τε προθύμως εἰς τὸν ἱππόδρομον καὶ ἐφ' οἷς χρῄζοιεν δέονται τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων κατὰ πλῆθος συνελθόντες, οἱ δὲ ἀναντιλέκτους τὰς δεήσεις κρίνοντες οὐδαμῶς ἀχαριστοῦσιν. 19.24. τῶν δὲ τὰ ὄντα φαμένων καὶ προσανερομένων, ἥντινα γνώμην ἔχοι περὶ τοῖς ὅλοις, τελευτᾶν μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ κατ' ἐκείνην εὐκλεοῦς ἕτοιμος ἦν τοῖς λόγοις, σκοπεῖν δὲ ἐκέλευε περὶ τῷ συμφέροντι πᾶν ὅ τι καὶ εἰς ἡδονὴν φέροι ὑπεξελομένους: 19.25. ἐκέλευον δὴ καὶ τὸν Γάιον ἐκθύμῳ τῇ ἱκετείᾳ χρώμενοι τῶν τε τελῶν ἐπανιέναι καὶ τῶν φόρων ἐπικουφίζειν τι τοῦ ἐπαχθοῦς. ὁ δ' οὐκ ἠνείχετο, καὶ πλέον τι τῇ βοῇ χρωμένων ἄλλους ἄλλῃ διαπέμψας κελεύει τοὺς βοῶντας λαβεῖν τε καὶ μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀνελεῖν προαγαγόντας. 19.25. καὶ τὸ μὲν καθ' ἑαυτοὺς ἀπεφαίνοντο περὶ τοῦ μὴ πᾶσιν, ἀλλ' ἑνὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐφέσιμον εἶναι, ὁρᾶν δὲ ἐκείνοις ἐπιτρέπειν, ὅστις τοσαύτης προστασίας ἄξιος. ὥστε ἐν ἀνίᾳ τὰ τῶν συγκλητικῶν ἦν πολὺ πλέον δι' ἁμαρτίαν μὲν τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν αὐχήματος, φόβῳ δὲ τοῦ Κλαυδίου. 19.26. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκέλευε ταῦτα καὶ οἷς προσετέτακτο ἔπρασσον, πλεῖστοί τε ἦσαν οἱ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀποθανόντες. καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἑώρα μέν, ἠνείχετο δὲ παυσάμενος τῆς βοῆς, ἐν ὀλίγῳ ἕνεκα τῶν χρημάτων ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁρῶντες τὴν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις παραίτησιν εἰς θάνατον αὐτοῖς φέρουσαν. 19.26. ἔκπληξίς τε καὶ κατήφεια ἦν, οὐδ' ὅτι χρήσαιντο αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἰδότων διὰ τὸ ἀνηρεθίσθαι τὸν Κλαύδιον ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, ἀλλήλοις τε ἐλοιδοροῦντο, καὶ μετάμελος ἦν αὐτοῖς. 19.27. ταῦτα Χαιρέαν ἐνήγαγεν μειζόνως ἅπτεσθαί τε τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ παύειν κατὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐξηγριωκότα τὸν Γάιον, καὶ πολλάκις μὲν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἑστιάσεις ἐμέλλησεν ἐπιχειρεῖν, οὐ μὴν ἀλλ' ἐπείχετο λογισμῷ, τὸ μὲν κτείνειν οὐκέτ' ἐνδοιαστὸν κεκρικώς, τὸν δὲ καιρὸν περισκοπῶν, ὅπως μὴ εἰς κενόν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ καταπράξει τῶν βεβουλευμένων ταῖς χερσὶ χρῷτο. 19.27. ἀποτιθεμένου γέ τοι τὴν στολὴν τοῦ Λούππου καὶ τὸ ῥῖγος αἰτιωμένου φησίν, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἐναντία τοῦ Λούππου ποιήσαιτο πώποτε ῥῖγος. πλήθους τε ἀνθρώπων ἑπομένου κατὰ θέαν, ὡς ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸ χωρίον, ἤρετο τὸν στρατιώτην, εἰ διὰ μελέτης αὐτῷ γεγόνοιεν αἱ σφαγαὶ ἢ εἰ πρῶτον ἔχοι τὸ ξίφος * ἐκέλευε κομίζειν ᾧ Γάιον μεταχειρίσαιτο αὐτός: 19.28. ̓Εστρατεύετο δὲ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον οὐχ ἡδονῇ φέρων Γαί̈ου τὴν ἀναστροφήν. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸν ἵσταται Γάιος εἰσπραξόμενον τούς τε φόρους καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα καταβαλλόμενα εἰς τὸν Καίσαρος θησαυρὸν ἐφυστερήκει τοῖς καιροῖς διὰ τὸ ἐπιδιπλασιάζεσθαι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν, χρόνον ἐκεῖ ποιεῖται τῇ εἰσπράξει τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ χρώμενος μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ Γαί̈ου προστάξει 19.28. “Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Γερμανικὸς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει. 19.29. διὰ τὸ φειδοῖ χρῆσθαι τὰς τύχας οἴκτῳ λαμβάνων τῶν ὑπὸ τὴν εἴσπραξιν εἰς ὀργὴν προυκαλεῖτο τὸν Γάιον μαλακίαν ἐπικαλοῦντα αὐτῷ τοῦ σχολῇ συνάγεσθαι αὐτῷ τὰ χρήματα. καὶ δὴ τά τε ἄλλα ὕβριζεν εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ ὁπότε τὸ σημεῖον αὐτῷ τὸ τῆς ἡμέρας καθηκούσης εἰς αὐτόν, θήλεά τε ἐδίδου τὰ ὀνόματα 19.29. καλῶς οὖν ἔχειν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους τοὺς ἐν παντὶ τῷ ὑφ' ἡμᾶς κόσμῳ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη ἀνεπικωλύτως φυλάσσειν, οἷς καὶ αὐτοῖς ἤδη νῦν παραγγέλλω μου ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ ἐπιεικέστερον χρῆσθαι καὶ μὴ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν δεισιδαιμονίας ἐξουθενίζειν, τοὺς ἰδίους δὲ νόμους φυλάσσειν. 19.31. Χαιρέᾳ δὲ καὶ ὁπότε μὲν παραλαμβάνοι τὸ σημεῖον ὀργὴ παρίστατο, μειζόνως δ' ὁπότε παραδιδοίη, γελώμενος ὑπὸ τῶν παραλαμβανόντων, ὥστε καὶ οἱ συγχιλίαρχοι παιδιὰν ἐποιοῦντο αὐτόν: ὁπότε γὰρ αὐτὸς μέλλοι τὸ σημεῖον παρ' αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος κομίζειν, προύλεγόν τινα τῶν εἰωθότων φέρειν εἰς παιδιάν. 19.31. ἵνα δὲ γνωριμώτερον ᾖ, τί καὶ ὁ Σεβαστὸς περὶ ὅλου τοῦ πράγματος ἐφρόνησε, τὰ ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ αὐτοῦ διατάγματα προτεθέντα προσέθηκα, ἅπερ εἰ καὶ γνώριμα πᾶσιν εἶναι δοκεῖ, τότε καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἀνέγνω ὁ τιμιώτατός μοι βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας δικαιολογησάμενος περὶ τοῦ μὴ δεῖν αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεθῆναι τῆς τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ δωρεᾶς. 19.32. διὰ ταῦτα δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ θάρσος παρίστατο κοινωνούς τινας παραλαμβάνειν, ὡς οὐκ ἐπ' ὀλίγοις ὀργῇ χρώμενος. καὶ ἦν γὰρ Πομπήδιος συγκλητικὸς μέν, τὰς ἀρχὰς δὲ διεληλυθὼς σχεδὸν ἁπάσας, ̓Επικούρειος δ' ἄλλως καὶ δι' αὐτὸ ἀπράγμονος ἐπιτηδευτὴς βίου. 19.32. τέλος γοῦν ἀνηρέθισε σφόδρα ὁ Σίλας τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν θυμὸν κἀκεῖνος ὀργῇ πλέον ἢ λογισμῷ διδοὺς οὐ τῆς ἐπαρχίας μόνον μετέστησε τὸν Σίλαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρέδωκεν δεθησόμενον εἰς τὴν ἐκείνου πατρίδα πέμψας. 19.33. τοῦτον ἐνδείκνυσιν Τιμίδιος ἐχθρὸς ὢν ὡς λοιδορίᾳ χρησάμενον ἀπρεπεῖ κατὰ τοῦ Γαί̈ου μάρτυρα παραλαμβάνων Κυιντιλίαν γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς σκηνῆς ἐπιφανείᾳ τοῦ ὡραίου περισπούδαστον πολλοῖς τε οὖσαν καὶ τῷ Πομπηδίῳ. 19.33. πραὺ̈ς δ' ὁ τρόπος ̓Αγρίππᾳ καὶ πρὸς πάντας τὸ εὐεργετικὸν ὅμοιον. τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσιν ἦν φιλάνθρωπος κἀκείνοις ἐνδεικνύμενος τὸ φιλόδωρον τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις ἀναλόγως χρηστὸς καὶ συμπαθὴς μᾶλλον. 19.34. καὶ τῆς ἀνθρώπου, ψεῦδος γὰρ ἦν, δεινὸν ἡγουμένης μαρτυρίαν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τοῦ ἐραστοῦ παρασχεῖν, βασάνων ἔχρῃζεν ὁ Τιμίδιος, καὶ Γάιος παρωξυμμένος κελεύει τὸν Χαιρέαν μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' εὐθέως βασανίζειν τὴν Κυιντιλίαν, χρώμενος τῷ Χαιρέᾳ πρός τε τὰ φονικὰ καὶ ὁπόσα στρεβλώσεως δέοιτο ὑπὸ τοῦ νομίζειν ὠμότερον διακονήσεσθαι τὴν λοιδορίαν φεύγοντα τῆς μαλακίας. 19.34. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τούτων διατριβόντων ἔτι παρ' αὐτῷ Μάρσος ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἡγεμὼν παρεγένετο. πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους οὖν τιμητικὸν τηρῶν ὑπαντησόμενος αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως ἀπωτέρω σταδίους ἑπτὰ προῆλθεν ὁ βασιλεύς. 19.35. Κυιντιλία δ' ἐπὶ τὴν βάσανον ἀγομένη τῶν συνιστόρων τινὸς ἐπιβαίνει τῷ ποδὶ ἀποσημαίνουσα θαρσεῖν καὶ μὴ τὰς βασάνους αὐτῆς δεδιέναι: διοίσειν γὰρ μετ' ἀνδραγαθίας. βασανίζει δ' αὐτὴν ὠμῶς ὁ Χαιρέας, ἄκων μέν, κατ' ἀνάγκας δὲ τὰς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδοῦσαν ἦγεν εἰς τὴν ὄψιν τὴν Γαί̈ου διακειμένην οὐκ ἐν ἡδονῇ τοῖς θεωροῦσι. 19.35. συνεχεῖς δ' ἐφ' ἡμέρας πέντε τῷ τῆς γαστρὸς ἀλγήματι διεργασθεὶς τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν, ἀπὸ γενέσεως ἄγων πεντηκοστὸν ἔτος καὶ τέταρτον, τῆς βασιλείας δ' ἕβδομον. 19.36. καὶ ὁ Γάιος παθών τι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν τῆς Κυιντιλίας δεινῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλγηδόνων διακειμένης τοῦ τε ἐγκλήματος ἠφίει καὶ αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν Πομπήδιον, ἐκείνην δὲ καὶ χρημάτων δόσει τιμᾷ παραμυθίας ἐσομένων λώβης τε ἣν ἐλελώβητο εἰς τὴν εὐπρέπειαν τοῦ ἀφορήτου τῶν ἀλγηδόνων. 19.36. ̔Ο δὲ τοῦ τεθνεῶτος υἱὸς ̓Αγρίππας ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης ἦν ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ τρεφόμενος παρὰ Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι. 19.37. Ταῦτα δεινῶς ἠνίασεν τὸν Χαιρέαν ὡς αἴτιον ἀνθρώποις καὶ ὑπὸ Γαί̈ου παρηγορίας ἀξίοις ἐν αἰτίᾳ κακῶν τὸ ὅσον ἐπ' αὐτοῖς γεγενημένοις, φησίν τε πρὸς Κλήμεντά τε καὶ Παπίνιον, ὧν Κλήμης μὲν ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων, Παπίνιος δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν χιλιαρχῶν 19.38. “ἀλλ' ἐπὶ φυλακῇ γε, ὦ Κλήμης, τὰ πάντα τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἡμῖν πράσσειν οὐκ ἐλλέλειπται: τῶν γὰρ συνομωμοκότων αὐτοῦ κατὰ τῆς ἡγεμονίας προνοίᾳ καὶ πόνοις τοὺς μὲν ἀπεκτείναμεν, τοὺς δὲ ἐστρεβλώσαμεν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, ὡς ἐλεεινοὺς κἀκείνῳ γενέσθαι, μετὰ πόσης τε ἀρετῆς ἡμῖν ἐξάγεται τῶν στρατιῶν;” 19.39. σιγήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Κλήμεντος καὶ τὸ μὲν αἰσχύνῃ φέρειν τὰ προστασσόμενα καὶ τῷ βλέμματι καὶ τῷ ἐρυθήματι παριστάντος, λόγῳ δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν μανίαν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος προσκαλεῖν ἄδικον ἡγουμένου προνοίᾳ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς 19.41. τοῖς δὲ τἀληθὲς ἐξετάζειν πειρωμένοις ἐγώ τε, ὦ Κλήμης, καὶ οὑτοσὶ ὁ Παπίνιος καὶ πρὸ ἡμῶν σύ, ταύτας ̔Ρωμαίοις τε καὶ τῷ παντὶ ἀνθρωπείῳ τὰς στρέβλας προσφερόμενοι, οὐκ ἐπιτάγμασιν τοῖς Γαί̈ου διακονούμενοι, γνώμῃ δὲ τῇ αὐτῶν 19.42. εἰ παρὸν παῦσαι τοσαύτῃ ἤδη χρώμενον ὕβρει εἴς τε τοὺς πολίτας καὶ τοὺς ὑπηκόους διακονούμεθα, δορυφόροι καὶ δήμιοι καθεστηκότες ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ταυτὶ φέροντες οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας οὐδ' ἀρχῆς τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τοῦ δουλουμένου τά τε σώματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ φρονήματα, μιαινόμενοι τῷ καθ' ἡμέραν αἵματι σφαγῆς καὶ βασάνου τῆς ἐκείνων, μέχρι δή τις καὶ καθ' ἡμῶν διακονήσεται τοιαῦτα Γαί̈ῳ. 19.43. οὐ γὰρ εὐνοίᾳ γε πολιτεύσει διὰ τάδε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, δι' ὑφοράσεως δὲ μᾶλλον καὶ ἄλλως τοῦ πολλοῦ τῶν ἀπολλυμένων ἀποδεδωκότος: οὐ γὰρ δὴ στήσεταί ποτε Γαί̈ῳ τὰ τῆς ὀργῆς διὰ τὸ μὴ δίκην ἀλλ' ἡδονὴν πέρας αὐτῆς τυγχάνειν: σκοποὶ δὲ προσκεισόμεθα καὐτοί, δέον καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν τὸ ἀνεπιβούλευτόν τε καὶ ἐλεύθερον βεβαιοῦν καὶ ἡμῖν κινδύνων ἀπαλλαγὰς ψηφίσασθαι. 19.44. Κλήμης δὲ τὴν μὲν διάνοιαν τὴν Χαιρέου φανερὸς ἦν ἐπαινῶν, σιγᾶν δ' ἐκέλευε, μὴ καὶ φοιτῶντος εἰς πλείονας τοῦ λόγου καὶ διαχεομένων ὁπόσα κρύπτεσθαι καλῶς ἔχοι πρὶν τυχεῖν πράξαντας ἐκπύστου τοῦ ἐπιβουλεύματος γενομένου κολασθεῖεν, χρόνῳ δὲ τῷ αὖθις καὶ τῇ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ ἐλπίδι παραδιδόναι τὰ πάντα ὡς παραγενησομένης τινὸς αὐτοῖς ἐπικουρίας τυχαίου: 19.45. “αὐτὸν μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ γήρως ἀφῃρῆσθαι τὴν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε τόλμαν, τῶν μέντοι γε ὑπὸ σοῦ, Χαιρέα, συντεθέντων τε καὶ ῥηθέντων ἀσφαλέστερα μὲν ἴσως ἂν ὑποθοίμην, εὐπρεπέστερα δὲ πῶς ἄν τις καὶ δύναιτο;” 19.46. καὶ Κλήμης μὲν ὡς αὑτὸν ἀναλύει διὰ λογισμῶν τῶν τε ἀκροαθέντων καὶ ὁπόσων αὐτὸς εἰρήκει περιφερόμενος. Χαιρέας δὲ δείσας ὡς Κορνήλιον Σαβῖνον ἠπείγετο καὶ αὐτὸν μὲν χιλίαρχον ὄντα, ἀξιόλογον δ' ἄλλως ἐξεπιστάμενος αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦ ἐλευθέρου ἐραστὴν καὶ δι' αὐτὸ τῇ καταστάσει τῶν πραγμάτων πολεμίως διακείμενον 19.47. χρῄζων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἔχεσθαι τῶν ἐγνωσμένων τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καλὰ νομίσας εἶναι προσθέσθαι καὶ δέει, μὴ ὑπὸ Κλήμεντος ἐκφοίτησις γένοιτο αὐτῶν, ἄλλως τε τὰς μελλήσεις καὶ τῶν καιρῶν τὰς ὑπερβολὰς πρὸς τῶν ὑπερβαλλομένων τιθέμενος. 19.48. ̓Επεὶ δὲ ἀσμένῳ καὶ τῷ Σαβίνῳ τὰ πάντα ἦν, ἅτε καὶ αὐτῷ γνώμης μὲν οὐχ ὑστεροῦντι τῆς ἴσης, ἀπορίᾳ δὲ πρὸς ὅντινα εἰπὼν ἀσφαλὴς εἴη τὰ πρὸς ἐκείνους σιγῇ παραδιδόντος, ἐπεί τε ἀνδρὸς ηὐπόρητο οὐ μόνον στέγειν ὧν πύθοιτο προσθησομένου, ἀλλὰ καὶ γνώμην φανεροῦντος τὴν αὐτοῦ, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἦρτο, καὶ μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Χαιρέου. 19.49. τρέπονταί τε ὡς Μινουκιανόν, αὐτοῖς μὲν ἐπιτηδεύσει ἀρετῆς καὶ τῷ ὁμοζήλῳ τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος συγγενῆ, Γαί̈ῳ δ' ὕποπτον τῆς Λεπίδου τελευτῆς, πάνυ γὰρ δὴ φίλοι ἐγένοντο Μινουκιανός τε καὶ Λέπιδος, καὶ δείματι κινδύνων τῶν καθ' αὑτόν. 19.51. φανεροί τε ἀλλήλοις ἦσαν τῆς ἐπὶ πράγμασιν ἀχθηδόνος, διασαφεῖν μὲν ἀλλήλοις ἄντικρυς τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ μῖσος τὸ πρὸς Γάιον φόβῳ τε κινδύνων ἀφέμενοι ἄλλως τε αἰσθανόμενοι τοῦ ἀλλήλων μίσους πρὸς τὸν Γάιον καὶ δι' αὐτὸ εὐνοίᾳ χρῆσθαι τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους μὴ ἀπηλλαγμένοι. 19.52. Γενομένων δ' αὐτοῖς ἀξιώσεων ἐπείπερ συνέβαλον, εἰωθότες καὶ πρότερον ὁπότε συνέλθοιεν τίμιον ἡγεῖσθαι τὸν Μινουκιανὸν ὑπεροχῇ τε ἀξιώματος, γενναιότατος γὰρ ἦν τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ τῷ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐπαινουμένῳ 19.53. μᾶλλον ὡς ἅπτοιτό τινος λόγου φθάσαι κἀκεῖνος εἴ ποτε Χαιρέαν, ὅ τι καὶ παραλάβοι σημεῖον τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης: ἀοίδιμος γὰρ διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἦν ἡ εἰς τὸν Χαιρέαν διὰ τῶν σημείων τῆς δόσεως πρασσομένη ὕβρις. 19.54. ὁ δὲ χάρματι τοῦ λόγου μηδὲν μελλήσας ἠμείβετο τοῦ Μινουκιανοῦ τὸ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε πιστεῦσαν ὁμιλίᾳ χρήσασθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, καί “σύ μοι δίδως, εἶπεν, σημεῖον ἐλευθερίας, χάρις δέ σοι τοῦ ἀνεγείραντός με μειζόνως ἤπερ εἴωθα ἐμαυτὸν ὁρμᾶν 19.55. οὐδέν μοι χρεία πλειόνων ἔτι λόγων, οἵ με θαρσοῖεν, εἰ δὴ καὶ σοὶ ταῦτα δοκεῖ, γνώμης τε τῆς αὐτῆς κοινωνοὶ καὶ πρότερον ἢ συνελθεῖν γεγόναμεν. καὶ ἓν μὲν ὑπέζωμαι ξίφος, ἀμφοῖν δ' ἂν ἀρκέσειεν. 19.56. ὥστε ἴθι καὶ ἔργων ἐχώμεθα, ἡγεμών τ' ἴσθι, ᾗ βούλοιο αὐτὸς κελεύων με χωρεῖν, ᾗ καὶ προσοίσομαι, ἐπικουρίᾳ τῇ σῇ συμπράσσοντος τε πίσυνος. οὐδὲ ἀπορία σιδήρου τοῖς τὴν ψυχὴν εἰς τὰ ἔργα προσφερομένοις, δι' ἣν καὶ ὁ σίδηρος δραστήριος εἴωθεν εἶναι. 19.57. ὥρμηκά τε εἰς τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐχ ὧν ἂν αὐτὸς πάθοιμι ἐλπίδι περιφερόμενος: οὐ γὰρ σχολὴ κινδύνους μοι κατανοεῖν τοὺς ἐμαυτοῦ δουλώσει τε πατρίδος ἐλευθερωτάτης ἐπαλγοῦντι τῶν νόμων τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀφῃρημένης τούς τε πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὀλέθρου διὰ Γάιον κατειληφότος. 19.58. ἄξιος δ' ἂν εἴην παρὰ σοὶ δικαστῇ πίστεως ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τυγχάνειν ὑπὸ τοῦ ὅμοια φρονεῖν αὐτοῖς καὶ σὲ μὴ ἀπηλλάχθαι.” 19.59. Μινουκιανὸς δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν λόγων θεασάμενος ἠσπάζετό τε ἀσμένως καὶ προσπαρίστατο τὴν τόλμαν αὐτοῦ ἐπαινέσας τε καὶ ἀσπασάμενος μετ' εὐχῶν καὶ ἱκετείας ἀπελύοντο. 19.61. καὶ τὸν Χαιρέαν τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπιδέσθαι, μὴ καί τινος τῶν συνωμοτῶν προδότου γεγονότος ἁλίσκοιτο, καὶ τέλος συνέντα ἐπὶ προτροπῇ φέρειν πρῶτον εἴτε παραινέσει τῶν συνεγνωκότων ἀντισημαίνοντός τινος, εἴτε δὴ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ, ὃς ἐφορᾷ τὰ ἀνθρώπινα, αἴροντος αὐτόν. 19.62. διεληλύθει δὲ διὰ πολλῶν τὸ ἐπιβούλευμα καὶ πάντες ἐν ὅπλοις παρῆσαν, οἱ μὲν τῶν βουλευτῶν ὄντες οἱ δὲ ἱππεῖς καὶ ὁπόσοι τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ συνῄδεσαν: οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἦν, ὃς μὴ ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ ἂν ἠρίθμει τὴν Γαί̈ου μετάστασιν: 19.63. καὶ δι' αὐτὸ πάντες ἠπείγοντο ὁποίῳ δύναιτό τις τρόπῳ μηδὲ ἑκὼν εἶναι τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀρετῆς ὑστερεῖν, ἀλλ' ὡς ἔχοι προθυμίας ἢ δυνάμεως καὶ λόγοις καὶ δι' ἔργων ἦρτο ἐπὶ τῇ τυραννοκτονίᾳ 19.64. ἐπεὶ καὶ Κάλλιστος, ἀπελεύθερος δ' ἦν Γαί̈ου πλεῖστά τε ἀνὴρ εἷς οὗτος ἐπὶ μέγιστον δυνάμεως ἀφίκετο καὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἰσοτύραννον εἶχε τὴν δύναμιν φόβῳ τε τῶν πάντων καὶ μεγέθει χρημάτων, ἅπερ ἐγένετο αὐτῷ: 19.65. δωροδοκώτατος γὰρ ἦν καὶ ὑβριστότατος παρ' ὁντινοῦν γίνεται, ἐξουσίᾳ χρησάμενος παρὰ τὸ εἰκός: καὶ ἄλλως τε τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὴν φύσιν ἐξεπιστάμενος ἀνήκεστον οὖσαν καὶ ἐφ' οἷστισι κρίνειεν οὐδαμῶς ἀντισπάσματι χρωμένην, αὐτῷ τε πολλὰς μὲν καὶ ἄλλας αἰτίας τοῦ κινδυνεύειν, οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν χρημάτων: 19.66. ὥστε δὴ καὶ Κλαύδιον ἐθεράπευε κρυπτῶς μετακαθίζων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλπίδι τοῦ κἂν εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἥξειν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Γαί̈ου μεταστάντος, αὐτῷ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τῆς τιμῆς τὴν ἐφ' ὁμοίοις ἰσχὺν προκαταθέμενος χάριν καὶ φιλανθρωπίας λόγον. 19.67. ἐτόλμησεν γοῦν εἰπεῖν, ὡς κελευσθεὶς διαχρήσασθαι φαρμάκῳ τὸν Κλαύδιον μυρίας εὕροιτο τοῦ χρήματος τὰς ὑπερβολάς. 19.68. δοκεῖν δὲ προσεποιεῖτο Κάλλιστος ἐπὶ θήρᾳ τῇ Κλαυδίου τὸν λόγον τοῦτον, ἔπειτα οὔτε Γάιος ὡρμηκὼς μεταχειρίσασθαι Κλαύδιον ἠνείχετο τῶν Καλλίστου προφάσεων οὔτε Κάλλιστος κελευσθείς που τὴν πρᾶξιν εὐκτὸν ὑπελάμβανεν ἢ κακουργῶν εἰς τοῦ δεσπότου τὰς ἐπιστολὰς οὐκ ἂν ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα τὸν μισθὸν ἐκομίζετο. 19.69. ἀλλὰ δὴ Κλαυδίῳ μὲν ἔκ τινος θείας δυνάμεως χρήσασθαι μανιῶν τῶν Γαί̈ου, Κάλλιστος προσποιήσασθαι χάριτος κατάθεσιν μηδαμῶς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γενομένης. 19.71. καὶ γὰρ εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἀνιόντα καὶ τὰς θυσίας ὑπὲρ τῆς θυγατρὸς ἐπιτελουμένας ὑπὸ τοῦ Γαί̈ου παρῆν πολλάκις καιρός, καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἱστάμενον καὶ τῷ δήμῳ χρυσίου καὶ ἀργυρίου χρήματα διαρριπτοῦντα ὦσαι κατὰ κεφαλῆς, ὑψηλὸν δ' ἐστὶ τὸ τέγος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν φέρον, ἐπί τε τῶν μυστηρίων ταῖς ποιήσεσιν ἃ συνίστατο: 19.72. πάντων γὰρ αὐτὸν ἀπερίοπτον εἶναι προνοίᾳ τοῦ ἐν αὐτοῖς εὐπρεπῶς ἀναστραφησομένου καὶ ἀπογνώσει τοῦ ἐν ἐπιχειρήσει τινὶ γενέσθαι πιστεύοντα εἰ δὲ μηδὲν τίμιον ὡς τῶν θεῶν αὐτῷ δύναμιν τοῦ θανάτου παρατυγχάνειν 19.73. αὐτῷ δ' ἂν ἰσχὺν ἐγγενέσθαι καὶ μὴ σιδηροφορουμένῳ διαχρήσασθαι τότε Γάιον. οὕτως εὐχῆς εἶχε τοὺς συνωμότας ὁ Χαιρέας δεδιὼς τοὺς καιροὺς μὴ διαρρυεῖεν. 19.74. οἱ δὲ ἑώρων μὲν νομίμων τε χρῄζοντα καὶ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς τοῖς αὐτῶν ἐπειγόμενον, οὐ μὴν ἀλλ' ἠξίουν εἰς ὀλίγον γοῦν ὑπερβολῇ χρήσασθαι, μὴ καί πῃ σφάλματος τῇ ἐπιχειρήσει συνελθόντος ταράξαιεν τὴν πόλιν ζητήσεων τῶν συνεγνωκότων τὴν πρᾶξιν γινομένων καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς μελλήσουσιν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἄπορον τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν φραξαμένου Γαί̈ου πρὸς αὐτοὺς μειζόνως. 19.75. καλῶς οὖν ἔχειν θεωριῶν ἐν τῷ Παλατίῳ ἐπιτελουμένων ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ χρήματος: ἄγονται δὲ ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ πρώτου μεταστησαμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ δήμου Καίσαρος εἰς αὐτὸν μικρόν τε πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου καλύβης πηκτοῦ γενομένης, καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων τε οἱ εὐπατρίδαι θεωροῦσιν ὁμοῦ παισὶν καὶ γυναιξὶν καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ: 19.76. ῥᾳστώνην τε αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθαι πολλῶν μυριάδων ἀνθρώπων εἰς ὀλίγον χωρίον καθειργνυμένων ὥστε εἰσιόντι τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ποιήσασθαι δυνάμεως τοῖς ὑπασπισταῖς, εἰ καί τινες προθυμοῖντο, μὴ παρατευξομένης αὐτῷ βοηθεῖν. 19.77. Εἴχετο δὲ Χαιρέας, καὶ τῶν θεωριῶν ἐπελθουσῶν τῇ πρώτῃ δεδογμένον ἅπτεσθαι τῆς πράξεως ἰσχυρότερον ἦν τοῦ κατ' ἐκείνους προβεβουλευκότος τὸ τῆς τύχης συγχωροῦν ὑπερβολάς, καὶ τὰς τρεῖς ὑπερβαλλομένου ταῖς νομίμοις ἡμέραις μόλις κατὰ τὴν τελευταίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπράχθη τὸ ἔργον. 19.78. Χαιρέας δὲ συγκαλέσας τοὺς συνωμότας “πολὺς μέν, εἶπεν, καὶ ὁ παρεληλυθὼς χρόνος ὀνειδίσαι τὸ ἐπιμέλλον ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς οὕτω βουλευθεῖσιν μετ' ἀρετῆς, δεινὸν δέ, εἰ καὶ μηνύματος γενομένου διαπεσεῖται ἡ πρᾶξις καὶ Γάιος ὑβριεῖ μειζόνως. 19.79. ἢ οὐχ ὁρῶμεν, ὡς τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀφαιροῦμεν ὁπόσας τῶν ἡμερῶν προσθήκην τῇ Γαί̈ου τυραννίδι χαριζόμεθα, δέον αὐτούς τ' ἀδεεῖς τὸ λοιπὸν εἶναι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις αἰτίαν τοῦ εὐδαίμονος παρασχόντας δι' αἰῶνος τοῦ ἅπαντος τοῖς αὖθις ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ καὶ τιμῇ καταστῆναι;” 19.81. ἐπὶ γὰρ ̓Αλεξανδρείας παρεσκεύαστο πλεῖν κατὰ θεωρίαν τῆς Αἰγύπτου. “καλὸν δὲ ἡμῖν προέσθαι τῶν χειρῶν τὸ ὄνειδος τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων μεγαλαυχίᾳ πομπεῦσον διά τε γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης. 19.82. πῶς δ' οὐκ ἂν δικαίως κρίνοιμεν αὐτοὺς αἰσχύνῃ τῶν γενησομένων, εἴ τις αὐτὸν Αἰγύπτιος κτείνειεν τὴν ὕβριν οὐχ ἡγησάμενος ἀνασχετὸν τοῖς ἐλευθέροις γεγονόσιν; 19.83. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὐκέτι εἰς πλείονα ἀνέξομαι τὰς σκήψεις ὑμῶν, χωρήσω δὲ τοῖς κινδύνοις ὁμοῦ σήμερον ἡδονῇ φέρων πᾶν ὅ τι καὶ γένοιτο ἐξ αὐτῶν, οὐδ' ἂν ὑπερβαλλοίμην εἴπερ εἴη: τί γὰρ δὴ καὶ γένοιτ' ἂν ἀνδρὶ φρόνημα ἔχοντι τούτου σχετλιώτερον, ἕτερον Γάιον ἀναιρεῖν ἐμοῦ ζῶντος ἐμὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τῷδε ἀρετὴν ἀφῃρημένον;” 19.84. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἰπὼν αὐτός τε ὡρμήκει πράξων τὸ ἔργον καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς ἐνεποίησε θάρσος πᾶσίν τε ἦν ἔρως ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ ἐγχειρήματος μηδὲν ὑπερβαλλομένοις 19.85. ἕωθέν τε ἐπὶ τοῦ Παλατίου εἰώθει τὸ ξίφος ὑπεζωσμένος τῶν ἱππικῶν: ἔθος γὰρ δὴ τοῖς χιλιάρχοις τοῦτο ἐζωσμένοις αἰτεῖν παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὸ σημεῖον, ἦν τε ἡ ἡμέρα καθήκουσα εἰς αὐτὸν τῆς παραλήψεως τοῦ σημείου. 19.86. ἄρτι τε συνῄει πληθὺς εἰς τὸ Παλάτιον ἐπὶ προκαταλήψει θέας πολλῷ θορύβῳ καὶ ὠθισμῷ, χαρᾷ φέροντος Γαί̈ου τὴν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε τῶν πολλῶν σπουδήν, παρὸ καὶ διακέκριτο οὐδὲν οὔτε τῇ συγκλήτῳ χωρίον οὔτε τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν, φύρδην δὲ ἕζοντο καὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὁμοῦ αἱ γυναῖκες καὶ τῷ δούλῳ ἀναμεμιγμένον τὸ ἐλεύθερον. 19.87. Γάιος δὲ προόδων αὐτῷ γενομένων ἔθυσε τῷ Σεβαστῷ Καίσαρι, ᾧ δὴ καὶ τὰ τῆς θεωρίας ἤγετο, καὶ πίπτοντος τῶν ἱερείων τινὸς συνέβη αἵματι τὴν ̓Ασπρήνα στολὴν ἑνὸς τῶν συγκλητικῶν ἀνάπλεων γενέσθαι. τοῦτο Γαί̈ῳ γέλωτα μὲν παρέσχεν, ἦν δ' ἄρα εἰς οἰωνὸν τῷ ̓Ασπρήνᾳ φανερόν: ἐπικατασφάζεται γὰρ τῷ Γαί̈ῳ. 19.88. Γάιον δ' ἱστορεῖται παρὰ φύσιν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ εὐπροσηγορώτατον γενέσθαι κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ δεξιότητι χρώμενον ὁμιλίας πάνθ' ὁντινοῦν ἐκπλῆξαι τῶν παρατυγχανόντων. 19.89. μετὰ δὲ τὴν θυσίαν ἐπὶ τὴν θεωρίαν τραπεὶς ἐκαθέζετο καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν τῶν ἑταίρων οἱ ἀξιολογώτατοι. 19.91. συγκαθημένης δὲ τῆς πληθύος καὶ τοῦ Χαιρέου σὺν τοῖς χιλιάρχοις οὐκ ἄπωθεν τοῦ Γαί̈ου, δεξιὸν δὲ τοῦ θεάτρου κέρας ὁ Καῖσαρ εἶχεν, Βαθύβιός τις τῶν συγκλητικῶν ἀνὴρ ἐστρατηγηκὼς ἤρετο Κλούιον παρακαθεζόμενον αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦτον ὑπατικόν, εἰ δή τις αὐτῷ νεωτέρων πραγμάτων πέρι ἀφίκοιτο πύστις, προμηθὴς γενόμενος τοῦ μὴ ἐξάκουστος εἶναι τάδε λέγων. 19.92. τοῦ δὲ φαμένου μηδὲν πεπύσθαι σημεῖον “τοιγαροῦν, ὦ Κλούιε, τυραννοκτονίας ἀγὼν πρόκειται.” καὶ ὁ Κλούιος “ὦ γενναῖε, φησίν, σίγα, μή τις τ' ἄλλος ̓Αχαιῶν μῦθον ἀκούσῃ.” 19.93. πολλῆς δ' ὀπώρας ἐπιχεομένης τοῖς θεωροῖς καὶ πολλῶν ὀρνέων ὁπόσα τῷ σπανίῳ τίμια τοῖς κτωμένοις, ὁ Γάιος ἡδονῇ τὰς περὶ αὐτοῖς ἐθεώρει μάχας καὶ διαρπαγὰς οἰκειουμένων αὐτὰ τῶν θεωρῶν. 19.94. ἔνθα δὲ καὶ σημεῖα μανθάνει δύο γενέσθαι: καὶ γὰρ μῖμος εἰσάγεται, καθ' ὃν σταυροῦται ληφθεὶς ἡγεμών, ὅ τε ὀρχηστὴς δρᾶμα εἰσάγει Κινύραν, ἐν ᾧ αὐτός τε ἐκτείνετο καὶ ἡ θυγάτηρ Μύρρα, αἷμά τε ἦν τεχνητὸν πολὺ καὶ περὶ τὸν σταυρωθέντα ἐκκεχυμένον καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Κινύραν. 19.95. ὁμολογεῖται δὲ καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην γενέσθαι, ἐν ᾗ Φίλιππον τὸν ̓Αμύντου Μακεδόνων βασιλέα κτείνει Παυσανίας εἷς τῶν ἑταίρων εἰς τὸ θέατρον εἰσιόντα. 19.96. Γαί̈ου δ' ἐνδοιάζοντος, εἴτε παραμείνειεν εἰς τέλος τῇ θεωρίᾳ διὰ τὸ τελευταίαν εἶναι τὴν ἡμέραν εἴτε λουτρῷ χρησάμενος καὶ σίτῳ εἶτα ἐπανίοι καθὰ καὶ οἱ πρότερον, Μινουκιανὸς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Γαί̈ου καθεζόμενος καὶ δεδιώς, μὴ διαλυθείη τὰ τῶν καιρῶν εἰς κενόν, ἐξαναστὰς ἐπειδὴ καὶ Χαιρέαν ἑώρα προεξεληλυθότα, ἠπείγετο θαρσύνειν αὐτὸν προελθών. 19.97. λαμβάνεται δ' αὐτοῦ τῆς στολῆς Γάιος κατὰ φιλοφροσύνην δῆθεν καί “ποῖ δή, φησίν, ὦ μακάριε;” καὶ ὁ μὲν αἰδοῖ δοκεῖν τοῦ Καίσαρος καθίζει, κρείσσων δ' ὁ φόβος ἦν ὀλίγον τε διαλιπὼν εἶτα διανίσταται. 19.98. καὶ ὁ Γάιος οὐδὲν ἐμποδὼν ἦν ἐξιόντι δοκῶν ἐπί τινι τῶν ἀναγκαίων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔξοδον. ̓Αμβρώνας δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς παρῄνει τῷ Γαί̈ῳ καθὸ πρότερον ὑπεξελθόντι πρός τε λουτρῷ καὶ ἀρίστῳ γενέσθαι καὶ ἔπειτα δὲ εἰσελθεῖν, χρῄζων ἐπὶ πέρας ἀχθῆναι τὰ ἐγνωσμένα. 19.99. Καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Χαιρέαν ἔτασσον μὲν ἀλλήλους ᾗ καιρός τε καὶ ἐχρῆν ἕκαστον στάντα ᾗ προσταχθείη μὴ ἀπολιμπάνεσθαι ἐπιπονοῦντες. ἤχθοντο δὲ τῇ διατριβῇ καὶ τῷ μέλλεσθαι τὰ ἐν χερσίν, ἐπεὶ καὶ περὶ ἐνάτην ὥραν ἤδη τὰ τῆς ἡμέρας ἦν. 19.101. καὶ δὴ τετραμμένων εἰς τὸ θέατρον εἰσόδῳ σημαίνεται Γάιος ἐξαναστὰς καὶ θόρυβος ἦν, ἀνέστρεφον δὲ καὶ οἱ συνωμόται καὶ ἀνεωθοῦντο τὴν πληθύν, λόγῳ μὲν διὰ τὸ δυσχεραίνειν τὸν Γάιον, ἔργῳ δὲ ἐπ' ἀδείας βουλόμενοι ἐν ἐρημίᾳ τῶν ἀμυνουμένων καταστήσαντες αὐτὸν ἅπτεσθαι τῆς σφαγῆς. 19.102. προεξῄεσαν δὲ Κλαύδιος μὲν ὁ πάτρως αὐτοῦ καὶ Μᾶρκος Βινίκιος ὁ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἀνὴρ ἔτι δὲ Οὐαλέριος ̓Ασιατικός, οὓς οὐδὲ βουλομένοις διακλεῖσαι δύναμις ἦν αἰδοῖ τῆς ἀξιώσεως, εἵπετο δ' αὐτὸς σὺν Παύλῳ ̓Αρουντίῳ. 19.103. ἐπεὶ δ' ἐντὸς ἦν τοῦ βασιλείου, τὰς μὲν ἐπ' εὐθείας ὁδοὺς λείπει, καθ' ἃς διεστήκεσαν τῶν δούλων οἱ θεραπεύοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προῄεσαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Κλαύδιον: 19.104. τρέπεται δὲ κατὰ στενωπὸν ἠρεμηκότα καὶ ἐπὶ τόπον πρὸς λουτροῖς γενησόμενος ἅμα καὶ παῖδας οἳ ἥκεσαν ἐκ τῆς ̓Ασίας κατανοήσων, πομπῆς αὐτῶν ἐκεῖθεν γενομένης ἐπὶ ὕμνοις μυστηρίων ἃ ἐπετέλει, ἔνιοι δὲ κατὰ πυρριχισμούς, οἳ ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ἔσοιντο. 19.105. ὑπαντιάζει δ' αὐτὸν Χαιρέας καὶ ᾔτησεν σημεῖον. τοῦ δὲ τῶν εἰς χλεύην ἀνακειμένων εἰπόντος οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσας λοιδορίαις τε ἐχρᾶτο κατὰ τοῦ Γαί̈ου καὶ σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἐπάγει πληγὴν σφοδράν: οὐ μήν γε ἦν καίριος. 19.106. καίτοι γέ φασίν τινες προνοίᾳ τοῦ Χαιρέου γενέσθαι τοῦ μὴ μιᾷ πληγῇ διεργάσασθαι τὸν Γάιον, ἀλλὰ τιμωρεῖσθαι μειζόνως πλήθει τραυμάτων. 19.107. οὐ μὴν ἐμοὶ πιθανὸς οὗτος ὁ λόγος διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπιχωρεῖν ἐν ταῖσδε ταῖς πράξεσιν λογισμῷ χρῆσθαι τὸν φόβον, Χαιρέαν δέ, εἴπερ οὕτως ἐφρόνει, πάντων ἥγημαι μωρίᾳ διαφέρειν ἡδονὴν τῇ ὀργῇ χαριζόμενον μᾶλλον ἢ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἀπαλλαγὴν αὑτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς συνωμόταις κινδύνων χαριζόμενον, διὰ τὸ πολλὰς ἂν μηχανὰς ἔτι γενέσθαι βοηθειῶν Γαί̈ῳ μὴ φθάντι τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφεῖναι κἀνταῦθα Χαιρέᾳ λόγον ἂν γενέσθαι οὐ περὶ τῆς Γαί̈ου τιμωρίας, ἀλλὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων 19.108. ὅπου γε καὶ πράξαντι καλῶς ἂν εἶχε σιγῇ χρωμένῳ διαδιδράσκειν τὰς ὀργὰς τῶν ἀμυνομένων, οὐχ ὅπως ἄδηλον εἰ τύχοι κατορθῶν ἐπ' ἀλόγοις χρῄζειν αὐτόν τε ἀπολέσαι καὶ τὸν καιρόν. καὶ τάδε μὲν εἰκάζειν παρέστω τοῖς βουλομένοις ᾗ καὶ θέλοιεν. 19.109. ὁ δὲ Γάιος ἀλγηδόνι τῆς πληγῆς περιφερόμενος, μεσσηγὺς γὰρ τοῦ τε ὤμου καὶ τοῦ τραχήλου φερόμενον τὸ ξίφος ἐπέσχεν ἡ κλεὶς προσωτέρω χωρεῖν, οὔτε ἀνεβόησεν ὑπ' ἐκπλήξεως οὔτε ἐπεκαλέσατό τινας τῶν φίλων εἴτε ἀπιστίᾳ εἴτε καὶ ἄλλως ἀφρονήσει, στόνῳ δὲ χρησάμενος πρὸς τῆς ἀλγηδόνος τὸ περιὸν εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν ἵετο φυγῇ. 19.111. ἀναθείη δ' ἄν τις τὴν πρᾶξιν Χαιρέᾳ: καὶ γὰρ εἰ σὺν πολλοῖς ἐπράχθη τὸ ἔργον αὐτῷ, ἀλλ' οὖν πρῶτός τε ἐνεθυμήθη εἶναι μέντοι αὐτῷ ὃς προλαβὼν πολὺ τῶν ἁπάντων 19.112. καὶ πρῶτος μὲν τολμηρῶς ἐξεῖπεν τοῖς λοιποῖς, δεχομένων δὲ τὸν ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ λόγον σποράδας τε ἤθροισεν καὶ τὰ πάντα φρονίμως συγκροτήσας ἔνθα γνωμῶν εἰσηγήσεως ἐχρῆν πολὺ κρείσσων ἐγίγνετο καὶ λόγοις καθωμίλησεν χρηστοῖς ὡς οὐ τολμῶντας ἠνάγκασέν τε τοὺς ἅπαντας 19.113. ἐπεί τε καιρὸς ἐλάμβανεν χειρὶ χρήσασθαι, φαίνεται κἀνταῦθα πρῶτός τε ὁρμήσας καὶ ἁψάμενος ἀρετῇ τοῦ φόνου καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις εὐεπίβατον παρασχὼν καὶ προτεθνεῶτα Γάιον, ὥστ' ἂν δικαίως καὶ ὁπόσα τοῖς λοιποῖς εἴη πεπραγμένα τῇ Χαιρέου γνώμῃ τε καὶ ἀρετῇ προστίθεσθαι καὶ πόνῳ τῶν χειρῶν. 19.114. Καὶ Γάιος μὲν τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ χρησάμενος τῆς τελευτῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῶν τραυμάτων ἀποψυχθεὶς ἔκειτο. 19.115. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Χαιρέαν ἐπειδὴ κατείργαστο αὐτοῖς ἤδη Γάιος, ὁδοὺς μὲν τὰς αὐτὰς ἰόντες σώζειν αὑτοὺς ἀμήχανον ἑώρων, ὄκνῳ τε τῶν γεγονότων, οὐ γὰρ μικρὸν ἦν τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἀνῃρηκόσι τὸ κινδύνευμα ὑπό τε ἀνοίας τοῦ δήμου τιμώμενον καὶ ὄντα προσφιλῆ καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν μὴ ἀναιμωτὶ ποιησομένων τὴν ζήτησιν αὐτοῦ 19.116. ἄλλως τε στενῶν οὐσῶν τῶν ὁδῶν, καθ' ἃς ἔπραξαν τὸ ἔργον, καὶ μεγάλου πλήθους ἐμφράξαντος αὐτὰς τῆς τε θεραπείας καὶ ὁπόσοι τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἐκείνην παρῆσαν τὴν ἡμέραν 19.117. ὁδούς τε ἑτέρας χωροῦντες παρῆσαν εἰς τὴν Γερμανικοῦ μὲν οἰκίαν τοῦ Γαί̈ου πατρός, ὃν τότε ἀνῃρήκεσαν, συνημμένη δὲ ἐκείνη, διὰ τὸ ἓν τὸ βασίλειον ὂν ἐπ' οἰκοδομίαις ἑκάστου τῶν ἐν τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ γεγονότων ἀσκηθὲν ἀπὸ μέρους ὀνόματι τῶν οἰκοδομηθησομένων ἢ καί τι τῶν ἡμερῶν οἰκήσεις ἀρξάντων τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν παρασχέσθαι. 19.118. καὶ διεκπεσόμενοι ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους τὴν ἔφοδον ἐν ἀδείᾳ τὸ παρὸν ἦσαν λανθάνοντος ἀκμὴν κακοῦ τοῦ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα παρειληφότος. 19.119. πρώτους δὲ εἰς τοὺς Γερμανοὺς ἡ αἴσθησις ἀφίκετο τῆς Γαί̈ου τελευτῆς. δορυφόροι δ' ἦσαν οὗτοι ὁμώνυμοι τῷ ἔθνει ἀφ' οὗ κατειλέχατο Κελτικοῦ τάγμα παρεχόμενοι τὸ αὐτῶν. 19.121. οὗτοι οὖν πυθόμενοι τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὴν σφαγὴν καὶ περιαλγήσαντες διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀρετῇ κρίνειν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅλοις, ἀλλὰ συμφέροντι τῷ αὐτῶν, μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοῖς προσφιλὴς ἦν Γάιος δόσεσι χρημάτων τὸ εὔνουν αὑτῷ κτώμενος 19.122. σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη, προειστήκει δ' αὐτῶν Σαβῖνος χιλιαρχῶν οὐ δι' ἀρετὴν καὶ γενναιότητα προγόνων, μονομάχος γὰρ ἦν, ἰσχύι δὲ σώματος τὴν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις κτησάμενος ἄθροισιν ἀρετήν, διεξῄεσαν τῆς οἰκίας ἀνερευνώμενοι τοὺς σφαγέας τοῦ Καίσαρος. 19.123. ̓Ασπρήναν τε κρεουργήσασιν αὐτοῖς διὰ τὸ πρώτῳ περιπεσεῖν, οὗ τὴν στολὴν μιᾶναν τὸ αἷμα τῶν θυμάτων, ὥς μοι λέλεκται πρότερον, οὐκ ἐπ' ἀγαθῷ τὴν συντυχίαν ἀπεσήμαινε τοῦ γεγονότος δεύτερος, Νωρβανὸς ὑπηντίαζεν ἐν τοῖς γενναιοτάτοις τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτοκράτορας παρεχόμενος τῶν προπατόρων. 19.124. καὶ μηδὲν αἰδουμένων αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀξίωσιν ἰσχύι προύχων ἀφαιρεῖται τὸ ξίφος τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν ἐπιόντων συμπλακεὶς φανερός τε ἦν οὐκ ἀπραγμόνως τεθνηξόμενος, μέχρι δὴ περισχεθεὶς πολλοῖς τῶν ἐπιφερομένων ἔπεσεν ὑπὸ πλήθους τραυμάτων. 19.125. τρίτος δὲ ̓Αντήιος τῶν ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς σὺν ὀλίγοις, οὐ τυχαίως τοῖς Γερμανοῖς καθάπερ οἱ πρότερον περιπεσών, ὑπὸ δὲ φιλοθεαμοσύνης καὶ ἡδονῆς τοῦ αὐτόπτης γενόμενος Γαί̈ου κειμένου μῖσος εὐφρᾶναι τὸ πρὸς αὐτόν: τὸν γὰρ πατέρα τοῦ ̓Αντηίου καὶ ὁμώνυμον φυγάδα ἐλάσας καὶ μὴ ἀρκεσθεὶς κτείνει στρατιώτας ἀποπέμψας. 19.126. καὶ παρῆν μὲν διὰ τάδε εὐφρανούμενος θεωρίᾳ τοῦ νεκροῦ, θορυβουμένης δὲ τῆς οἰκίας κρύπτειν αὑτὸν ἐνθυμησάμενος οὐ διαφυγγάνει τῶν Γερμανῶν τό τε εἰς τὴν ἔρευναν ἀκριβὲς κἀπὶ τοῖς φόνοις ὁμοίως τῶν τε αἰτίων καὶ μὴ ἐξαγριωσάντων. καὶ οἵδε μὲν ταύτῃ τεθνήκεσαν. 19.127. Εἰς δὲ τὸ θέατρον ἐπεὶ ἀφίκετο ὁ λόγος περὶ τῆς Γαί̈ου τελευτῆς, ἔκπληξίς τε καὶ ἀπιστία ἦν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ καὶ πάνυ ἡδονῇ δεχόμενοι τὸν ὄλεθρον αὐτοῦ κἂν πρὸ πολλοῦ ἡγησάμενοι σφίσιν ἀγαθὸν συνελθεῖν ὑπὸ δέους ἐν ἀπιστίᾳ ἦσαν. 19.128. εἰσὶ δ' οἷς καὶ πάνυ ἀπ' ἐλπίδων ἦν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐθέλειν τι τοιόνδε περὶ τῷ Γαί̈ῳ γεγονέναι μηδὲ ἀληθείᾳ προστίθεσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ οἷόν τε ἀνθρώπῳ εἶναι τοιᾷδε ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι. 19.129. γύναια δ' ἦν ταῦτα καὶ παῖδες ὁπόσοι τε δοῦλοι καί τινες τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ, οἱ μὲν διὰ τὸ μισθοφορεῖν καὶ οὐδὲν ἀλλ' ἢ συντυραννοῦντες καὶ διακονίᾳ τῆς κατ' ἐκεῖνον ὕβρεως ἐπανασειόμενοι τοῖς κρατίστοις τῶν πολιτῶν τιμῆς τε ἅμα καὶ ὠφελειῶν τυγχάνειν 19.131. οἱ δὲ δοῦλοι διὰ τὸ ἐν προσηγορίᾳ τε εἶναι καὶ καταφρονήματι τῶν δεσποτῶν, ἀποστροφῆς τῷ ὑβρίζοντι αὐτὴν οὔσης τῆς κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἐπικουρίας: ῥᾴδιον γὰρ ψευσαμένοις τε κατὰ τῶν κυρίων πεπιστεῦσθαι καὶ τὰ χρήματα ἐνδείξασιν αὐτῶν ἅμα ἐλευθέροις τε εἶναι καὶ πλουσίοις μισθῷ τῶν κατηγοριῶν διὰ τὸ ἆθλα αὐτοῖς προκεῖσθαι τὰς ὀγδόας τῶν οὐσιῶν. 19.132. τῶν δὲ εὐπατριδῶν εἰ καί τισιν πιστὸς ὁ λόγος φανείη, τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ προειδέναι τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, τοῖς δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ θέλειν εὐκτὸν ἡγουμένοις, σιγῇ παρεδίδοτο οὐ μόνον ἡ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις χαρά, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ δόξα τῆς ἀκροάσεως 19.133. οἱ μὲν δεδιότες, μὴ καὶ ψευσθεῖσιν ἐλπίδος τιμωρίᾳ συνέλθοιεν ὡς προεξορμήσασιν ἀποφήνασθαι τὴν διάνοιαν ἑαυτῶν, οἱ δ' ἐξεπιστάμενοι διὰ τὸ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς μετασχεῖν μειζόνως ἔκρυπτον ἀλλήλων ἀγνοίᾳ καὶ δεδιότες, μὴ πρός τινα εἰπόντες, οἷς ἡ τυραννὶς ἑστῶσα ὠφέλιμος ἦν, ζῶντος Γαί̈ου κολασθεῖεν ἐνδείξεως γενομένης. 19.134. ἐπεὶ καὶ ἕτερος ἐπεφοιτήκει λόγος ὡμιληκέναι μὲν τραύμασιν, οὐ μὴν ἀποθανεῖν, ἀλλὰ ζῶντα ἐν θεραπείαις ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν εἶναι. 19.135. ἦν τε πιστὸς οὐθεὶς οὐδενί, ᾧ κἂν θαρσήσας γνώμην ἀποφαίνοιτο τὴν αὐτοῦ: ἢ γὰρ φίλος ὢν ὕποπτος ἐγίνετο εὐνοίᾳ τῆς τυραννίδος ἢ καὶ μίσει πρὸς ἐκεῖνον χρώμενος τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐδαμόθεν εὐνοίᾳ χρωμένῳ διαφθείρειν τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς λεγομένοις πίστιν. 19.136. ἐλέγετο δὲ ὑπό τινων, οἳ καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς εὐπατρίδαις ἠφάνιζον τὸ εὐθυμοῦν τῆς ἐλπίδος, ἐν ἀμελείᾳ κινδύνων γεγονότα καὶ ἄφροντιν κομιδῇ τῶν τραυμάτων, ὥσπερ εἶχεν ᾑματωμένον ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς διεκπεσεῖν κἀν δημηγορίαις εἶναι. 19.137. καὶ τάδε μὲν εἰκάζετο βουλήσει τῇ ἀλογίστῳ τῶν θροεῖν προθεμένων καὶ ἐπ' ἀμφότερα δόξῃ τῶν ἀκουόντων λαμβανόμενα: οὐ μὴν τήν γ' ἐνέδραν ἐξέλιπον δεδιότες τὴν ἐπενεχθησομένην προεξιοῦσιν αἰτίαν: οὐ γὰρ ἐφ' ἧς ἀξιοῖεν διανοίας γενήσεσθαι περὶ αὐτοῖς τὴν κρίσιν, ἀλλ' ἀφ' ἧς εἰκάζειν ἐθελήσειαν τούς τε κατηγορήσοντας καὶ τοὺς δικάζοντας. 19.138. ̓Επεὶ δὲ καὶ πλῆθος τῶν Γερμανῶν περιέσχε τὸ θέατρον ἐσπασμένων τὰ ξίφη, πᾶσι τοῖς θεωροῖς ἐλπὶς ἦν ἀπολεῖσθαι, καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν οὗτινος εἴσοδον πτοία εἶχεν αὐτούς, ὡς αὐτίκα μάλα συγκοπήσοιντο, ἐν ἀμηχάνοις τε ἦσαν οὔτ' ἀπιέναι θάρσος εἰσφερόμενοι οὔτε ἀκίνδυνον τὴν διατριβὴν τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ θεάτρου πεπιστευκότες. 19.139. εἰσπιπτόντων τε ἤδη βοὴ τοῦ θεάτρου ῥήγνυται καθ' ἱκετείαν τρεπομένου τῶν στρατιωτῶν, ὡς πάντων ἀγνοίας αὐτῇ γενομένης καὶ τῶν βουλευθέντων τοῖς ἐπαναστᾶσιν, εἰ δή τις καὶ γέγονεν ἐπανάστασις, καὶ τῶν γεγονότων. 19.141. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτά τε καὶ περαιτέρω μετὰ δακρύων καὶ τύψεως προσώπων ἐπιθειάζοντες καὶ ποτνιώμενοι ὁπόσα ἀνεδίδασκεν αὐτοὺς ὁ κίνδυνος ἑστὼς πλησίον, καὶ ὡς ἄν τις ἀγωνιζόμενος περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς εἴποι τι, ἔλεγον. 19.142. θραύεται δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς ταῦτα ἡ ὀργὴ καὶ μεταμελῆσαν αὐτοῖς τοῦ ἐπὶ τοῖς θεωροῖς βουλεύματος, ὠμόν τε γὰρ ἦν τοῦτο καὶ ἐκείνοις καίπερ ἐξηγριωκόσιν ἐδόκει, τὰς κεφαλὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν ̓Ασπρήναν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἀπερεισαμένοις. 19.143. πρὸς ἃς μειζόνως ἔπαθον οἱ θεωροὶ λογισμῷ τε ἀξιώσεως τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἐλέῳ τοῦ πάθους, ὥστε παρ' ὀλίγον καὶ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἐλλιπεστέρως τὰ τῶν κινδύνων ὁμιλήσαντα ἐπανασεσεῖσθαι, ὧν ἄδηλον εἶναι τὴν συμφορὰν εἴπερ εἰς τέλος φευχθῆναι δύναιτ' ἄν. 19.144. ὥστε κἂν εἴ τινες τῶν προθύμως μισούντων καὶ μετὰ δίκης τὸν Γάιον ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τῶν ἐπ' αὐτῷ εὐφροσυνῶν τῆς χώρας, διὰ τὸ ἐν ῥοπῇ μὲν τοῦ συναπολουμένου γεγονέναι, τὸ δὲ πιστὸν τοῦ περιεῖναι μηδέπω καὶ τότε ἐχέγγυον συνελθεῖν. 19.145. ̓͂Ην δὲ Εὐάρεστος ̓Αρούντιος τῶν κηρυσσόντων τὰ πωλούμενα καὶ δι' αὐτὸ φωνῆς τε μεγέθει χρώμενος καὶ χρήματα περιβεβλημένος ὅμοια τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίων πλουσιωτάτοις, δύναμίς τε αὐτῷ ἦν ἐφ' οἷς ἐθελήσειε πράσσειν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἔν τε τῷ τότε κἀν τοῖς ὕστερον. 19.146. οὗτος διαθεὶς αὑτὸν ὡς ἐνῆν πενθιμώτατον, καίτοι μίσει καὶ παρ' ὁντινοῦν ἐχρῆτο πρὸς Γάιον, ἀλλὰ μὴν κρείσσων ἡ διδασκαλία τοῦ φόβου καὶ στρατηγία περὶ τοῦ κερδησομένου τὴν σωτηρίαν τῆς εἰς τὸ παρὸν ἡδονῆς 19.147. πάντα κόσμον ἐπιτηδεύσας ὡς ἄν τις ἐπὶ τοῖς τιμιωτάτοις παρεσκεύαστο ἀπολωλόσιν, ἀποσημαίνει τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὸν θάνατον ἐπὶ τὸ θέατρον παρελθὼν καὶ ἔπαυσεν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐπὶ πλέον ἀγνοίᾳ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῦ γεγονότος. 19.148. ἤδη δὲ καὶ Στήλας ̓Αρούντιος παρῆν ἀνακαλῶν τοὺς Γερμανοὺς καὶ οἱ χιλίαρχοι σὺν αὐτῷ κελεύοντες κατατίθεσθαι τὸν σίδηρον καὶ διασαφοῦντες Γαί̈ου τὴν τελευτήν. 19.149. τοῦτο καὶ σαφέστατα ἔσωσεν τοὺς ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ συνειλεγμένους καὶ πάντας, οἳ καὶ ὁπωσοῦν τοῖς Γερμανοῖς περιτύχοιεν: ἐλπίδος γὰρ αὐτοῖς παραγενομένης ἔμπνουν κεῖσθαι τὸν Γάιον οὐκ ἔσθ' οὗτινος κακῶν ἂν ἀπέσχοντο. 19.151. παύονται δὲ τοῦ ὠργηκότος εἰς τὴν τιμωρίαν μαθήσεως σαφοῦς παραγενομένης αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ, διά τε τὸ εἰς ἀχρεῖον ἐπιδείξεσθαι τὸ πρόθυμον τῆς εὐνοίας, ὃς ἀμείψαιτο αὐτοὺς ἀπολωλότος, καὶ δέει, μὴ καὶ περαιτέρω τῇ ὕβρει χρωμένων ἐπιστροφὴ γένοιτο ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, εἴπερ εἰς ἐκείνην περισταίη τὸ κράτος, ἢ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπικαταστάντος ἄρχοντος. 19.152. καὶ Γερμανοὶ εἰ καὶ μόλις, ἀλλ' οὖν ἐπαύσαντο λύσσης τῆς ἐπὶ Γαί̈ου τῷ θανάτῳ καταλαμβανομένης αὐτούς. 19.153. Χαιρέας δέ, σφόδρα γὰρ περὶ Μινουκιανῷ ἔδεισε, μὴ διαφθαρείη μανίᾳ τῶν Γερμανῶν περιπεσών, ἕκαστόν τε τῶν στρατιωτῶν μετῄει προμηθεῖσθαι τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ δεόμενος καὶ μὴ ἀπολώλοι πολλὴν ἐξέτασιν ποιούμενος. 19.154. καὶ Μινουκιανὸν μὲν Κλήμης, ἀνάγεται γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦτον, μεθίησιν πολλῶν μετ' ἄλλων συγκλητικῶν δικαιοσύνην τῇ πράξει συμμαρτυρῶν καὶ ἀρετὴν τοῖς ἐντεθυμημένοις καὶ πράσσειν μὴ ἀποδεδειλιακόσι: 19.155. τυραννίδα γὰρ εἰς ὀλίγον μὲν ἐλθεῖν ἡδονῇ τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἐπαρθεῖσαν, εὐτυχεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἄρα ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀπαλλαγὰς τοῦ βίου μίσει τῆς ἀρετῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν χρωμένης 19.156. ἀλλὰ μετὰ τοιαύτης δυστυχίας, ὁποίᾳ δὴ Γάιον συνελθεῖν πρὸ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων καὶ συνθέντων τὴν ἐπίθεσιν αὐτὸν ἐπίβουλον αὐτῷ γενόμενον καὶ διδάξαντα οἷς ὑβρίζων ἀφόρητος ἦν ἀφανίζων τοῦ νόμου τὴν πρόνοιαν πολέμῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν χρῆσθαι τοὺς φιλτάτους, καὶ νῦν λόγῳ μὲν εἶναι τούτους οἳ ἀνῃρήκασι Γάιον, ἔργῳ δὲ αὐτὸν ὑφ' ἑαυτοῦ κεῖσθαι διολωλότα. 19.157. ̓́Ηδη δὲ καὶ τὸ θέατρον ἐξανίστατο τῶν φυλακῶν αἳ τὸ κατ' ἀρχὰς πάνυ πικραὶ ἐγένοντο ὑπανίσως. αἰτία δ' ἦν τοῦ προθύμως καὶ διαφευξομένου τῶν θεωρῶν ̓Αλκύων ὁ ἰατρός, συναρπασθεὶς μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ τινῶν τραυματιῶν, ἐκπέμψας δὲ τοὺς συνόντας λόγῳ μὲν ὡς καὶ μετελευσομένους ὁπόσα εἰς τὴν ἴασιν τοῖς τραυματίαις πρόσφορα, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς ὡς πείσοιντο κινδύνου τοῦ κατειληφότος. 19.158. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ βουλῆς τε γίνεται σύνοδος καὶ ὁ δῆμος ᾗπερ καὶ εἰώθασιν ἐκκλησιάζειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καταστὰς ἐν ζητήσει τῶν σφαγέων τῶν Γαί̈ου ἦσαν, ὁ μὲν δῆμος καὶ πάνυ ἐκθύμως, δοκεῖν δὲ καὶ ἡ βουλή. 19.159. καὶ ἦν γὰρ ̓Ασιατικὸς Οὐαλέριος ὑπατικὸς ἀνήρ, οὗτος ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον καταστάς, θορυβούντων καὶ δεινὸν τιθεμένων τὸ ἔτι λανθάνον τῶν τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἀπεκτονότων, ἐπεὶ προθύμως πάντες αὐτὸν ἤροντο, τίς ὁ πράξας τυγχάνει, “εἴθε γὰρ ἔγωγε” φησί. 19.161. ἐφθάκει δὲ ἤδη τῶν βουλευτῶν τὸ πᾶν πλῆθος συνειλεγμένον καὶ μάλιστα οἱ εἰς τοῦ Γαί̈ου συνελθόντες τὸν φόνον θράσει τε ἤδη χρώμενοι κἀν καταφρονήματι μεγάλῳ ὄντες ὡς εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀνακειμένων δὴ τῶν πραγμάτων. 19.162. ̓Εν τούτῳ δὴ ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων αἰφνίδιον ἀρπάζεται Κλαύδιος ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας: οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται συνόδου γενομένης αὐτοῖς, ἀλλήλοις καὶ αὑτοῖς λόγον δόντες περὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις ἑώρων δημοκρατίαν ἀδύνατόν τε ὂν ἐν κράτει τοσῶνδε ἄν ποτε γενέσθαι πραγμάτων ἐξικομένην τε οὐκ ἐπ' ἀγαθῷ τῷ αὐτῶν κτήσασθαι τὴν ἀρχήν 19.163. εἴ τέ τις τῶν κατὰ ἕνα σχήσοι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, εἰς πάντα λυπηρὸν αὐτοῖς εἶναι μὴ οὐ συνεργοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς καταστᾶσιν. 19.164. καλῶς οὖν ἔχειν ἀκρίτων ἔτι ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων ἡγεμόνα αἱρεῖσθαι Κλαύδιον, πάτρωά τε ὄντα τοῦ τεθνεῶτος καὶ τῶν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν συλλεγομένων οὐδενὸς οὗτινος οὐκ ἀξιολογώτερον προγόνων τε ἀρετῇ καὶ τῷ κατ' αὐτὸν παιδείαν μεμελετηκότι 19.165. καὶ σταθέντα αὐτοκράτορα τιμήσειν τε τὰ εἰκότα καὶ ἀμείψεσθαι δωρεαῖς. ταῦτα διανοοῦνταί τε καὶ ἔπραξαν ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα. 19.166. ἥρπαστο μὲν δὴ Κλαύδιος ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ. Ναῖος δὲ Σέντιος Σατορνῖνος καίτοι πεπυσμένος τὴν Κλαυδίου ἁρπαγήν, καὶ ὡς ἐπιδικάζοιτο τῆς ἀρχῆς ἄκων μὲν δοκεῖν, τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς καὶ βουλήσει τῇ αὐτοῦ, καταστὰς ἐπὶ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ μηδὲν ἐκπλαγεὶς ἐλευθέροις τε καὶ γενναίοις ἀνδράσι πρεπόντως ποιεῖται παραίνεσιν τάδε λέγων. 19.167. “Εἰ καὶ ἄπιστον, ὦ ̔Ρωμαῖοι, διὰ τὸ χρόνῳ πολλῷ ἥκειν ἀνέλπιστον οὖσαν ἡμῖν, ἀλλ' οὖν ἔχομεν τοῦ ἐλευθέρου τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ἄδηλον μὲν ἐφ' ὁπόσον παρατείνουσαν καὶ γνώμῃ θεῶν οἳ ἐχαρίσαντο αὐτὴν κειμένην, εὐφραίνειν δὲ ἀρκοῦσαν καὶ εἴπερ ἀφαιρεθείημεν αὐτῆς εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνάγουσαν: 19.168. ἱκανὴ γὰρ καὶ μία ὥρα τοῖς ἀρετῆς αἰσθανομένοις καὶ μετ' αὐτοτελοῦς τῆς διανοίας ἐν αὐτοδίκῳ τῇ πατρίδι καὶ μετὰ νόμων, οἷς ποτε ἤνθησε, διαιτωμένῃ βιωθεῖσα. 19.169. ἐμοὶ δὲ τῆς μὲν πρότερον ἐλευθερίας ἀμνημονεῖν ἔστι διὰ τὸ κατόπιν αὐτῆς γεγονέναι, τῆς δὲ νῦν ἀπλήστως πιμπλαμένῳ μακαριστούς τε ἡγεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐγγενηθέντας καὶ ἐντραφέντας αὐτῇ καὶ τῶν θεῶν οὐδὲν μειόνως ἀξίους τιμῆς τούσδε τοὺς ἄνδρας, οἳ ὀψὲ γοῦν κἀν τούτῳ τῆς ἡλικίας ἡμᾶς γεύσαντας αὐτῆς. 19.171. νεωτέροις παίδευμα ἀρετῆς καταστάσεως ἀγαθὸν ἀνδράσι τοῖσδε ἀφ' ὧν γεγόναμεν, νῦν δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἡμῖν διὰ τὴν ἄρτι ὥραν οὐδὲν προυργιαίτερον εἴη τοῦ ζῆν μετὰ ἀρετῆς, ἣ μόνη ἐκφροντίζει τῷ ἀνθρωπείῳ τὸ ἐλεύθερον: 19.172. ἐγὼ γὰρ τὰ παλαιὰ οἶδα ἀκοῇ παραλαβών, οἷς δὲ ὄψει ὁμιλήσας ᾐσθόμην, οἵων κακῶν τὰς πολιτείας ἀναπιμπλᾶσιν αἱ τυραννίδες, κωλύουσαι μὲν πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν καὶ τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος ἀφαιρούμεναι τὸ ἐλεύθερον, κολακείας δὲ καὶ φόβου διδάσκαλοι καθιστάμεναι διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ τῶν νόμων, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῇ ὀργῇ τῶν ἐφεστηκότων καταλιπεῖν τὰ πράγματα. 19.173. ἀφ' οὗ γὰρ ̓Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ φρονήσας ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς δημοκρατίας καὶ διαβιασάμενος τὸν κόσμον τῶν νόμων τὴν πολιτείαν συνετάραξεν, κρείσσων μὲν τοῦ δικαίου γενόμενος, ἥσσων δὲ τοῦ κατ' ἰδίαν ἡδονὴν αὐτῷ κομιοῦντος, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι τῶν κακῶν οὐ διέτριψεν τὴν πόλιν 19.174. φιλοτιμηθέντων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἁπάντων, οἳ ἐκείνῳ διάδοχοι τῆς ἀρχῆς κατέστησαν, ἐπ' ἀφανισμῷ τοῦ πατρίου καὶ ὡς ἂν μάλιστα τῶν πολιτῶν ἐρημίαν τοῦ γενναίου καταλείποιεν, διὰ τὸ οἴεσθαι πρὸς ἀσφαλείας εἶναι τῆς αὐτῶν τὸ κιβδήλοις ἀνδράσιν ὁμιλεῖν καὶ τῶν ἀρετῇ προύχειν πεπιστευμένων οὐ μόνον ὑφαιρεῖν τι τοῦ αὐχήματος, ἀλλ' εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἐπιφημίζειν αὐτῷ τοῖς ὀλέθροις 19.175. τῶν ἁπάντων * ἀριθμῷ τε πολλῶν ὄντων καὶ βαρύτητα ἀνύποιστον ἐπιδειξαμένων καθ' ἃ ἕκαστος ἦρξεν εἷς ὢν ὁ Γάιος ὁ σήμερον τεθνεὼς πλέω τε τῶν πάντων δεινὰ ἀπεδείξατο οὐ μόνον εἰς τοὺς συμπολίτας, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους ἀπαίδευτον τὴν ὀργὴν ἐπαφιείς, ὁμοίως τοῖς ἅπασι καὶ μείζω κακὰ ἐντριβόμενος ἀδίκως τὴν τιμωρίαν εἰσπράσσεσθαι, ὠργικότων ὁμοίως εἴς τε ἀνθρώπους ἐξαγριώσας καὶ τοὺς θεούς. 19.176. τυραννίδι γὰρ οὐ κερδαίνεται τὸ ἡδὺ οὐδὲ μεθ' ὕβρεως ἀποχρῆται, οὐκ εἰς τὰ χρήματα λελυπῆσθαι καὶ γαμετάς, ἀλλὰ τὸ πᾶν κέρδος ἐκ τοῦ πανοικεσίᾳ διοχλουμένου τῶν ἐχθρῶν. 19.177. ἐχθρὸν δὲ τυραννίδι πᾶν τὸ ἐλεύθερον, εἰς εὔνοιάν τε ἐκκαλεῖσθαι αὐτὴν καὶ τοῖς ἐν ὀλίγῳ τιθεμένοις ὁπόσα πεπόνθοιεν οὐκ ἔστιν. ἐξεπιστάμενοι γὰρ ὧν ἀναπλήσειαν κακῶν ἔστιν οὓς κἀκεῖνοι μεγαλοφρόνως καταφρονημάτων τε πρὸς τὴν τύχην, αὐτοὶ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς ὧν πράξειαν μὴ δυνάμενοι μόνως πιστεύουσιν κτήσεσθαι τοῦ ὑπόπτου τὸ ἀδεές, εἰ παντελὲς αἱρεῖσθαι δυνηθεῖεν αὐτούς. 19.178. τοιούτων δὴ κακῶν ἀπογεγονότες καὶ ὑποτελεῖς ἀλλήλοις καταστάντες, αἵπερ πολιτειῶν ἐχεγγυώταται πρός τε τὸ παρὸν εὔνουν καὶ τὸ αὖθις ἀνεπιβούλευτον καὶ τὸ δόξαν οἰκείαν τῷ ὀρθουμένῳ τῆς πόλεως δικαιοί τε προνοῆσαι διὰ τὸ εἰς κοινὸν αὐτοῦ τὴν ὠφέλειαν ἀπαντᾶν καὶ ἀνταποφήνασθαι γνώμην 19.179. οἷς μὴ ἀρέσκοιτο τὰ προεισηγημένα, οὐδαμῶς εἰς κίνδυνον φέρον, διὰ τὸ μὴ δεσπότην εἶναι τὸν ἐφεστηκότα, ᾧ ἀνεύθυνόν τε βλάπτοντι τὴν πόλιν καὶ αὐτοκράτορι μεταστήσασθαι τοὺς εἰρηκότας. 19.181. τῆς γὰρ εἰρήνης τοῦ τερπνοῦ ἡσσώμενοι καὶ μεμαθηκότες ἀνδραπόδων ἐν τρόπῳ ζῆν ὁπόσοι τε ἐπαί̈ομεν συμφορὰς ἀνηκέστους κακοῖς τε τοῖς πέλας ἐπείδομεν φόβῳ τοῦ μετ' ἀρετῆς τελευτᾶν μετὰ αἰσχύνης τῆς ὑστάτης ὑπομένοντες τὰς τελευτάς. 19.182. πρῶτον δὲ τοῖς ἀραμένοις τὸν τύραννον τιμὰς αἵτινες μέγισται ταύτας εἰσενεγκεῖν, μάλιστα δὲ Χαιρέᾳ τῷ Κασσίῳ: σὺν γὰρ τοῖς θεοῖς εἷς ἀνὴρ οὗτος ποριστὴς ἡμῖν καὶ γνώμῃ καὶ χερσὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας πέφηνεν. 19.183. οὗ καλὸν μὴ ἀμνημονεῖν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας τῆς ἡμετέρας προβεβουλευκότος τε ἅμα καὶ προκεκινδυνευκότος, ἐπὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ψηφίσασθαι τὰς τιμὰς πρῶτόν τε ἀνεπιτάκτους τοῦτο ἂν ἀποφήνασθαι. 19.184. ἔργον δὲ κάλλιστον καὶ ἐλευθέροις ἀνδράσι πρέπον ἀμείβεσθαι τοὺς εὐεργέτας, οἷος δὴ καὶ ἀνὴρ οὗτος περὶ ἡμᾶς πάντας γέγονεν οὐδὲν παραπλήσιος Κασσίῳ καὶ Βρούτῳ τοῖς Γάιον ̓Ιούλιον ἀνῃρηκόσιν, ἐπεί γε οἱ μὲν στάσεως καὶ πολέμων ἐμφυλίων ἀρχὰς ἐπανερρίπισαν τῇ πόλει, οὗτος δὲ μετὰ τῆς τυραννοκτονίας καὶ τῶν ἐντεῦθεν δεινῶν ἀπήλλαξεν τὴν πόλιν.” 19.185. Σέντιος μὲν τοιούτοις ἐχρῆτο τοῖς λόγοις καὶ τῶν βουλευτῶν ἡδονῇ δεχομένων καὶ ὁπόσοι τῶν ἱππέων παρῆσαν. ἀναπηδήσας δέ τις Τρεβέλλιος Μάξιμος περιαιρεῖται τὸν δακτύλιον τοῦ Σεντίου, λίθος δὲ εἰκόνα Γαί̈ου ἐγγεγλυμμένος ἐδεσμεύετο αὐτῷ, καὶ σπουδῇ τῶν λεγομένων καὶ ὧν ἐπενόει πράξειν, ὅπερ ᾤετο, ἐν λήθῃ γεγονότι * καὶ ἡ μὲν γλυφὴ κατάγνυται. 19.186. προεληλύθει δὲ ἡ νὺξ ἐπὶ μέγα, καὶ Χαιρέας δὲ σημεῖον ᾔτει τοὺς ὑπάτους, οἱ δὲ ἐλευθερίαν ἔδοσαν. ἐν θαύματι δὲ ἦν αὐτοῖς καὶ ὅμοια ἀπιστίᾳ τὰ δρώμενα: 19.187. ἔτει γὰρ ἑκατοστῷ, μεθ' ὃ τὴν δημοκρατίαν τὸ πρῶτον ἀφῃρέθησαν, ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους σημείου ἡ παράδοσις: οὗτοι γὰρ πρότερον ἢ τυραννηθῆναι τὴν πόλιν κύριοι τῶν στρατιωτικῶν ἦσαν. 19.188. Χαιρέας δὲ τὸ σημεῖον λαβὼν παρεδίδου τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοῖς πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον συνεστηκόσιν. ἦσαν δὲ εἰς σπείρας τέσσαρας, οἷς τὸ ἀβασίλευτον τιμιώτερον τῆς τυραννίδος προύκειτο. 19.189. καὶ οἵδε μὲν ἀπῄεσαν μετὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων, ἀνεχώρει δὲ ἤδη καὶ ὁ δῆμος περιχαρὴς καὶ ἐλπίδος καὶ φρονήματος ἐπὶ τῷ κτησαμένῳ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτοῖς, οὐκέτι ἐπὶ τῷ ἐφεστηκότι. καὶ τὰ πάντα ἦν ὁ Χαιρέας αὐτοῖς. 19.191. Κλήμεντος δ' ὄντι συγγενεῖ τῷ Λούππῳ τὴν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε προύθεσαν λειτουργίαν, ὅπως μετασχὼν κἂν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τῆς τυραννοκτονίας ἀγάλλοιτο ἀρετῇ πρὸς τῶν πολιτικῶν, ὡς καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος δόξειε κοινωνεῖν τὸ πρῶτον συνθεμένων. 19.192. ἐνίοις δὲ τῶν συνωμοτῶν καὶ ὠμὸν ἐδόκει τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ γυναικὶ θράσει χρησόμενον αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ Γάιον φύσει τῇ αὐτοῦ χρώμενον ἢ συμβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνης τὰ πάντα πρᾶξαι, ἐξ ὧν ἥ τε πόλις ἀπηγορεύκει τοῖς κατειληφόσι κακοῖς καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ὅ τι καὶ ἄνθος ἦν ἀπώλετο. 19.193. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἐνεκάλουν αὐτῇ γνώμην τὸ δὲ πᾶν καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Γαί̈ου πεπραγμένων κακῶν ἐκείνῃ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπέφερον φάρμακον τῷ Γαί̈ῳ δοῦσαν ἐννοιῶν δούλωσιν καὶ ἐρώτων ἐπαγωγὰς αὐτῇ ψηφιούμενον, εἰς μανίαν μεταστάντος τὰ πάντα αὐτὴν εἶναι τὴν νεναυπηγημένην ἐπὶ ταῖς ̔Ρωμαίων τύχαις καὶ τῆς ὑποτελούσης αὐτοῖς οἰκουμένης. 19.194. καὶ πέρας κυρωθὲν ὥστε αὐτὴν τελευτᾶν, οὐδὲν γὰρ οἱ ἀποσπεύδοντες οἷοί τε ὠφελεῖν ἦσαν, ἐστέλλετο ὁ Λοῦππος: ἐβραδύνετο δὲ οὐδὲν μελλήσει τῇ κατ' αὐτόν, ὥστε μὴ οὐκ εἰς καιρὸν δεδιακονῆσθαι τοῖς ἀπεσταλκόσιν, θέλων ἐπ' οὐδαμοῖς μεμπτὸς εἶναι τῶν ἐπ' ὠφελείᾳ τοῦ δήμου πεποιημένων. 19.195. παρελθὼν δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλείου λαμβάνει τὴν Καισωνίαν, γυνὴ δ' ἦν τοῦ Γαί̈ου, παρακατακειμένην τῷ σώματι τοῦ ἀνδρὸς χαμαιπετεῖ καὶ πάντων ἐν ἀτυχίᾳ ὧν χαρίζοιτ' ἂν ὁ νόμος τοῖς μεταστᾶσιν, αἵματί τε ἀναπεφυρμένην ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων καὶ πολλῇ τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ συμφερομένην τῆς θυγατρὸς παρερριμμένης: ἠκούετό τε ἐν τοῖς τοιοῖσδε οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ κατάμεμψις τοῦ Γαί̈ου, ὡς πιθανὴν οὐ σχόντος πολλάκις προηγορευκυῖαν αὐτήν. 19.196. ἐπ' ἀμφότερα δὲ οὗτος ὁ λόγος καὶ τότε εἰκάζετο καὶ νῦν ἐφ' ὁμοίοις πρόκειται τῇ διανοίᾳ τῶν ἀκροατῶν πρὸς ὅ τι θελήσειαν ῥοπὰς τὰς αὐτοῦ προστιθέμενοι. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀποσημαίνειν ἔφασαν τὸν λόγον, ὡς συμβουλευομένης ἀποστάντα μανιῶν καὶ τοῦ εἰς τοὺς πολίτας ὠμοῦ μετρίως καὶ μετ' ἀρετῆς ἐξηγεῖσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων, καὶ παρ' αὐτὸν ἀπολέσθαι τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ χρώμενον. 19.197. οἱ δέ, ὡς λόγου τοῦ περὶ τῶν συνωμοτῶν ἐπιφοιτήσαντος Γαί̈ῳ κελεύσειεν μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ' ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος πάντας μεταχειρισάμενον αὐτούς, κἂν εἰ μηδὲν ἀδικοῖεν, ἐν ἀδεεῖ κινδύνων καταστῆναι, καὶ τοῦτ' εἶναι τὸ ἐπονειδιζόμενον, ὡς προηγορευκυίας διαπράξασθαι μαλακῷ γεγονότι. 19.198. καὶ τὰ μὲν λεχθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς Καισωνίας καὶ ὁποῖα οἱ ἄνθρωποι περὶ αὐτῆς ἐφρόνουν ταῦτα ἦν. ἡ δὲ ἐπεὶ θεᾶται τὴν πρόσοδον τοῦ Λούππου τό τε σῶμα τοῦ Γαί̈ου προυδείκνυεν καὶ ἆσσον ἰέναι παρεκάλει μετ' ὀλοφυρμοῦ καὶ δακρύων. 19.199. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῇ διανοίᾳ συνεστηκότα ἑώρα τὸν Λοῦππον, καὶ μηδὲν προσιόντα ὡς ἐπὶ πρᾶξιν οὐκ αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένην, γνωρίσασα ἐφ' ὅ τι ἐχώρει τήν τε σφαγὴν ἐγύμνου καὶ πάνυ προθύμως ποτνιωμένη ὁποῖα εἰκὸς τοὺς οὕτω σαφῶς ἐν ἀπογνώσει τοῦ ζῆν γεγονότας καὶ κελεύουσα μὴ μέλλειν ἐπὶ τελειώσει τοῦ δράματος οὗ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς συνέθεσαν. 19.201. Γάιος μὲν δὴ τέταρτον ἐνιαυτὸν ἡγεμονεύσας ̔Ρωμαίων λείποντα τεσσάρων μηνῶν οὕτως τελευτᾷ, ἀνὴρ καὶ πρότερον ἢ τῇ ἀρχῇ συνῆλθεν σκαιός τε καὶ κακοτροπίας εἰς τὸ ἄκρον ἀφιγμένος, ἡδονῇ τε ἡσσώμενος καὶ φίλος διαβολῇ, καὶ τὰ μὲν φοβερὰ καταπεπληγμένος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐφ' οἷς θαρσήσειε φονικώτατος, τῆς τε ἐξουσίας ἐφ' ἑνὶ μόνῳ πιμπλάμενος τῷ ὑβρίζειν, εἰς οὓς ἥκιστα ἐχρῆν ἀλόγῳ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ χρώμενος καὶ ποριστὴς ἐκ τοῦ κτείνειν καὶ παρανομεῖν. 19.202. καὶ τοῦ μὲν θείου καὶ νομίμου μείζων ἐσπουδακὼς εἶναί τε καὶ δοκεῖν, ἡσσώμενος δὲ ἐπαίνων τῆς πληθύος καὶ πάντα, ὁπόσα αἰσχρὰ κρίνας ὁ νόμος ἐπιτιμᾷ τιμωρίαν, ἐνόμισεν ἀρετῆς. 19.203. καὶ φιλίας ἀμνήμων, εἰ καὶ πλείστη τε καὶ διὰ μεγίστων γένοιτο, οἷς τότε ὀργισθείη ἐκπλήξει κολάσεως καὶ ἐλαχίσταις, πολέμιον δὲ ἡγούμενος πᾶν τὸ ἀρετῇ συνερχόμενον, ἀναντίλεκτον ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς κελεύσειε τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν λαμβάνων: 19.204. ὅθεν καὶ ἀδελφῇ γνησίᾳ συνῆν, ἐξ οὗ καὶ μάλιστα αὐτῷ φύεσθαι παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις ἤρξατο σφοδρότερον τὸ μῖσος διὰ τὸ πολλοῦ χρόνου μὴ ἱστορημένον εἴς τε ἀπιστίαν καὶ ἔχθραν τὴν πρὸς τὸν πράξαντα παρακαλεῖν. 19.205. ἔργον δὲ μέγα ἢ βασίλειον οὐδὲν αὐτῷ πεπραγμένον εἴποι ἄν τις ἢ ἐπ' ὠφελείᾳ τῶν συνόντων καὶ αὖθις ἀνθρώπων ἐσομένων, πλήν γε τοῦ περὶ ̔Ρήγιον καὶ Σικελίαν ἐπινοηθέντος ἐν ὑποδοχῇ τῶν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου σιτηγῶν πλοίων: 19.206. τοῦτο δὲ ὁμολογουμένως μέγιστόν τε καὶ ὠφελιμώτατον τοῖς πλέουσιν: οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ τέλος γε ἀφίκετο, ἀλλ' ἡμίεργον ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀμβλυτέρως αὐτῷ ἐπιπονεῖν κατελείφθη. 19.207. αἴτιον δ' ἦν ἡ περὶ τὰ ἀχρεῖα σπουδὴ καὶ τὸ δαπανῶντα εἰς ἡδονάς, αἳ καταμόνας ἔμελλον ὠφελεῖν, αὐτῷ ὑφαιρεῖν τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς κρείσσοσιν ἀνωμολογημένοις φιλοτιμίας. 19.208. ἄλλως δὲ ῥήτωρ τε ἄριστος καὶ γλώσσῃ τῇ ̔Ελλάδι καὶ τῇ ̔Ρωμαίοις πατρίῳ σφόδρα ἠσκημένος συνίει τ' ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα καὶ τοῖς ὑφ' ἑτέρων συντεθεῖσίν τε καὶ ἐκ πλείονος προσυγκειμένοις ἀντειπὼν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος φανῆναι πιθανώτερος ἐν μεγίστῳ πράγματι παρ' ὁντινοῦν γενόμενος, εὐκολίᾳ τε εἰς αὐτὸ τῆς φύσεως καὶ τῷ εἰς ἰσχὺν αὐτῇ προσλαβεῖν μελέτην τοῦ ἐπιπονεῖν. 19.209. ἀδελφοῦ γὰρ παιδὸς υἱεῖ γεγονότι Τιβερίου, οὗ καὶ διάδοχος γίνεται, μέγα ἀνάγκασμα παιδείας ἀντέχεσθαι διὰ τὸ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὰ πρῶτα ἐν αὐτῇ κατορθῶν διαπρέπειν, καὶ συνεφιλοκάλει Γάιος συγγενοῦς τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ ἡγεμόνος εἴκων ἐπιστολαῖς ἐπρώτευσέν τε τῶν κατ' αὐτὸν πολιτῶν. 19.211. φίλοις μὲν κεχρῆσθαι καὶ πάντα ἀξιολόγοις ὑποσπουδασθεὶς τὸ κατ' ἀρχὰς ὑπό τε παιδείας καὶ δόξης ζήλου τῶν κρειττόνων, μέχρι δὴ τῷ περιόντι τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἀπαμφίασις εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχρήσαντο μίσους ὑποφυέντος ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐπιβουλευθεὶς τελευτᾷ. 19.222. καὶ πλειόνων τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ συστρεφομένων φυγαί τε ἦσαν τοῦ ὁμίλου καὶ προόδων ἀπορία τῷ Κλαυδίῳ δι' ἀσθένειαν τοῦ σώματος, ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ τὸ φορεῖον αὐτοῦ φέροντες περὶ τὴν ἁρπαγὴν αὐτοῦ παραγενομένης φυγῆς ἔσωζον αὑτοὺς ἀπ' ἐλπίδος θέμενοι τὴν σωτηρίαν τοῦ δεσπότου. 19.223. ἐν εὐρυχωρίᾳ δὲ τοῦ Παλατίου γενομένοις, πρῶτον δὲ οἰκηθῆναι τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων πόλεως τοῦτο παραδίδωσιν ὁ περὶ αὐτῆς λόγος, καὶ ἤδη τοῦ δημοσίου ἀντιλαμβανομένοις πολὺ πλείων ἡ ἐπιφοίτησις ἦν τῶν στρατιωτῶν χαρᾷ τὴν ὄψιν δεχομένοις τοῦ Κλαυδίου, περὶ πλείστου τε ἦν αὐτοῖς αὐτοκράτορα στήσασθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον εὐνοίᾳ τε τῇ Γερμανικοῦ, ἀδελφὸς δὲ ἦν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ μέγα πᾶσιν τοῖς ὡμιληκόσιν καταλελοιπὼς κλέος τὸ αὐτοῦ. 19.224. ἀναλογισμός τε αὐτοὺς εἰσῄει τῆς τε πλεονεξίας τῶν ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ δυναστευόντων καὶ ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῆς πρὶν ἀρχῆς ἡμάρτητο αὐτῇ. 19.225. πρὸς δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀμήχανον τοῦ πράγματος κατενόουν, καὶ πάλιν εἰς ἑνὸς ἀρχὴν μεθισταμένων τῶν ὅλων κινδύνους αὐτοῖς φέρειν δι' ἑνὸς κτησαμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν μεθισταμένων τῶν ὅλων παρ' ὃν ἐπιχωρήσει καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ αὐτῶν λαβόντα Κλαύδιον μνημονεύσεις τε χάριτος αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδόντα τιμήν, ἣ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις γένοιτ' ἂν ἀρκοῦσα. 19.226. Ταῦτα πρός τε ἀλλήλους καὶ δι' ἑαυτοὺς διεξῄεσαν καὶ τοῖς ἀεὶ προσπίπτουσιν διηγοῦντο. οἱ δὲ πυνθανόμενοι προθύμως ἐδέχοντο τὴν πρόκλησιν, συμφράξαντές τε καὶ περικλάσαντες ἦγον ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου φοράδην ἀναβαστάσαντες, ὡς μὴ ἐμποδίζοιτο αὐτοῖς ἡ ἔπειξις. 19.227. διειστήκεσαν δὲ αἱ γνῶμαι τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς: οἱ μὲν ἀξιώματός τε τοῦ πρότερον ὀρεγόμενοι καὶ δουλείαν ἔπακτον αὐτοῖς ὕβρει τῶν τυράννων γενομένην φιλοτιμούμενοι διαδιδράσκειν χρόνῳ παρασχόν 19.228. ὁ δὲ δῆμος φθόνῳ τε πρὸς ἐκείνην καθιστάμενος καὶ τῶν πλεονεξιῶν αὐτῆς ἐπιστόμισμα τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας εἰδὼς καὶ αὐτοῦ καταφυγὴν ἔχαιρεν Κλαυδίου τῇ ἁρπαγῇ στάσιν τε ἔμφυλον, ὁποία καὶ ἐπὶ Πομπηίου γένοιτο, ἀπαλλάξειν αὐτῶν ὑπελάμβανον τοῦτον αὐτοκράτορα καθισταμένου. 19.229. γνοῦσα δ' ἡ βουλὴ τὸν Κλαύδιον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀφιγμένον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον πέμπει πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρας ἀρετῇ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν, οἳ διδάξειαν μὴ δεῖν ἐπὶ καθέξει τῆς ἀρχῆς βιάζεσθαι 19.231. καὶ πειθομένῳ μὲν τοῦ πρότερον ἀπράγμονος τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐπιδεικνυμένῳ βέβαιον τιμάς τε ὑπάρξειν, αἳ ὑπὸ ἐλευθέρων ψηφισθεῖεν τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ ἐπιχωρήσει τοῦ νόμου τὸ μέρος ἄρχοντά τε καὶ ἀρχόμενον κερδανεῖν ἔπαινον ἀρετῆς. 19.232. εἰ δὲ ἀπονοοῖτο μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς Γαί̈ου τελευτῆς σωφρονιζόμενος οὔτι γε αὐτοὶ ἐπιτρέψειν τῆς τε γὰρ στρατιᾶς πολὺ εἶναι τὸ συνεστηκὸς αὐτοῖς ὅπλων τε εὐπορίαν καὶ πληθὺν οἰκετῶν, οἳ χρήσαιντο αὐτοῖς. 19.233. μέγα δὲ μέρος τήν τε ἐλπίδα εἶναι καὶ τὴν τύχην, τούς τε θεοὺς οὐκ ἄλλοις συμμαχεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μετ' ἀρετῆς καὶ τοῦ καλοῦ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ποιουμένοις. εἶναι δὲ τούτους, οἳ ἂν περὶ ἐλευθερίας μάχωνται τῆς πατρίδος. 19.234. Καὶ οἱ μὲν πρεσβευταὶ Οὐηράνιός τε καὶ Βρόγχος, δήμαρχοι δὲ ἦσαν ἀμφότεροι, τοῖσδε ἐχρῶντο τοῖς λόγοις καὶ καθικέτευον τοῖς γόνασιν αὐτοῦ προσπεσόντες μηδαμῶς πολέμοις καὶ κακοῖς ἐμβαλεῖν τὴν πόλιν, θεωροῦντες στρατιᾶς πληθύι τὸν Κλαύδιον πεφραγμένον καὶ τὸ μηδὲν τοὺς ὑπάτους ὄντας συγκρίσει τῇ πρὸς αὐτόν. 19.235. εἴ τε τῆς ἀρχῆς ὀρέγοιτο, παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς δέχεσθαι διδομένην: αἰσιώτερον γὰρ καὶ εὐδαιμονέστερον χρῆσθαι τὸν μὴ μετὰ ὕβρεως ἀλλ' εὐνοίᾳ τῶν διδόντων παραλαμβάνοντα. 19.236. Κλαύδιος δέ, ἠπίστατο γὰρ μεθ' οἵας αὐθαδείας ἀποσταλεῖεν, καὶ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ μετριώτερον τρεπόμενος, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ περὶ αὐτοὺς φόβῳ διαναστὰς ἅμα μὲν θάρσει τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἅμα δὲ ̓Αγρίππου τοῦ βασιλέως κελεύοντος μὴ προέσθαι τῶν χειρῶν τηλικαύτην ἀρχὴν ἥκουσαν αὐτόματον. 19.237. πράξας μὲν καὶ περὶ Γάιον οἷον εἰκὸς ἄνδρα ὑπ' αὐτοῦ διὰ τιμῆς ἠγμένον, καὶ γὰρ τὸν νεκρὸν περιέσπεν τοῦ Γαί̈ου καὶ ἀναθέμενος ἐπὶ κλίνης καὶ περιστείλας ἐκ τῶν ἐνδεχομένων εἰς τοὺς σωματοφύλακας ὑπεχώρει, ζῆν μὲν τὸν Γάιον ἀπαγγέλλων κακοπαθοῦντί γε ὑπὸ τραυμάτων ἰατροὺς μετέσεσθαι λέγων: 19.238. πυθόμενος δὲ τοῦ Κλαυδίου τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἁρπαγὴν ὠθεῖτο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ καταλαβὼν τεταραγμένον καὶ οἷόν τε ἐκχωρεῖν τῇ συγκλήτῳ ἀνήγειρεν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι κελεύων τῆς ἡγεμονίας. 19.239. ταῦτα δὲ πρὸς τὸν Κλαύδιον εἰπὼν προσεχώρει πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ μετακαλούσης αὐτὸν τῆς βουλῆς χρισάμενος μύροις τὴν κεφαλὴν ὡς ἀπὸ συνουσίας γινομένης ἀναλύσεως αὐτῷ παρῆν καὶ ἤρετο τοὺς βουλευτάς, τί πέπραχε Κλαύδιος. 19.241. χρείαν γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἀρχῆς μεταποιουμένοις καὶ ὅπλων καὶ στρατιωτῶν, οἳ φράξαιντο αὐτοῖς, μὴ καὶ ἀπαράσκευοι καταστάντες εἰς τάδε σφαλεῖεν. 19.242. ἀποκριναμένης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ὅπλων τε εὐπορίαν καὶ χρήματα εἰσοίσειν, καὶ στρατιᾶς τὸ μέν τι αὐτοῖς εἶναι συνεστηκός, τὸ δὲ συγκροτήσειν ἐλευθερώσεως δούλων γενομένης. “εἴη μέν, ὦ βουλή, φησὶν ὁ ̓Αγρίππας ὑποτυχών, πράσσειν ὁπόσα θυμὸς ὑμῖν, λεκτέον δὲ οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσαντί μοι διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ φέρειν τὸν λόγον. 19.243. ἴστε μὴν στρατόν, ὃς ὑπὲρ Κλαυδίου μαχεῖται, πλήθει χρόνου ὁπλιτεύειν μεμελετηκότα, τὰ δ' ἡμέτερα, συγκλύδων ἀνθρώπων πλῆθος δ' ἔσται καὶ τῶν παρὰ δόξαν τῆς δουλείας ἀπηλλαγμένων, δυσκράτητα. πρὸς δὲ τεχνίτας μαχούμεθα προαγαγόντες ἄνδρας μηδ' ὅπως σπάσαι τὰ ξίφη εἰδότας. 19.244. ὥστε μοι δοκεῖ πέμπειν ὡς Κλαύδιον πείσοντας κατατίθεσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, πρεσβεύειν τε ἕτοιμός εἰμι.” 19.245. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἶπεν, καὶ συγκαταθεμένων πεμφθεὶς σὺν ἑτέροις τήν τε ταραχὴν τῆς βουλῆς διηγεῖται καταμόνας πρὸς τὸν Κλαύδιον ἐδίδασκέν τε ἡγεμονικώτερον ἀποκρίνασθαι καὶ τῷ ἀξιώματι τῆς ἐξουσίας χρώμενον. 19.246. ἔλεγεν οὖν Κλαύδιος, οὐ θαυμάζειν τὴν βουλὴν ἡδονῇ μὴ φέρουσαν ἄρχεσθαι διὰ τὸ ὠμότητι τετρῦσθαι τῶν πρότερον ἐπὶ τὸ ἡγεμονεύειν καταστάντων, γεύσειν τε αὐτοὺς ἐπιεικείᾳ τῇ καθ' αὑτὸν μετρίων καιρῶν, ὀνόματι μὲν μόνῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐσομένης, ἔργῳ δὲ κοινῆς πᾶσι προκεισομένης εἰς μέσον. διὰ πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ποικίλων ὡδευκότι πραγμάτων ἐν ὄψει τῇ ἐκείνων καλῶς ἔχειν μὴ ἀπιστεῖν. 19.247. καὶ οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις τοιούτων ἀκροάσει λόγων καθομιληθέντες ἐξεπέμποντο. Κλαύδιος δὲ τῷ στρατῷ συλλεχθέντι διελέγετο ὅρκους λαμβάνων ἦ μὴν ἐμμενεῖν πίστει τῇ πρὸς αὐτόν, δωρεῖται τοὺς σωματοφύλακας πεντακισχιλίαις δραχμαῖς κατὰ ἕκαστον ἄνδρα, τοῖς τε ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν ἀνάλογον τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ καὶ τοῖς ὅποι ποτὲ στρατοπέδοις ὑπισχνεῖτο τὰ ὅμοια. 19.248. Συνεκάλουν δὲ οἱ ὕπατοι τὴν βουλὴν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ νικηφόρου Διός: ἔτι δὲ νὺξ ἦν. τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει κλέπτοντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐνεδοίαζον πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόασιν, τοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀγρῶν ἐγεγόνεισαν ἔξοδοι προορωμένοις ᾗ χωρήσει τὸ πᾶν ἐν ἀπογνώσει τοῦ ἐλευθέρου γεγονότος, καὶ πολὺ κρεῖττον ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ τοῦ δουλεύειν ὑπειληφότες διαβιοῦν ἀργίᾳ τοῦ πονεῖν ἢ κτώμενοι τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν πατέρων περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀμφίβολοι καταστῆναι. 19.249. συνελέγησαν δ' ὅμως ἑκατὸν οὐ πλείους, καὶ διαβουλευομένων περὶ τῶν ἐν χερσὶν αἰφνίδιον αἴρεται βοὴ τοῦ συνεστηκότος αὐτοῖς στρατιωτικοῦ στρατηγὸν αὐτοκράτορα κελευόντων τὴν βουλὴν ἑλέσθαι καὶ μὴ φθείρειν πολυαρχίᾳ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 19.251. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ' ἦσαν οἱ ἐφιέμενοι γένους τε ἀξιώματι καὶ οἰκειότησιν γάμου: καὶ γὰρ Μινουκιανὸς Μᾶρκον καὶ τὸ καθ' αὑτὸν γενναιότητι ἀξιόλογον ὄντα καὶ δὴ ἀδελφὴν Γαί̈ου γεγαμηκότα ̓Ιουλίαν, πρόθυμός τε ἦν ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων, κατεῖχον δὲ οἱ ὕπατοι πρόφασιν ἐκ προφάσεως ἀναρτῶντες. 19.252. Οὐαλέριον δὲ ̓Ασιατικὸν Μινουκιανὸς ἐκ τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων ἀνεῖχε τοιούτων διανοιῶν. ἐγεγόνει δ' ἂν φόνος οὔ τινος ἐλάσσων ἐπιχωρηθέντων τῶν ἐπιθυμούντων τῆς ἡγεμονίας, ὥστε ἀντιτάξασθαι Κλαυδίῳ, ἄλλως τε καὶ οἱ μονομάχοι 19.253. πλῆθος δ' ἦν αὐτῶν ἀξιόλογον, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν οἱ νυκτοφυλακοῦντες ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐρέται τε ὁπόσοι συνέρρεον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ὥστε τῶν μετιόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ μὲν φειδοῖ τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ καὶ φόβῳ τῷ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν. 19.254. ̔Υπὸ δὲ πρώτην ἀρχὴν τῆς ἡμέρας καὶ Χαιρέας καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ παρελθόντες ἐν ἐπιχειρήσει λόγων ἦσαν πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας. τῶν δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὡς ὁρᾷ παύοντας αὐτοὺς ταῖς χερσὶ καὶ τοῦ εἰπεῖν οἵους τε ἄρχεσθαι, ἀνεθορύβησεν μὴ ἐφιέναι ὥστε εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ὡρμῆσθαι πάντας ἐπὶ τῷ μοναρχεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ ἡγησόμενον ἐκάλουν ὡς οὐκ ἀνεξόμενοι τὰς τριβάς. 19.255. τῇ συγκλήτῳ δὲ ἀπορία ἄρχειν τε καὶ ὃν ἀρχθεῖεν ἂν τρόπον οὔτε δεχομένων αὐτοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων συγχωρεῖν τοῖς στρατιώταις οὐκ ἐφιέντων. 19.256. ἐν τοιούτοις δὲ ὄντων Χαιρέας τὴν ὀργὴν οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος πρὸς τὴν αἴτησιν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος δώσειν ἐπηγγέλλετο στρατηγόν, εἴ τις αὐτῷ σημεῖον παρὰ Εὐτύχου κομίσειεν. 19.257. ἦν δὲ ὁ Εὔτυχος οὗτος ἡνίοχος τοῦ καλουμένου πρασίνου περισπούδαστος Γαί̈ῳ, καὶ περὶ τὰς οἰκοδομὰς τῶν στάσεων τοῦ περὶ ἐκεῖνον ἱππικοῦ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἐτρίβετο ἀτίμοις ἐργασίαις ἐπικείμενον. 19.258. εἰς ἅπερ ὁ Χαιρέας ὠνείδιζεν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἕτερα πολλὰ τοιαῦτα, τήν τε κεφαλὴν κομιεῖν τοῦ Κλαυδίου: δεινὸν γάρ, εἰ μετὰ μανίαν παραφροσύνῃ δώσουσι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 19.259. οὐ μὴν διετράπησάν γε ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων, ἀλλὰ σπασάμενοι τὰς μαχαίρας καὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἀράμενοι ᾤχοντο ὡς τὸν Κλαύδιον κοινωνήσοντες τοῖς ὀμνύουσιν αὐτῷ. κατελείπετο δὲ ἥ τε σύγκλητος ἐπ' ἐρημίας τῶν ἀμυνούντων καὶ οἱ ὕπατοι μηδὲν ἰδιωτῶν διαφέροντες. 19.261. καὶ Σαβῖνος εἷς τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων σφάζειν πρότερον αὑτὸν ἠπείλει παρελθὼν εἰς μέσους ἢ Κλαύδιον ἄρχοντα στήσεσθαι καὶ δουλοκρατίαν ἐπόψεσθαι καταλαβοῦσαν, τόν τε Χαιρέαν εἰς φιλοψυχίαν ἐπέπλησσεν, εἰ καταφρονήσας Γαί̈ου πρῶτος ἀγαθὸν ὑπολαμβάνοι τὸ ζῆν τῆς ἐλευθερίας οὐδ' οὕτως ἀποδοθῆναι δυναμένης τῇ πατρίδι. 19.262. Χαιρέας δὲ περὶ μὲν τοῦ θνήσκειν ἐνδοιαστὸν οὐδὲν φρονεῖν ἔλεγεν, βούλεσθαι μέντοι διακωδωνίζειν διάνοιαν τὴν Κλαυδίου. 19.263. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τοῖσδε ἦσαν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου πανταχόθεν ὠθεῖτο κατὰ θεραπείαν. καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ὁ ἕτερος Κόιντος Πομπώνιος δι' αἰτίας ἦν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ μᾶλλον ὡς ἐπ' ἐλευθερίᾳ τὴν σύγκλητον παρακαλῶν, ὥρμησάν τε σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη, κἂν ἐπέπρακτο αὐτοῖς μὴ Κλαυδίου διακεκωλυκότος. 19.264. παρακαθίζεται δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν ὕπατον ἐξαρπάσας τοῦ κινδύνου, τῶν δὲ συγκλητικῶν ὅσον ἦν σὺν τῷ Κοί̈ντῳ οὐ μεθ' ὁμοίας ἐδέχετο τιμῆς: τινὲς δὲ καὶ πληγὰς ἔλαβον αὐτῶν ἀνωθούμενοι τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐντεύξεως, ̓Απώνιος δὲ τραυματίας ἀνεχώρει, ἦν τε κίνδυνος περὶ πάντας αὐτούς. 19.265. καὶ ̓Αγρίππας ὁ βασιλεὺς προσελθὼν τῷ Κλαυδίῳ ἀξιοῖ τοῖς συγκλητικοῖς ἠπιώτερον καταστῆναι: γενομένου γάρ τινος κακοῦ περὶ τὴν βουλὴν οὐχ ἕξειν ὧν ἄρξειεν ἑτέρων. 19.266. πείθεται δὲ Κλαύδιος καὶ συγκαλεῖ τὴν βουλὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ Παλατίου διὰ τῆς πόλεως φερόμενος παραπέμποντος αὐτὸν τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ σὺν πολλῇ πάνυ κακώσει τῆς πληθύος. 19.267. προεξῄεσαν δὲ τῶν Γαί̈ου σφαγέων εἰς τὸ φανερώτερον Χαιρέας καὶ Σαβῖνος εἰργόμενοι προόδων κατ' ἐπιστολὰς Πολλίωνος, ὃν μικρῷ πρότερον Κλαύδιος στρατηγὸν ᾕρητο τῶν σωματοφυλάκων. 19.268. Κλαύδιος δέ, ἐπείπερ εἰς τὸ Παλάτιον ἀφικνεῖται συναγαγὼν τοὺς ἑταίρους ψῆφον ἀνεδίδου περὶ Χαιρέου. τοῖς δὲ τὸ μὲν ἔργον λαμπρὸν ἐδόκει, ἀπιστίαν δ' ἐπεκάλουν τῷ πεπραχότι καὶ αὐτῷ τιμωρίαν ἐπιβάλλειν δίκαιον ἡγοῦντο ἐπ' ἀποτροπῇ τοῦ μέλλοντος χρόνου. 19.269. ἀπήγετο οὖν τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Λοῦππός τε καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων πλείους. λέγεται δὲ Χαιρέας μεγαλοφρόνως ἐνεγκεῖν τὴν συμφορὰν οὐ μόνον τῷ κατ' αὐτὸν ἀμεταπτώτῳ τοῦ σχήματος, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷς ὀνειδίσειεν Λοῦππον εἰς δάκρυα ἐκτετραμμένον. 19.271. θνήσκει δὲ εὐδαιμόνως μιᾶς πληγῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης. Λοῦππος δὲ οὐ πάνυ δεξιῶς ὑπεξῆλθεν ἀθυμίᾳ καὶ πληγῶν πλειόνων γενομένων διὰ τὸ μαλακῶς τὸν τράχηλον παρασχεῖν. 19.272. ̓Ολίγαις δὲ ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἐναγισμῶν ἐνεστηκότων ̔Ρωμαίων τὸ πλῆθος τοῖς αὐτῶν ἐπιφέροντες καὶ Χαιρέαν μοίραις ἐτίμησαν εἰς τὸ πῦρ τιθεμέναις, ἵλεων καὶ ἄμηνιν εἶναι τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀχαριστίας παρακαλοῦντες. καὶ Χαιρέᾳ μὲν τοιαύτη τελευτὴ τοῦ βίου συνέτυχεν. 19.273. Σαβῖνος δὲ Κλαυδίου μὴ μόνον τῆς αἰτίας παραλύοντος αὐτὸν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἣν εἶχεν ἐφιέντος, ἄδικον ἡγεῖτο τὴν ἐκλειπίαν τῆς πρὸς τοὺς συνωμότας πίστεως, σφάζει ἑαυτὸν περιπεσὼν τῷ ξίφει μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὴν κώπην τῷ τραύματι συνελθεῖν. 19.274. Κλαύδιος δὲ τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ πᾶν ὅ τι ἦν ὕποπτον ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἀποσκευασάμενος διάγραμμα προυτίθει τήν τε ἀρχὴν ̓Αγρίππα βεβαιῶν, ἣν ὁ Γάιος παρέσχε, καὶ δι' ἐγκωμίων ἄγων τὸν βασιλέα. προσθήκην τε αὐτῷ ποιεῖται πᾶσαν τὴν ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου βασιλευθεῖσαν, ὃς ἦν πάππος αὐτοῦ, ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν. 19.275. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὡς ὀφειλόμενα τῇ οἰκειότητι τοῦ γένους ἀπεδίδου: ̓́Αβιλαν δὲ τὴν Λυσανίου καὶ ὁπόσα ἐν τῷ Λιβάνῳ ὄρει ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ προσετίθει, ὅρκιά τε αὐτῷ τέμνεται πρὸς τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς μέσης ἐν τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων πόλει. 19.276. ̓Αντίοχον δὲ ἣν εἶχεν βασιλείαν ἀφελόμενος Κιλικίας μέρει τινὶ καὶ Κομμαγηνῇ δωρεῖται. λύει δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀλαβάρχην φίλον ἀρχαῖον αὐτῷ γεγονότα καὶ ̓Αντωνίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτροπεύσαντα τὴν μητέρα ὀργῇ τῇ Γαί̈ου δεδεμένον, καὶ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Βερενίκην τὴν ̓Αγρίππου γαμεῖ θυγατέρα. 19.277. καὶ ταύτην μέν, τελευτᾷ γὰρ Μᾶρκος ὁ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸς παρθένον λαβών, ἀδελφῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Αγρίππας ̔Ηρώδῃ δίδωσιν Χαλκίδος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν εἶναι αἰτησάμενος παρὰ Κλαυδίου. 19.278. Στασιάζεται δὲ κατ' αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον ̓Ιουδαίων τὰ πρὸς ̔́Ελληνας ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρέων πόλεως. τελευτήσαντος γὰρ τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ἐπὶ ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐκείνου τεταπεινωμένον καὶ δεινῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων ὑβρισμένον ἀνεθάρσησέ τε καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις εὐθέως ἦν. 19.279. καὶ Κλαύδιος ἐπιστέλλει τῷ ἐπαρχοῦντι κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὥστε τὴν στάσιν καταστεῖλαι, πέμπει δὲ καὶ διάγραμμα παρακεκληκότων αὐτὸν ̓Αγρίππου τε καὶ ̔Ηρώδου τῶν βασιλέων εἴς τε τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν καὶ Συρίαν γεγραμμένον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον: 19.281. ἐπιγνοὺς ἀνέκαθεν τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους ̓Αλεξανδρεῖς λεγομένους συγκατοικισθέντας τοῖς πρώτοις εὐθὺ καιροῖς ̓Αλεξανδρεῦσι καὶ ἴσης πολιτείας παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων τετευχότας, καθὼς φανερὸν ἐγένετο ἐκ τῶν γραμμάτων τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν διαταγμάτων 19.282. καὶ μετὰ τὸ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἡγεμονίᾳ ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ ὑποταχθῆναι πεφυλάχθαι αὐτοῖς τὰ δίκαια ὑπὸ τῶν πεμφθέντων ἐπάρχων κατὰ διαφόρους χρόνους μηδεμίαν τε ἀμφισβήτησιν περὶ τούτων γενομένην τῶν δικαίων αὐτοῖς 19.283. ἅμα καὶ καθ' ὃν καιρὸν ̓Ακύλας ἦν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐθνάρχου τὸν Σεβαστὸν μὴ κεκωλυκέναι ἐθνάρχας γίγνεσθαι βουλόμενον ὑποτετάχθαι ἑκάστους ἐμμένοντας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἔθεσιν καὶ μὴ παραβαίνειν ἀναγκαζομένους τὴν πάτριον θρησκείαν 19.284. ̓Αλεξανδρεῖς δὲ ἐπαρθῆναι κατὰ τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπὶ τῶν Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος χρόνων τοῦ διὰ τὴν πολλὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ παραφροσύνην, ὅτι μὴ παραβῆναι ἠθέλησεν τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος τὴν πάτριον θρησκείαν καὶ θεὸν προσαγορεύειν αὐτόν, ταπεινώσαντος αὐτούς: 19.285. βούλομαι μηδὲν διὰ τὴν Γαί̈ου παραφροσύνην τῶν δικαίων τῷ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνει παραπεπτωκέναι, φυλάσσεσθαι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ πρότερον δικαιώματα ἐμμένουσι τοῖς ἰδίοις ἔθεσιν, ἀμφοτέροις τε διακελεύομαι τοῖς μέρεσι πλείστην ποιήσασθαι πρόνοιαν, ὅπως μηδεμία ταραχὴ γένηται μετὰ τὸ προτεθῆναί μου τὸ διάταγμα.” 19.286. Τὸ μὲν οὖν εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διάταγμα τοῦτον ἦν τὸν τρόπον γεγραμμένον: τὸ δ' εἰς τὴν ἄλλην οἰκουμένην εἶχεν οὕτως: 19.287. “Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Γερμανικὸς ἀρχιερεὺς μέγιστος δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας ὕπατος χειροτονηθεὶς τὸ δεύτερον λέγει. 19.288. αἰτησαμένων με βασιλέως ̓Αγρίππα καὶ ̔Ηρώδου τῶν φιλτάτων μοι, ὅπως συγχωρήσαιμι τὰ αὐτὰ δίκαια καὶ τοῖς ἐν πάσῃ τῇ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἡγεμονίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις φυλάσσεσθαι, καθὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ, ἥδιστα συνεχώρησα οὐ μόνον τοῦτο τοῖς αἰτησαμένοις με χαριζόμενος 19.289. ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ ὧν παρεκλήθην ἀξίους κρίνας διὰ τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πίστιν καὶ φιλίαν, μάλιστα δὲ δίκαιον κρίνων μηδεμίαν μηδὲ ̔Ελληνίδα πόλιν τῶν δικαίων τούτων ἀποτυγχάνειν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ θείου Σεβαστοῦ αὐταῖς ἦν τετηρημένα. 19.291. τοῦτό μου τὸ διάταγμα τοὺς ἄρχοντας τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν κολωνιῶν καὶ μουνικιπίων τῶν ἐν τῇ ̓Ιταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν ἐκτός, βασιλεῖς τε καὶ δυνάστας διὰ τῶν ἰδίων πρεσβευτῶν ἐγγράψασθαι βούλομαι ἐκκείμενόν τε ἔχειν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα ὅθεν ἐξ ἐπιπέδου καλῶς ἀναγνωσθῆναι δύναται.” 19.292. Τούτοις μὲν δὴ τοῖς διατάγμασιν εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειάν τε καὶ τὴν οἰκουμένην πᾶσαν ἀποσταλεῖσιν ἐδήλωσεν ἣν περὶ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔχοι γνώμην Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ: αὐτίκα δὲ ̓Αγρίππαν κομιούμενον τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπὶ τιμαῖς λαμπροτέραις ἐξέπεμψε τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ἡγεμόσιν καὶ τοῖς ἐπιτρόποις διὰ γραμμάτων ἐπιστείλας ἐράσμιον ἄγειν αὐτόν. 19.293. ὁ δ', ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν τὸν ἐπὶ κρείττοσιν τύχαις ἀνερχόμενον, μετὰ τάχους ὑπέστρεψεν, εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα δ' ἐλθὼν χαριστηρίους ἐξεπλήρωσε θυσίας οὐδὲν τῶν κατὰ νόμον παραλιπών. 19.294. διὸ καὶ ναζιραίων ξυρᾶσθαι διέταξε μάλα συχνούς, τὴν δὲ χρυσῆν ἅλυσιν τὴν δοθεῖσαν αὐτῷ ὑπὸ Γαί̈ου ἰσόσταθμον τῇ σιδηρᾷ, ᾗ τὰς ἡγεμονίδας χεῖρας ἐδέθη, τῆς στυγνῆς εἶναι τύχης ὑπόμνημα καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ κρείττω μαρτυρίαν μεταβολῆς τῶν ἱερῶν ἐντὸς ἀνεκρέμασεν περιβόλων ὑπὲρ τὸ γαζοφυλάκιον, ἵν' ᾖ δεῖγμα καὶ τοῦ τὰ μεγάλα δύνασθαί ποτε πεσεῖν καὶ τοῦ τὸν θεὸν ἐγείρειν τὰ πεπτωκότα: 19.295. πᾶσι γὰρ τοῦτ' ἐνεφάνιζεν ἡ τῆς ἁλύσεως ἀνάθεσις, ὅτι βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας ἀπὸ μικρᾶς αἰτίας εἰς δεσμώτην ἀπέδυ τὸ πρὶν ἀξίωμα καὶ μετ' ὀλίγον τῆς πέδης ἐκβὰς εἰς βασιλέα τοῦ πάλαι λαμπρότερον ἠγέρθη. 19.296. διὰ τοῦτ' οὖν ἐννοεῖσθαι, ὅτι τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως καὶ πεσεῖν ὀλισθάνειν τὰ μεγέθη καὶ τὰ κλιθέντα δύναται περιφανὲς λαβεῖν πάλιν ὕψος. 19.297. ̓Εντελῶς δ' οὖν θρησκεύσας τὸν θεὸν ̓Αγρίππας Θεόφιλον μὲν τὸν ̓Ανάνου τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης μετέστησεν, τῷ δὲ Βοηθοῦ Σίμωνι, τούτῳ Κανθηρᾶς ἐπίκλησις ἦν, τὴν ἐκείνου προσένειμε τιμήν. δύο δ' ἦσαν ἀδελφοὶ τῷ Σίμωνι καὶ πατὴρ Βοηθός, οὗ τῇ θυγατρὶ βασιλεὺς συνῴκησεν ̔Ηρώδης, ὡς ἀνωτέρω δεδήλωται. 19.298. σὺν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς οὖν τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἔσχεν ὁ Σίμων καὶ σὺν τῷ πατρί, καθὰ καὶ πρότερον ἔσχον οἱ Σίμωνος τοῦ ̓Ονία παῖδες τρεῖς ὄντες ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀρχῆς, ὅπερ ἐν ταῖς προαγούσαις γραφαῖς παρέδομεν. 19.299. Καταστησάμενος δὲ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς οὕτως ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτας ἠμείψατο τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας: ἀνῆκε γοῦν αὐτοῖς τὰ ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης οἰκίας, ἐν καλῷ τιθέμενος ἀντιδοῦναι τοῖς ἠγαπηκόσιν στοργήν. ἔπαρχον δὲ ἀπέδειξεν παντὸς τοῦ στρατεύματος Σίλαν ἄνδρα πολλῶν αὐτῷ πόνων συμμετασχόντα. 19.301. σφόδρα τοῦτο ̓Αγρίππαν παρώξυνεν: κατάλυσιν γὰρ τῶν πατρίων αὐτοῦ νόμων ἐδύνατο. ἀμελλητὶ δὲ πρὸς Πούπλιον Πετρώνιον, ἡγεμὼν δὲ τῆς Συρίας οὗτος ἦν, παραγίνεται καὶ καταλέγει τῶν Δωριτῶν. 19.302. ὁ δ' οὐχ ἧττον ἐπὶ τῷ πραχθέντι χαλεπήνας, καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἔκρινεν ἀσέβειαν τὴν τῶν ἐννόμων παράβασιν, τοῖς ἀποστᾶσι τῶν Δωριτῶν σὺν ὀργῇ ταῦτ' ἔγραψεν: 19.303. “Πούπλιος Πετρώνιος πρεσβευτὴς Τιβερίου Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Δωριέων τοῖς πρώτοις λέγει. 19.304. ἐπειδὴ τοσαύτῃ τόλμῃ ἀπονοίας τινὲς ἐχρήσαντο ἐξ ὑμῶν, ὥστε μηδὲ διὰ τὸ προτεθῆναι διάταγμα Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ περὶ τοῦ ἐφίεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους φυλάσσειν τὰ πάτρια πεισθῆναι ὑμᾶς αὐτῷ 19.305. τἀναντία δὲ πάντα πρᾶξαι, συναγωγὴν ̓Ιουδαίων κωλύοντας εἶναι διὰ τὸ μεταθεῖναι ἐν αὐτῇ τὸν Καίσαρος ἀνδριάντα, παρανομοῦντας οὐκ εἰς μόνους ̓Ιουδαίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, οὗ ὁ ἀνδριὰς βέλτιον ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ ναῷ ἢ ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ ἐτίθετο καὶ ταῦτα ἐν τῷ τῆς συναγωγῆς τόπῳ, τοῦ φύσει δικαιοῦντος ἕνα ἕκαστον τῶν ἰδίων τόπων κυριεύειν κατὰ τὸ Καίσαρος ἐπίκριμα: 19.306. τοῦ γὰρ ἐμοῦ ἐπικρίματος μιμνήσκεσθαι γελοῖόν ἐστιν μετὰ τὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος διάταγμα τοῦ ἐπιτρέψαντος ̓Ιουδαίοις τοῖς ἰδίοις ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι, ἔτι μέντοι γε καὶ συμπολιτεύεσθαι τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν κεκελευκότος: 19.307. τοὺς μὲν παρὰ τὸ διάταγμα τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ τοιαῦτα τετολμηκότας, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἠγανάκτησαν οἱ δοκοῦντες αὐτῶν ἐξέχειν οὐ τῇ ἰδίᾳ προαιρέσει γεγενῆσθαι λέγοντες ἀλλὰ τῇ τοῦ πλήθους ὁρμῇ, ὑπὸ ἑκατοντάρχου Πρόκλου Οὐιτελλίου ἐκέλευσα ἐπ' ἐμὲ ἀναχθῆναι τῶν πεπραγμένων λόγον ἀποδώσοντας 19.308. τοῖς δὲ πρώτοις ἄρχουσι παραινῶ, εἰ μὴ βούλονται δοκεῖν κατὰ τὴν αὐτῶν προαίρεσιν γεγενῆσθαι τὸ ἀδίκημα, ἐπιδεῖξαι τοὺς αἰτίους τῷ ἑκατοντάρχῃ μηδεμιᾶς στάσεως μηδὲ μάχης ἐῶντας ἀφορμὴν γενέσθαι, ἥνπερ δοκοῦσίν μοι θηρεύεσθαι διὰ τῶν τοιούτων ἔργων 19.309. κἀμοῦ καὶ τοῦ τιμιωτάτου μοι βασιλέως ̓Αγρίππου οὐδενὸς μᾶλλον προνοουμένων, ἢ ἵνα μὴ ἀφορμῆς δραξάμενοι τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ὑπὸ τῆς ἀμύνης προφάσει συναθροισθὲν εἰς ἀπόνοιαν χωρῇ. 19.311. εἴς τε οὖν τὸ λοιπὸν παραγγέλλω μηδεμίαν πρόφασιν στάσεως μηδὲ ταραχῆς ζητεῖν, ἀλλ' ἑκάστους τὰ ἴδια ἔθη θρησκεύειν.” 19.312. Πετρώνιος μὲν οὖν οὕτω προυνόησε διορθώσεως μὲν τὸ παρανομηθὲν ἤδη τυχεῖν, γενέσθαι δὲ παραπλήσιον μηδὲν εἰς αὐτούς. 19.313. ̓Αγρίππας δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀφείλετο μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην τὸν Κανθηρᾶν Σίμωνα, ̓Ιωνάθην δὲ πάλιν ἐπ' αὐτὴν ἦγεν τὸν ̓Ανάνου τοῦτον ἀξιώτερον τῆς τιμῆς ὁμολογῶν εἶναι. τῷ δὲ οὐκ ἀσμενιστὸν ἐφάνη τὴν τοσαύτην ἀπολαβεῖν τιμήν, παρῃτεῖτο δ' οὖν ταῦτα λέγων: 19.314. “σοὶ μέν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τετιμημένος χαίρω διὰ ψυχῆς ἔχων τοῦθ' ὅ μοι γέρας δίδωσιν ἡ σὴ βουλὴ, καὶ πρὸς οὐδέν με τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἄξιον ἔκρινεν ὁ θεός. ἅπαξ δ' ἐνδὺς στολισμὸν ἱερὸν ἀρκοῦμαι: τότε γὰρ αὐτὸν ἠμφιασάμην ὁσιώτερον ἢ νῦν ἀπολήψομαι. 19.315. σὺ δ', εἰ βούλει τὸν ἀξιώτερον ἐμοῦ νῦν τὸ γέρας λαβεῖν, διδάχθητι: πάσης καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἁμαρτίας καὶ πρὸς σέ, βασιλεῦ, καθαρὸς ἀδελφὸς ἔστι μοι: πρέποντα τῇ τιμῇ τοῦτον συνίστημι.” 19.316. τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἡσθεὶς τοῖς λόγοις τὸν ̓Ιωνάθην μὲν ἠγάσατο τῆς γνώμης, τἀδελφῷ δὲ αὐτοῦ Ματθίᾳ τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἔδωκε. καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ Πετρώνιον μὲν Μάρσος διεδέξατο καὶ διεῖπε Συρίαν. 19.321. χρόνῳ δὲ τὸν θυμὸν ἠμβλύνθη καὶ λογισμοῖς εἰλικρινέσι τὴν περὶ τἀνδρὸς κρίσιν ἐφῆκεν ἐν νῷ λαμβάνων ὅσους ὑπὲρ ἐκείνου πόνους ἐκεῖνος ἀνέτλη. ἡμέραν οὖν ἑορτάζων αὐτοῦ γενέθλιον, ὅτε πᾶσιν ὧν ἦρχεν εὐφροσύνη ᾗ καθίσταντο θαλίαι, τὸν Σίλαν ἀνεκάλει παραυτίκα συνέστιον αὐτῷ γενησόμενον. 19.326. Τὰ δὲ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων τείχη τὰ πρὸς τὴν καινὴν νεύοντα πόλιν δημοσίαις ὠχύρου δαπάναις, τῇ μὲν εὐρύνων εἰς πλάτος τῇ δὲ εἰς ὕψος ἐξαίρων, κἂν ἐξειργάσατο ταῦτα πάσης ἀνθρωπίνης κρείττονα βίας, εἰ μὴ Μάρσος ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἡγεμὼν Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι διὰ γραμμάτων ἐδήλωσε τὸ πραττόμενον. 19.327. καὶ νεωτερισμόν τινα Κλαύδιος ὑποπτεύσας ἐπέστειλεν ̓Αγρίππᾳ μετὰ σπουδῆς παύσασθαι τῆς τῶν τειχῶν ἐξοικοδομήσεως: ὁ δ' ἀπειθεῖν οὐκ ἔκρινεν. 19.328. ̓Επεφύκει δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος εὐεργετικὸς εἶναι ἐν δωρεαῖς καὶ μεγαλοφρονῆσαι ἔθνη φιλότιμος καὶ πολλοῖς ἀθρόως δαπανήμασιν ἀνιστὰς αὑτὸν εἰς ἐπιφάνειαν ἡδόμενος τῷ χαρίζεσθαι καὶ τῷ βιοῦν ἐν εὐφημίᾳ χαίρων, κατ' οὐδὲν ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖ τὸν τρόπον συμφερόμενος: 19.329. ἐκείνῳ γὰρ πονηρὸν ἦν ἦθος ἐπὶ τιμωρίαν ἀπότομον καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἀπηχθημένων ἀταμίευτον, ̔́Ελλησι πλέον ἢ ̓Ιουδαίοις οἰκείως ἔχειν ὁμολογούμενος: ἀλλοφύλων γέ τοι πόλεις ἐσέμνυνεν δόσει χρημάτων βαλανείων θεάτρων τε ἄλλοτε κατασκευαῖς, ἔστιν αἷς ναοὺς ἀνέστησε, στοὰς ἄλλαις, ἀλλὰ ̓Ιουδαίων οὐδεμίαν πόλιν οὐδ' ὀλίγης ἐπισκευῆς ἠξίωσεν οὐδὲ δόσεως ἀξίας μνημονευθῆναι. 19.331. ἡδεῖα γοῦν αὐτῷ δίαιτα καὶ συνεχὴς ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἦν καὶ τὰ πάτρια καθαρῶς ἐτήρει. διὰ πάσης γοῦν αὑτὸν ἦγεν ἁγνείας οὐδ' ἡμέρα τις παρώδευεν αὐτῷ τὰ νόμιμα χηρεύουσα θυσίας. 19.332. Καὶ δή τις ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀνὴρ ἐπιχώριος ἐξακριβάζειν δοκῶν τὰ νόμιμα, Σίμων ἦν ὄνομα τούτῳ, πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἁλίσας τηνικάδε τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐκδεδημηκότος ἐτόλμησεν αὐτοῦ κατειπεῖν, ὡς οὐχ ὅσιος εἴη, δικαίως δ' ἂν εἴργοιτο τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς εἰσόδου προσηκούσης τοῖς ἐγγενέσιν. 19.333. δηλοῦται μὲν δὴ διὰ γραμμάτων ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῆς πόλεως τῷ βασιλεῖ δημηγορήσας Σίμων ταῦτα, μεταπέμπεται δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς καί, καθέζετο γὰρ ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τότε, καθεσθῆναι παρ' αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν. ἠρέμα τε καὶ πρᾴως “εἰπέ μοι, φησίν, τί τῶν ἐνθάδε γινομένων ἐστὶ παράνομον;” 19.334. ὁ δὲ εἰπεῖν ἔχων οὐδὲν τυχεῖν ἐδεῖτο συγγνώμης. ἀλλὰ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ ἢ προσεδόκησέν τις διηλλάττετο τὴν πρᾳότητα κρίνων βασιλικωτέραν ὀργῆς καὶ πρέπειν εἰδὼς τοῖς μεγέθεσι θυμοῦ πλέον ἐπιείκειαν. τὸν Σίμωνα γοῦν καὶ δωρεᾶς τινος ἀξιώσας ἀπεπέμπετο. 19.335. Πολλοῖς δὲ κατασκευάσας πολλὰ Βηρυτίους ἐξαιρέτως ἐτίμησεν: θέατρον γὰρ αὐτοῖς κατεσκεύασε πολυτελείᾳ τε καὶ κάλλει πολλῶν διαφέρον ἀμφιθέατρόν τε πολλῶν ἀναλωμάτων βαλανεῖα πρὸς τούτοις καὶ στοάς, ἐν οὐδενὶ τῶν ἔργων στενότητι δαπανημάτων ἢ τὸ κάλλος ἀδικήσας ἢ τὸ μέγεθος. 19.336. ἐπεδαψιλεύσατο δ' αὐτῶν τὴν καθιέρωσιν μεγαλοπρεπῶς, ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ μὲν θεωρίας ἐπιτελῶν πάνθ' ὅσα μουσικῆς ἔργα παράγων καὶ ποικίλης ποιητικὰ τέρψεως, ἐν δὲ τῷ ἀμφιθεάτρῳ πλήθει μονομάχων τὴν αὐτοῦ δεικνὺς μεγαλόνοιαν. 19.337. ἔνθα καὶ τὴν κατὰ πλῆθος ἀντίταξιν βουληθεὶς γενέσθαι τῶν θεωμένων τέρψιν ἑπτακοσίους ἄνδρας ἑπτακοσίοις μαχησομένους εἰσέπεμψεν κακούργους ὅσους εἶχεν ἀποτάξας εἰς τήνδε τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἵν' οἱ μὲν κολασθῶσιν, τὸ πολέμου δ' ἔργον γένηται τέρψις εἰρήνης. τούτους μὲν οὖν πασσυδὶ διέφθειρεν. 19.338. ̓Εν Βηρυτῷ δὲ τελέσας τὰ προειρημένα μετῆλθεν εἰς Τιβεριάδα πόλιν τῆς Γαλιλαίας. ἦν δὲ ἄρα τοῖς ἄλλοις βασιλεῦσιν περίβλεπτος. ἧκε γοῦν παρ' αὐτὸν Κομμαγηνῆς μὲν βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος, ̓Εμεσῶν δὲ Σαμψιγέραμος καὶ Κότυς, τῆς μικρᾶς ̓Αρμενίας οὗτος ἐβασίλευσεν, καὶ Πολέμων τὴν Πόντου κεκτημένος δυναστείαν ̔Ηρώδης τε: οὗτος ἀδελφὸς ἦν αὐτοῦ, ἦρχεν δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος. 19.339. ὡμίλησε δὲ πᾶσιν κατά τε τὰς ὑποδοχὰς καὶ φιλοφρονήσεις ὡς μάλιστα διαδείξας φρονήσεως ὕψος καὶ διὰ τοῦτό γε δοκεῖν δικαίως τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίᾳ τετιμῆσθαι. 19.341. τοῦτο δὲ ἄρα ἔμελλεν τῆς πρὸς Μάρσον ἀρχὴ γενήσεσθαι διαφορᾶς: συγκαθεζόμενος γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀπήνης ἐπήγετο τοὺς ἄλλους βασιλέας, Μάρσῳ δ' ἡ τούτων ὁμόνοια καὶ μέχρι τοσοῦδε φιλία πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπωπτεύθη συμφέρειν οὐχ ὑπολαμβάνοντι ̔Ρωμαίοις δυναστῶν τοσούτων συμφρόνησιν. εὐθὺς οὖν ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς πέμπων ἐπέστελλεν ἐπὶ τὰ ἑαυτοῦ δίχα μελλήσεως ἀπέρχεσθαι. 19.342. ταῦτα ̓Αγρίππας ἀνιαρῶς ἐξεδέχετο: καὶ Μάρσῳ μὲν ἐκ τούτου διαφόρως ἔσχεν, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην δὲ Ματθίαν ἀφελόμενος ἀντ' αὐτοῦ κατέστησεν ἀρχιερέα ̓Ελιωναῖον τὸν τοῦ Κιθαίρου παῖδα. 19.343. Τρίτον δὲ ἔτος αὐτῷ βασιλεύοντι τῆς ὅλης ̓Ιουδαίας πεπλήρωτο, καὶ παρῆν εἰς πόλιν Καισάρειαν, ἣ τὸ πρότερον Στράτωνος πύργος ἐκαλεῖτο. συνετέλει δ' ἐνταῦθα θεωρίας εἰς τὴν Καίσαρος τιμὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου σωτηρίας ἑορτήν τινα ταύτην ἐπιστάμενος, καὶ παρ' αὐτὴν ἤθροιστο τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἐν τέλει καὶ προβεβηκότων εἰς ἀξίαν πλῆθος. 19.344. δευτέρᾳ δὴ τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέρᾳ στολὴν ἐνδὺς ἐξ ἀργύρου πεποιημένην πᾶσαν, ὡς θαυμάσιον ὑφὴν εἶναι, παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας. ἔνθα ταῖς πρώταις τῶν ἡλιακῶν ἀκτίνων ἐπιβολαῖς ὁ ἄργυρος καταυγασθεὶς θαυμασίως ἀπέστιλβε μαρμαίρων τι φοβερὸν καὶ τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀτενίζουσι φρικῶδες. 19.345. εὐθὺς δὲ οἱ κόλακες τὰς οὐδὲ ἐκείνῳ πρὸς ἀγαθοῦ ἄλλος ἄλλοθεν φωνὰς ἀνεβόων, θεὸν προσαγορεύοντες εὐμενής τε εἴης ἐπιλέγοντες, “εἰ καὶ μέχρι νῦν ὡς ἄνθρωπον ἐφοβήθημεν 19.346. ἀλλὰ τοὐντεῦθεν κρείττονά σε θνητῆς φύσεως ὁμολογοῦμεν.” οὐκ ἐπέπληξεν τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐδὲ τὴν κολακείαν ἀσεβοῦσαν ἀπετρίψατο. ἀνακύψας δ' οὖν μετ' ὀλίγον τὸν βουβῶνα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κεφαλῆς ὑπερκαθιζόμενον εἶδεν ἐπὶ σχοινίου τινός. ἄγγελον τοῦτον εὐθὺς ἐνόησεν κακῶν εἶναι τὸν καί ποτε τῶν ἀγαθῶν γενόμενον, καὶ διακάρδιον ἔσχεν ὀδύνην, ἄθρουν δ' αὐτῷ τῆς κοιλίας προσέφυσεν ἄλγημα μετὰ σφοδρότητος ἀρξάμενον. 19.347. ἀναθορὼν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, “ὁ θεὸς ὑμῖν ἐγώ, φησίν, ἤδη καταστρέφειν ἐπιτάττομαι τὸν βίον, παραχρῆμα τῆς εἱμαρμένης τὰς ἄρτι μου κατεψευσμένας φωνὰς ἐλεγχούσης: ὁ κληθεὶς ἀθάνατος ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἤδη θανεῖν ἀπάγομαι. δεκτέον δὲ τὴν πεπρωμένην, ᾗ θεὸς βεβούληται: καὶ γὰρ βεβιώκαμεν οὐδαμῇ φαύλως, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῆς μακαριζομένης λαμπρότητος.” 19.348. ταῦθ' ἅμα λέγων ἐπιτάσει τῆς ὀδύνης κατεπονεῖτο: μετὰ σπουδῆς οὖν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἐκομίσθη καὶ διῇξε λόγος εἰς πάντας, ὡς ἔχοι τοῦ τεθνάναι παντάπασι μετ' ὀλίγον. 19.349. ἡ πληθὺς δ' αὐτίκα σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ παισὶν ἐπὶ σάκκων καθεσθεῖσα τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως, οἰμωγῆς δὲ πάντ' ἦν ἀνάπλεα καὶ θρήνων. ἐν ὑψηλῷ δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς δωματίῳ κατακείμενος καὶ κάτω βλέπων αὐτοὺς πρηνεῖς καταπίπτοντας ἄδακρυς οὐδ' αὐτὸς διέμενεν. 19.351. τέτταρας μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος ἐβασίλευσεν ἐνιαυτοὺς τῆς Φιλίππου μὲν τετραρχίας εἰς τριετίαν ἄρξας, τῷ τετάρτῳ δὲ καὶ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου προσειληφώς, τρεῖς δ' ἐπιλαβὼν τῆς Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος αὐτοκρατορίας, ἐν οἷς τῶν τε προειρημένων ἐβασίλευσεν καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν προσέλαβεν Σαμάρειάν τε καὶ Καισάρειαν. 19.352. προσωδεύσατο δ' ὅτι πλείστας αὐτῶν προσφορὰς διακοσίας ἐπὶ χιλίαις μυριάδας, πολλὰ μέντοι προσεδανείσατο: τῷ γὰρ φιλόδωρος εἶναι δαψιλέστερα τῶν προσιόντων ἀνήλισκεν, ἦν δὲ ἀφειδὲς αὐτοῦ τὸ φιλότιμον.

1.14. Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws: and that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before becomes impracticable; and whatsoever they set about as a good thing is converted into an incurable calamity. 1.14. 3. Noah, when, after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted 1.15. And now I exhort all those that peruse these books, to apply their minds to God; and to examine the mind of our legislator, whether he hath not understood his nature in a manner worthy of him; and hath not ever ascribed to him such operations as become his power, and hath not preserved his writings from those indecent fables which others have framed 1.15. Heber begat Phaleg in his hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself being begotten by Sala when he was a hundred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad had for his son at the hundred and thirty-fifth year of his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shem, and born twelve years after the deluge. 1.18. 4. But because almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom of Moses, our legislator, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concerning him beforehand, though I shall do it briefly; I mean, because otherwise those that read my book may wonder how it comes to pass, that my discourse, which promises an account of laws and historical facts, contains so much of philosophy. 1.18. where Melchisedec, king of the city Salem, received him. That name signifies, the righteous king: and such he was, without dispute, insomuch that, on this account, he was made the priest of God: however, they afterward called Salem Jerusalem. 2.202. for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty of wealth, which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of labor, they thought their increase was to their own detriment. And having, in length of time, forgotten the benefits they had received from Joseph, particularly the crown being now come into another family, they became very abusive to the Israelites, and contrived many ways of afflicting them; 4.196. 4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall thereby inform those that read these Antiquities, what our original settlements were, and shall then proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements are all still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; 4.292. 41. Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time of peace, and God will be so merciful as to preserve this excellent settlement free from disturbance: and may that time never come which may innovate any thing, and change it for the contrary. 10.189. Daniel he called Baltasar; Aias, Shadrach; Misael, Meshach; and Azarias, Abednego. These the king had in esteem, and continued to love, because of the very excellent temper they were of, and because of their application to learning, and the profess they had made in wisdom. 10.277. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error 10.278. who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; 10.279. which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought. 10.281. Now as to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any blame from me. 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 13.297. but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 14.274. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 15.266. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. 15.267. 1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now neglected; 15.281. but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; 15.328. But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples,— 16.151. but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; 16.152. insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same; 16.153. for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; 16.154. and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer of it; 16.155. and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains. 16.156. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored. 16.157. Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like presented to himself. 16.158. But now the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king’s ambition with statues or temples, or any other such performances; 16.159. And this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod’s crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him. 16.398. wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the philosophical determination of our ancient law. 17.28. and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes. of which matter I shall treat more accurately in the progress of this history. 17.28. They were every one of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure. 17.181. ince he took care, when he was departing out of this life, that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies. 17.191. When he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonus to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by the Romans, thirty-seven. A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above the consideration of what was right; 17.299. 1. So when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the former legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions following: 17.300. for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own laws. Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already. 17.301. Hereupon Caesar assembled his friends, and the chief men among the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, which he had built at a vast charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude of the Jews that were there already came with them, as did also Archelaus and his friends; 17.304. 2. Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making many innovations among them besides, according to his own inclinations; 17.306. That he did never leave off adorning these cities that lay in their neighborhood, but were inhabited by foreigners; but so that the cities belonging to his own government were ruined, and utterly destroyed; 17.307. that whereas, when he took the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary flourishing condition, he had filled the nation with the utmost degree of poverty; and when, upon unjust pretenses, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away their estates; and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned them to the forfeiture of what they possessed. 17.308. And besides the annual impositions which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents to himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed the favor of being his tax-gatherers, because there was no way of obtaining a freedom from unjust violence without giving either gold or silver for it. 17.341. Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother’s wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still living. 17.354. So Archelaus’s country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people’s effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus. 18.1. 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.3. but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. 18.4. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; 18.5. as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; 18.6. o men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; 18.7. one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; 18.8. whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire. 18.9. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal 18.10. concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction. 18.11. 2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now. 18.11. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter. 18.12. 3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; 18.12. 3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. 18.13. and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. 18.13. 4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod’s sister. 18.14. They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again; 18.14. Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. 18.15. on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also. 18.15. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria. 18.16. 4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: 18.16. o she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea. 18.17. but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them. 18.17. for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners; 18.18. 5. The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; 18.18. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. 18.19. and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. 18.19. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: “For certain,” said he, “Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;” and when he still asked, “Which of these is to be bound?” he said “Agrippa.” 18.20. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way 18.21. and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. 18.21. that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government. 18.22. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essenes in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae [dwellers in cities]. 18.22. and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity 18.23. 6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. 18.23. Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. 18.24. And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain. 18.24. 1. But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, it was because he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune. 18.25. And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy. 18.25. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius; 18.36. 3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. 18.36. By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it 18.37. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. 18.37. But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also. 18.38. Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days. 18.101. 5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates 18.103. Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant. 18.106. 6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod’s brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government; 18.107. he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly. 18.108. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy. 18.109. 1. About this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high priest Sireoh’s daughter. 18.111. So Antipus, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions. 18.112. Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas’s army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod’s intentions. 18.113. So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves; 18.114. and when they had joined battle, all Herod’s army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas’s army. 18.115. So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria. 18.116. 2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist: 18.117. for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. 18.118. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late. 18.119. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God’s displeasure to him. 18.121. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great many in their ensigns; 18.122. o he was persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching; 18.123. and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. 18.128. for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: 18.129. it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them. 18.131. Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children. 18.132. Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty; 18.133. but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod’s sister. 18.134. Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; 18.135. but Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line. 18.136. But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her husband’s brother by the father’s side, he was tetrarch of Galilee; 18.137. but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; 18.138. and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless. 18.139. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; 18.141. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless. 18.142. And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power. 18.143. 1. A little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius’s son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son. 18.144. Now as Agrippa was by nature magimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; 18.145. but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty 18.146. and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived. 18.147. 2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself; 18.148. but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto 18.149. and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintece, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him. 18.151. 3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa’s brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him. 18.152. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: 18.153. The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of money; 18.154. o he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. 18.155. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. 18.156. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security; 18.157. but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it. 18.158. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar’s treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. 18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; 18.161. 4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Caprein: 18.162. o Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. 18.163. But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. 18.164. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship; 18.165. o, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him. 18.166. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson, and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa’s kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father. 18.167. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him. 18.168. 5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa’s freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; 18.169. but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so; 18.171. insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission: 18.172. that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; 18.173. but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions]. 18.174. He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him; 18.175. but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, “If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. 18.176. For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.” 18.177. And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate. 18.178. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; “but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery.” 18.179. 6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. 18.181. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice; 18.182. for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. 18.183. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.” 18.184. Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity: 18.185. As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; 18.186. to which he replied, “O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. 18.187. Upon which he said, “O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.” 18.188. Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; 18.189. he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. 18.191. Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. 18.192. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel 18.193. he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.” 18.194. Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later. 18.195. 7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; 18.196. and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; 18.197. which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: “This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. 18.198. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause; 18.199. for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. 18.200. It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. 18.201. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.” 18.202. So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; 18.203. yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. 18.204. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months’ time, and in this case were his affairs. 18.205. 8. But as for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. 18.206. Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus 18.207. who had attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals; 18.208. by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men; 18.209. not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men 18.211. 9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son’s son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination; 18.212. o he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson’s tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation; 18.213. for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, “Thy father calls thee,” and then brought him in. 18.214. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him 18.215. and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also. 18.216. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. 18.217. So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. 18.218. And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son’s son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment. 18.219. Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: “O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire; 18.221. or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; 18.222. for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished.” 18.223. This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him. 18.224. 10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor. 18.225. But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone. 18.226. For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses; 18.227. insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded. 18.228. Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, “The lion is dead;” 18.229. who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, “Nay,” said he, “but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true.” 18.231. They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a few days. 18.232. At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, “Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?” 18.233. When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night; 18.234. but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; 18.235. another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs. 18.236. Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately. 18.237. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea. 18.238. 11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. 18.241. She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his; 18.242. for she said that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life. 18.243. “But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches should be in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity. 18.244. But let us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom.” 18.245. 2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king; 18.246. and at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him. 18.247. But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity. 18.248. This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn 18.249. which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring to outdo his predecessor’s magnificence; the place also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men’s luxury also. 18.251. as a demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the armor was true; 18.252. and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. 18.253. But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband. 18.254. But she made this reply: “Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.” 18.255. Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman. 18.289. 7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure; 18.291. hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him: 18.292. “I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient; 18.293. for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach.” And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities. 18.294. But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him; 18.295. that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the receiver. 18.296. And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa’s inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, “Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein; 18.297. but I desire somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius.” 18.298. 8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life. 18.299. So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa’s obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of what he had said 18.300. and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs. 18.301. “If therefore,” said’ he, “thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him.” 18.302. And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. 18.303. When therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius: 18.304. “Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor.” 18.305. 9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead; 18.306. for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them; 18.307. for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration. 18.308. Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius’s death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius 18.309. and admired God’s providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee. 19.1. 1. Now this Caius did not demonstrate his madness in offering injuries only to the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in the neighborhood; but suffered it to extend itself through all the earth and sea, so far as was in subjection to the Romans, and filled it with ten thousand mischiefs; so many indeed in number as no former history relates. 19.2. But Rome itself felt the most dismal effects of what he did, while he deemed that not to be any way more honorable than the rest of the cities; but he pulled and hauled its other citizens, but especially the senate, and particularly the nobility, and such as had been dignified by illustrious ancestors; 19.3. he also had ten thousand devices against such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were esteemed by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators, because out of them the senators were themselves chosen; these he treated after an ignominious manner, and removed them out of his way, while they were at once slain, and their wealth plundered, because he slew men generally in order to seize on their riches. 19.4. He also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on greater honors to be paid him by his subjects than are due to mankind. He also frequented that temple of Jupiter which they style the Capitol, which is with them the most holy of all their temples, and had boldness enough to call himself the brother of Jupiter. 19.5. And other pranks he did like a madman; as when he laid a bridge from the city Dicearchia, which belongs to Campania, to Misenum, another city upon the sea-side 19.6. from one promontory to another, of the length of thirty furlongs, as measured over the sea. And this was done because he esteemed it to be a most tedious thing to row over it in a small ship, and thought withal that it became him to make that bridge, since he was lord of the sea, and might oblige it to give marks of obedience as well as the earth; so he enclosed the whole bay within his bridge, and drove his chariot over it; and thought that, as he was a god, it was fit for him to travel over such roads as this was. 19.7. Nor did he abstain from the plunder of any of the Grecian temples, and gave order that all the engravings and sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of the statues and donations therein dedicated, should be brought to him, saying that the best things ought to be set no where but in the best place, and that the city of Rome was that best place. 19.8. He also adorned his own house and his gardens with the curiosities brought from those temples, together with the houses he lay at when he traveled all over Italy; whence he did not scruple to give a command that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called because he was honored at the Olympian games by the Greeks, which was the work of Phidias the Athenian, should be brought to Rome. 19.9. Yet did not he compass his end, because the architects told Memmius Regulus, who was commanded to remove that statue of Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as would be spoiled, and would not bear the removal. It was also reported that Memmius, both on that account, and on account of some such mighty prodigies as are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it down 19.10. and wrote to Caius those accounts, as his apology for not having done what his epistle required of him; and that when he was thence in danger of perishing, he was saved by Caius being dead himself, before he had put him to death. 19.11. 2. Nay, Caius’s madness came to this height, that when he had a daughter born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her upon the knees of the statue, and said that the child was common to him and to Jupiter, and determined that she had two fathers, but which of these fathers were the greatest he left undetermined; 19.11. when Cornelius Sabinus, who was already prepared in his mind so to do, thrust him down upon his knee, where many of them stood round about him, and struck him with their swords; and they cried out, and encouraged one another all at once to strike him again; but all agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which directly killed him. 19.12. and yet mankind bore him in such his pranks. He also gave leave to slaves to accuse their masters of any crimes whatsoever they pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in great part made to please him, and at his suggestion 19.12. The men of that country are naturally passionate, which is commonly the temper of some other of the barbarous nations also, as being not used to consider much about what they do; they are of robust bodies and fall upon their enemies as soon as ever they are attacked by them; and which way soever they go, they perform great exploits. 19.13. insomuch that Pollux, Claudius’s slave, had the boldness to lay an accusation against Claudius himself; and Caius was not ashamed to be present at his trial of life and death, to hear that trial of his own uncle, in hopes of being able to take him off, although he did not succeed to his mind. 19.13. but for the women and the youth, they had been inveigled with shows, and the fighting of the gladiators, and certain distributions of flesh-meat among them, which things them pretense were designed for the pleasing of multitude, but in reality to satiate the barbarous cruelty and madness of Caius. 19.14. But when he had filled the whole habitable world which he governed with false accusations and miseries, and had occasioned the greatest insults of slaves against their masters, who indeed in a great measure ruled them, there were many secret plots now laid against him; some in anger, and in order for men to revenge themselves, on account of the miseries they had already undergone from him; and others made attempts upon him, in order to take him off before they should fall into such great miseries 19.14. they therefore begged that they would spare them, and not punish those that had not the least hand in such bold crimes as belonged to other persons, while they neglected to search after such as had really done whatsoever it be that hath been done. 19.15. while his death came very fortunately for the preservation of the laws of all men, and had a great influence upon the public welfare; and this happened most happily for our nation in particular, which had almost utterly perished if he had not been suddenly slain. And I confess I have a mind to give a full account of this matter particularly 19.15. and such an abundant kindness they still had for Caius, that they would willingly have prevented the plot against him, and procured his escape from so sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own lives. 19.16. because it will afford great assurance of the power of God, and great comfort to those that are under afflictions, and wise caution to those who think their happiness will never end, nor bring them at length to the most lasting miseries, if they do not conduct their lives by the principles of virtue. 19.16. The consuls also published an edict, wherein they accused Caius, and gave order to the people then got together, and to the soldiers, to go home; and gave the people hopes of the abatement of the oppressions they lay under; and promised the soldiers, if they lay quiet as they used to do, and would not go abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they would bestow rewards upon them; for there was reason to fear lest the city might suffer harm by their wild and ungovernable behavior, if they should once betake themselves to spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples. 19.17. 3. Now there were three several conspiracies made in order to take off Caius, and each of these three were conducted by excellent persons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got some men together, and was desirous to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. 19.17. and I heartily wish that this quiet enjoyment of it, which we have at present, might continue to all ages. However, this single day may suffice for our youth, as well as for us that are in years. It will seem an age to our old men, if they might die during its happy duration: it may also be for the instruction of the younger sort 19.18. Another conspiracy there was laid by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius, the tribune [of the Pretorian band]. Minucianus Annins was also one of great consequence among those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny. 19.18. Nor has any thing so much contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as sloth, and a timorous forbearance of contradicting the emperor’s will; 19.19. Now the several occasions of these men’s several hatred and conspiracy against Caius were these: Regulus had indignation and hatred against all injustice, for he had a mind naturally angry, and bold, and free, which made him not conceal his counsels; so he communicated them to many of his friends, and to others who seemed to him persons of activity and vigor: 19.19. 4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius’s daughter and wife were still alive, and that all his family did not perish with him, since whosoever was left of them must be left for the ruin of the city and of the laws. Moreover, in order to finish this matter with the utmost zeal, and in order to satisfy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the tribunes, to kill Caius’s wife and daughter. 19.20. Minucianus entered into this conspiracy, because of the injustice done to Lepidus his particular friend, and one of the best character of all the citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also because he was afraid of himself, since Caius’s wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike: 19.21. and for Cherea, he came in, because he thought it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of the reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though he were a coward; as also because he was himself in danger every day from his friendship with him, and the observance he paid him. 19.21. But the advantages he received from his learning did not countervail the mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority; so difficult it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary for a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control. 19.22. These men proposed this attempt to all the rest that were concerned, who saw the injuries that were offered them, and were desirous that Caius’s slaughter might succeed by their mutual assistance of one another, and they might themselves escape being killed by the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point; and that it would be a happy thing, if they should gain it, to approve themselves to so many excellent persons, as earnestly wished to be partakers with them in their design for the delivery of the city and of the government, even at the hazard of their own lives. 19.22. So they took him up and carried him, because he was not then able to go on foot, such was his dread and his joy at what was told him. 19.23. But still Cherea was the most zealous of them all, both out of a desire of getting himself the greatest name, and also by reason of his access to Caius’s presence with less danger, because he was tribune, and could therefore the more easily kill him. 19.23. that he who was a single person, one either already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the law take place in the disposal of all that related to the public order, and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done by others, while he did himself willfully treat his country after a mad and insolent manner; 19.24. 4. Now at this time came on the horse-races [Circensian games]; the view of which games was eagerly desired by the people of Rome, for they come with great alacrity into the hippodrome [circus] at such times, and petition their emperors, in great multitudes, for what they stand in need of; who usually did not think fit to deny them their requests, but readily and gratefully granted them. 19.24. who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion about the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was ready to lose his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to consider what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable to them; 19.25. Accordingly, they most importunately desired that Caius would now ease them in their tributes, and abate somewhat of the rigor of their taxes imposed upon them; but he would not hear their petition; and when their clamors increased, he sent soldiers some one way and some another, and gave order that they should lay hold on those that made the clamors, and without any more ado bring them out, and put them to death. 19.25. So they fully declared themselves to be for the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before, because they had not only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. 19.26. These were Caius’s commands, and those who were commanded executed the same; and the number of those who were slain on this occasion was very great. Now the people saw this, and bore it so far, that they left off clamoring, because they saw with their own eyes that this petition to be relieved, as to the payment of their money, brought immediate death upon them. 19.26. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they had done. 19.27. These things made Cherea more resolute to go on with his plot, in order to put an end to this barbarity of Caius against men. He then at several times thought to fall upon Caius, even as he was feasting; yet did he restrain himself by some considerations; not that he had any doubt on him about killing him, but as watching for a proper season, that the attempt might not be frustrated, but that he might give the blow so as might certainly gain his purpose. 19.27. for when Lupus had laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius. So he was happily killed at one stroke. 19.28. 5. Cherea had been in the army a long time, yet was he not pleased with conversing so much with Caius. But Caius had set him to require the tributes, and other dues, which, when not paid in due time, were forfeited to Caesar’s treasury; and he had made some delays in requiring them, because those burdens had been doubled, and had rather indulged his own mild disposition than performed Caius’s command; 19.28. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus: 19.29. nay, indeed, he provoked Caius to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from whom he demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long about collecting the taxes. And indeed he did not only affront him in other respects, but when he gave him the watchword of the day, to whom it was to be given by his place, he gave him feminine words 19.29. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness to them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. 19.30. and those of a nature very reproachful; and these watchwords he gave out, as having been initiated in the secrets of certain mysteries, which he had been himself the author of. Now although he had sometimes put on women’s clothes, and had been wrapt in some embroidered garments to them belonging, and done a great many other things, in order to make the company mistake him for a woman; yet did he, by way of reproach, object the like womanish behavior to Cherea. 19.31. But when Cherea received the watchword from him, he had indignation at it, but had greater indignation at the delivery of it to others, as being laughed at by those that received it; insomuch that his fellow tribunes made him the subject of their drollery; for they would foretell that he would bring them some of his usual watchwords when he was about to take the watchword from Caesar, and would thereby make him ridiculous; 19.31. And that it may be more publicly known what Augustus hath resolved about this whole matter, I have subjoined those edicts which he hath lately caused to be published at Alexandria, and which, although they may be well known to all, yet did king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, read them at that time before my tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights which Augustus hath granted them. 19.32. on which accounts he took the courage of assuming certain partners to him, as having just reasons for his indignation against Caius. Now there was one Pompedius, a senator, and one who had gone through almost all posts in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that reason loved to lead an inactive life. 19.32. At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king’s indignation, that he acted rather out of passion than good consideration, and did not only turn Silas out of his place, as general of his horse, but sent him in bonds into his own country. 19.33. Now Timidius, an enemy of his, had informed Caius that he had used indecent reproaches against him, and he made use of Quintilia for a witness to them; a woman she was much beloved by many that frequented the theater, and particularly by Pompedius, on account of her great beauty. 19.33. But Agrippa’s temper was mild, and equally liberal to all men. He was humane to foreigners, and made them sensible of his liberality. He was in like manner rather of a gentle and compassionate temper. 19.34. Now this woman thought it a horrible thing to attest to an accusation that touched the life of her lover, which was also a lie. Timidius, however, wanted to have her brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this reproach upon him, and commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture Quintilia, as he used to employ Cherea in such bloody matters, and those that required the torture, because he thought he would do it the more barbarously, in order to avoid that imputation of effeminacy which he had laid upon him. 19.34. However, while these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came thither. So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs. 19.35. But Quintilia, when she was brought to the rack, trod upon the foot of one of her associates, and let him know that he might be of good courage, and not be afraid of the consequence of her tortures, for that she would bear them with magimity. Cherea tortured this woman after a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed, but because he could not help it. He then brought her, without being in the least moved at what she had suffered, into the presence of Caius, and that in such a state as was sad to behold; 19.35. And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life, being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his reign; 19.36. and Caius, being somewhat affected with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body miserably disordered by the pains she had undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of the crime laid to their charge. He also gave her money to make her an honorable amends, and comfort her for that maiming of her body which she had suffered, and for her glorious patience under such insufferable torments. 19.36. 2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, was at Rome, and brought up with Claudius Caesar. 19.37. 6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as having been the cause, as far as he could, or the instrument, of those miseries to men, which seemed worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which account he said to Clement and to Papinius, (of whom Clement was general of the army, and Papinius was a tribune,) 19.38. “To be sure, O Clement, we have no way failed in our guarding the emperor; for as to those that have made conspiracies against his government, some have been slain by our care and pains, and some have been by us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath himself pitied them. How great then is our virtue in submitting to conduct his armies!” 19.39. Clement held his peace, but showed the shame he was under in obeying Caius’s orders, both by his eyes and his blushing countece, while he thought it by no means right to accuse the emperor in express words, lest their own safety should be endangered thereby. 19.40. Upon which Cherea took courage, and spake to him without fear of the dangers that were before him, and discoursed largely of the sore calamities under which the city and the government then labored, and said, “We may indeed pretend in words that Caius is the person unto whom the cause of such miseries ought to be imputed; 19.41. but, in the opinion of such as are able to judge uprightly, it is I, O Clement! and this Papinius, and before us thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon the Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done by our being subservient to the commands of Caius, but it is done by our own consent; 19.42. for whereas it is in our power to put an end to the life of this man, who hath so terribly injured the citizens and his subjects, we are his guard in mischief, and his executioners instead of his soldiers, and are the instruments of his cruelty. We bear these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the Roman government, but only for his preservation, who hath enslaved both their bodies and their minds; and we are every day polluted with the blood that we shed, and the torments we inflict upon others; and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius’s instrument in bringing the like miseries upon ourselves. 19.43. Nor does he thus employ us because he hath a kindness for us, but rather because he hath a suspicion of us, as also because when abundance more have been killed, (for Caius will set no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to do all, not out of regard to justice, but to his own pleasure,) we shall also ourselves be exposed to his cruelty; whereas we ought to be the means of confirming the security and liberty of all, and at the same time to resolve to free ourselves from dangers.” 19.44. 7. Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea’s intentions, but bid him hold his tongue; for that in case his words should get out among many, and such things should be spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the plot would come to be discovered before it was executed, and they should be brought to punishment; but that they should leave all to futurity, and the hope which thence arose, that some fortunate event would come to their assistance; 19.45. that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to make any attempt in that case. “However, although perhaps I could not suggest what may be safer than what thou, Cherea, hast contrived and said, yet how is it possible for any one to suggest what is more for thy reputation?” 19.46. So Clement went his way home, with deep reflections on what he had heard, and what he had himself said. Cherea also was under a concern, and went quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was himself one of the tribunes, and whom he otherwise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of liberty, and on that account very uneasy at the present management of public affairs 19.47. he being desirous to come immediately to the execution of what had been determined, and thinking it right for him to propose it to the other, and afraid lest Clement should discover them, and besides looking upon delays and puttingsoff to be the next to desisting from the enterprise. 19.48. 8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus, who had himself, equally without Cherea, the same design, but had been silent for want of a person to whom he could safely communicate that design; so having now met with one, who not only promised to conceal what he heard, but who had already opened his mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired of Cherea that no delay might be made therein. 19.49. Accordingly they went to Minucianus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zealous to do glorious actions, as themselves, and suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaughter of Lepidus; for Minucianus and Lepidus were intimate friends, and both in fear of the dangers that they were under; 19.50. for Caius was terrible to all the great men, as appearing ready to act a mad part towards each of them in particular, and towards all of: them in general; 19.51. and these men were afraid of one another, while they were yet uneasy at the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare their mind and their hatred against Caius to one another, out of fear of the dangers they might be in thereby, although they perceived by other means their mutual hatred against Caius, and on that account were not averse to a mutual kindness one towards another. 19.52. 9. When Minuetanus and Cherea had met together, and saluted one another, (as they had been used on former conversations to give the upper hand to Minucianus, both on account of his eminent dignity, for he was the noblest of all the citizens, and highly commended by all men 19.53. especially when he made speeches to them,) Minuetanus began first, and asked Cherea, What was the watchword he had received that day from Caius; for the affront which was offered Cherea, in giving the watchwords, was famous over the city. 19.54. But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to that question, out of the joy he had that Minueianus would have such confidence in him as to discourse with him. “But do thou,” said he, “give me the watchword of liberty. And I return thee my thanks that thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert myself after an extraordinary manner; 19.55. nor do I stand in need of many words to encourage me, since both thou and I are of the same mind, and partakers of the same resolutions, and this before we have conferred together. I have indeed but one sword girt on, but this one will serve us both. 19.56. Come on, therefore, let us set about the work. Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me follow thee; or else I will go first, and thou shalt assist me, and we will assist one another, and trust one another. Nor is there a necessity for even one sword to such as have a mind disposed to such works, by which mind the sword uses to be successful. 19.57. I am zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous what I may myself undergo; for I can not at leisure to consider the dangers that may come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled at the slavery our once free country is now under, and at the contempt cast upon our excellent laws, and at the destruction which hangs over all men, by the means of Caius. 19.58. I wish that I may be judged by thee, and that thou mayst esteem me worthy of credit in these matters, seeing we are both of the same opinion, and there is herein no difference between us.” 19.59. 10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency with which Cherea delivered himself, he gladly embraced him, and encouraged him in his bold attempt, commending him, and embracing him; so he let him go with his good wishes; 19.60. and some affirm that he thereby confirmed Minuclanus in the prosecution of what had been agreed among them; for as Cherea entered into the court, the report runs, that a voice came from among the multitude to encourage him, which bid him finish what he was about, and take the opportunity that Providence afforded; 19.61. and that Cherea at first suspected that some one of the conspirators had betrayed him, and he was caught, but at length perceived that it was by way of exhortation. Whether somebody that was conscious of what he was about, gave a signal for his encouragement, or whether it was God himself, who looks upon the actions of men, that encouraged him to go on boldly in his design, is uncertain. 19.62. The plot was now communicated to a great many, and they were all in their armor; some of the conspirators being senators, and some of the equestrian order, and as many of the soldiery as were made acquainted with it; for there was not one of them who would not reckon it a part of his happiness to kill Caius; 19.63. and on that account they were all very zealous in the affair, by what means soever any one could come at it, that he might not be behindhand in these virtuous designs, but might be ready with all his alacrity or power, both by words and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. 19.64. And besides these, Callistus also, who was a freed-man of Caius, and was the only man that had arrived at the greatest degree of power under him,—such a power, indeed, as was in a manner equal to the power of the tyrant himself, by the dread that all men had of him, and by the great riches he had acquired; 19.65. for he took bribes most plenteously, and committed injuries without bounds, and was more extravagant in the use of his power in unjust proceedings than any other. He also knew the disposition of Caius to be implacable, and never to be turned from what he had resolved on. He had withal many other reasons why he thought himself in danger, and the vastness of his wealth was not one of the least of them; 19.66. on which account he privately ingratiated himself with Claudius, and transferred his courtship to him, out of this hope, that in case, upon the removal of Caius, the government should come to him, his interest in such changes should lay a foundation for his preserving his dignity under him, since he laid in beforehand a stock of merit, and did Claudius good offices in his promotion. 19.67. He had also the boldness to pretend that he had been persuaded to make away with Claudius, by poisoning him, but had still invented ten thousand excuses for delaying to do it. 19.68. But it seems probable to me that Callistus only counterfeited this, in order to ingratiate himself with Claudius; for if Caius had been in earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he would not have admitted of Callistus’s excuses; nor would Callistus, if he had been enjoined to do such an act as was desired by Caius, have put it off; nor if he had disobeyed those injunctions of his master, had he escaped immediate punishment; 19.69. while Claudius was preserved from the madness of Caius by a certain divine providence, and Callistus pretended to such a piece of merit as he no way deserved. 19.70. 11. However, the execution of Cherea’s designs was put off from day to day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as to Cherea himself, he would not willingly make any delay in that execution, thinking every time a fit time for it; for frequent opportunities offered themselves; 19.71. as when Caius went up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or when he stood upon his royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of money among the people, he might be pushed down headlong, because the top of the palace, that looks towards the market-place, was very high; and also when he celebrated the mysteries, which he had appointed at that time; 19.72. for he was then no way secluded from the people, but solicitous to do every thing carefully and decently, and was free from all suspicion that he should be then assaulted by any body; and although the gods should afford him no divine assistance to enable him to take away his life 19.73. yet had he strength himself sufficient to despatch Caius, even without a sword. Thus was Cherea angry at his fellowconspirators, for fear they should suffer a proper opportunity to pass by; 19.74. and they were themselves sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and that his eagerness was for their advantage; yet did they desire he would have a little longer patience, lest, upon any disappointment they might meet with, they should put the city into disorder, and an inquisition should be made after the conspiracy, and should render the courage of those that were to attack Caius without success, while he would then secure himself more carefully than ever against them; 19.75. that it would therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Caesar who first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself; galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that were patricians became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Caesar himself was to be also a spectator; 19.76. and they reckoned, among those many ten thousands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have a favorable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in, because his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have a mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance. 19.77. 12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited, it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution; and as three days of the regular times for these shows were now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last day. 19.78. Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: “So much time passed away without effect is a reproach to us, as delaying to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; for Caius will then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. 19.79. Do we not see how long we deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great admiration and honor for all time to come.” 19.80. Now while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, “O my brave comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea? 19.81. for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? 19.82. Shall not we be justly ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? 19.83. As for myself, I will no longer bear your stow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be the consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great, will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous man, what can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so virtuous an action?” 19.84. 13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they were all eager to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him; 19.85. for it was the custom that the tribunes should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and this was the day on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; 19.86. and the multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing another, while Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multitude; for which reason there was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves. 19.87. So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Caesar, in whose honor indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a senator, was filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this was an evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. 19.88. It is also related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation, that every one of those that were present were astonished at it. 19.89. After the sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did also the principal of his friends sit near him. 19.90. Now the parts of the theater were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner following: It had two doors, the one door led to the open air, the other was for going into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theater might not be thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. 19.91. When the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were set down also, and the right corner of the theater was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether he had heard any thing of the news, or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he said; 19.92. and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news, “Know then,” said Vatinius, “that the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be played this day.” But Cluvius replied “O brave comrade hold thy peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale.” 19.93. And as there was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and a great number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them, on account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon them: 19.94. and here he perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an actor was introduced, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomime brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about him that was crucified, and also about Cinyras. 19.95. It was also confessed that this was the same day wherein Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the son of Amyntas, who was king of Macedonia, slew him, as he was entering into the theater. 19.96. And now Caius was in doubt whether he should tarry to the end of the shows, because it was the last day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to dinner, and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius, and was afraid that the opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his resolution; 19.97. but Caius took hold of his garment, in an obliging way, and said to him, “O brave man! whither art thou going?” Whereupon, out of reverence to Caesar, as it seemed, he sat down again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little time he got up again 19.98. and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as thinking that he went out to perform some necessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out to the bath, and to dinner, and then to come in again, as desirous that what had been resolved on might be brought to a conclusion immediately. 19.99. 14. So Cherea’s associates placed themselves in order, as the time would permit them, and they were obliged to labor hard, that the place which was appointed them should not be left by them; but they had an indignation at the tediousness of the delays, and that what they were about should be put off any longer, for it was already about the ninth hour of the day; 19.100. and Cherea, upon Caius’s tarrying so long, had a great mind to go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that this could not be done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and of those of the equestrian order that were present; and although he knew this must happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as thinking it a right thing to procure security and freedom to all, at the expense of such as might perish at the same time. 19.101. And as they were just going back into the entrance to the theater, word was brought them that Caius was arisen, whereby a tumult was made; hereupon the conspirators thrust away the crowd, under pretense as if Caius was angry at them, but in reality as desirous to have a quiet place, that should have none in it to defend him, while they set about Caius’s slaughter. 19.102. Now Claudius, his uncle, was gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius his sister’s husband, as also Valellus of Asia; whom though they had had such a mind to put out of their places, the reverence to their dignity hindered them so to do; then followed Caius, with Paulus Arruntius: 19.103. and because Caius was now gotten within the palace, he left the direct road, along which those his servants stood that were in waiting, and by which road Claudius had gone out before 19.104. Caius turned aside into a private narrow passage, in order to go to the place for bathing, as also in order to take a view of the boys that came out of Asia, who were sent thence, partly to sing hymns in these mysteries which were now celebrated, and partly to dance in the Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. 19.105. So Cherea met him, and asked him for the watchword; upon Caius’s giving him one of his ridiculous words, he immediately reproached him, and drew his sword, and gave him a terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke mortal. 19.106. And although there be those that say it was so contrived on purpose by Cherea, that Caius should not be killed at one blow, but should be punished more severely by a multitude of wounds; 19.107. yet does this story appear to me incredible, because the fear men are under in such actions does not allow them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind, I esteem him the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his spite against Caius, rather than immediately procuring safety to himself and to his confederates from the dangers they were in, because there might many things still happen for helping Caius’s escape, if he had not already given up the ghost; for certainly Cherea would have regard, not so much to the punishment of Caius, as to the affliction himself and his friends were in 19.108. while it was in his power, after such success, to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius’s defenders, and not to leave it to uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at or not, and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him. But every body may guess as he please about this matter. 19.109. However, Caius was staggered with the pain that the blow gave him; for the stroke of the sword falling in the middle, between the shoulder and the neck, was hindered by the first bone of the breast from proceeding any further. Nor did he either cry out, (in such astonishment was he,) nor did he call out for any of his friends; whether it were that he had no confidence in them, or that his mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned under the pain he endured, and presently went forward and fled; 19.111. But one may justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for although many concurred in the act itself, yet was he the first contriver of it, and began long before all the rest to prepare for it 19.112. and was the first man that boldly spake of it to the rest; and upon their admission of what he said about it, he got the dispersed conspirators together; he prepared every thing after a prudent manner, and by suggesting good advice, showed himself far superior to the rest, and made obliging speeches to them, insomuch that he even compelled them all to go on, who otherwise had not courage enough for that purpose; 19.113. and when opportunity served to use his sword in hand, he appeared first of all ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this virtuous slaughter; he also brought Caius easily into the power of the rest, and almost killed him himself, insomuch that it is but just to ascribe all that the rest did to the advice, and bravery, and labors of the hands of Cherea. 19.114. 15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead, by the many wounds which had been given him. 19.115. Now Cherea and his associates, upon Caius’s slaughter, saw that it was impossible for them to save themselves, if they should all go the same way, partly on account of the astonishment they were under; for it was no small danger they had incurred by killing an emperor, who was honored and loved by the madness of the people, especially when the soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after his murderers. 19.116. The passages also were narrow wherein the work was done, which were also crowded with a great multitude of Caius’s attendants, and of such of the soldiers as were of the emperor’s guard that day; 19.117. whence it was that they went by other ways, and came to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they had now killed (which house adjoined to the palace; for while the edifice was one, it was built in its several parts by those particular persons who had been emperors, and those parts bare the names of those that built them or the name of him who had begun to build any of its parts). 19.118. So they got away from the insults of the multitude, and then were for the present out of danger, that is, so long as the misfortune which had overtaken the emperor was not known. 19.119. The Germans were the first who perceived that Caius was slain. These Germans were Caius’s guard, and carried the name of the country whence they were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion. 19.121. When, therefore, these German guards understood that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for it, because they did not use their reason in judging about public affairs, but measured all by the advantages themselves received, Caius being beloved by them because of the money he gave them, by which he had purchased their kindness to him; 19.122. o they drew their swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was one of the tribunes, not by the means of the virtuous actions of his progenitors, for he had been a gladiator, but he had obtained that post in the army by his having a robust body. So these Germans marched along the houses in quest of Caesar’s murderers 19.123. and cut Asprenas to pieces, because he was the first man they fell upon, and whose garment it was that the blood of the sacrifices stained, as I have said already, and which foretold that this his meeting the soldiers would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus meet them, who was one of the principal nobility of the city, and could show many generals of armies among his ancestors; 19.124. but they paid no regard to his dignity; yet was he of such great strength, that he wrested the sword of the first of those that assaulted him out of his hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing to die without a struggle for his life, until he was surrounded by a great number of assailants, and died by the multitude of the wounds which they gave him. 19.125. The third man was Anteius, a senator, and a few others with him. He did not meet with these Germans by chance, as the rest did before, but came to show his hatred to Caius, and because he loved to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had banished Anteius’s father, who was of the same name with himself, and being not satisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers, and slew him; 19.126. o he was come to rejoice at the sight of him, now he was dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was aiming to hide himself, he could not escape that accurate search which the Germans made, while they barbarously slew those that were guilty, and those that were not guilty, and this equally also. And thus were these [three] persons slain. 19.127. 16. But when the rumor that Caius was slain reached the theater, they were astonished at it, and could not believe it; even some that entertained his destruction with great pleasure, and were more desirous of its happening than almost any other faction that could come to them, were under such a fear, that they could not believe it. 19.128. There were also those who greatly distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any such thing should come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it were ever so true, because they thought no man could possibly have so much power as to kill Caius. 19.129. These were the women, and the children, and the slaves, and some of the soldiery. This last sort had taken his pay, and in a manner tyrannized with him, and had abused the best of the citizens, in being subservient to his unjust commands, in order to gain honors and advantages to themselves; 19.131. The slaves also were sorry, because they were by Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their masters, and they could have recourse to his assistance when they had unjustly affronted them; for he was very easy in believing them against their masters, even when they accused them falsely; and if they would discover what money their masters had, they might soon obtain both riches and liberty, as the rewards of their accusations, because the reward of these informers was the eighth part of the criminal’s substance. 19.132. As to the nobles, although the report appeared credible to some of them, either because they knew of the plot beforehand, or because they wished it might be true; however, they concealed not only the joy they had at the relation of it, but that they had heard any thing at all about it. 19.133. These last acted so out of the fear they had, that if the report proved false, they should be punished, for having so soon let men know their minds. But those that knew Caius was dead, because they were partners with the conspirators, they concealed all still more cautiously, as not knowing one another’s minds; and fearing lest they should speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance of tyranny was advantageous; and if Caius should prove to be alive, they might be informed against, and punished. 19.134. And another report went about, that although Caius had been wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still, and under the physician’s hands. 19.135. Nor was any one looked upon by another as faithful enough to be trusted, and to whom any one would open his mind; for he was either a friend to Caius, and therefore suspected to favor his tyranny, or he was one that hated him, who therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit, because of his ill-will to him. 19.136. Nay, it was said by some (and this indeed it was that deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them sad) that Caius was in a condition to despise the dangers he had been in, and took no care of healing his wounds, but was gotten away into the marketplace, and, bloody as he was, was making an harangue to the people. 19.137. And these were the conjectural reports of those that were so unreasonable as to endeavor to raise tumults, which they turned different ways, according to the opinions of the bearers. Yet did they not leave their seats, for fear of being accused, if they should go out before the rest; for they should not be sentenced according to the real intention with which they went out, but according to the supposals of the accusers and of the judges. 19.138. 17. But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded the theater with their swords drawn: all the spectators looked for nothing but death, and at every one coming in a fear seized upon them, as if they were to be cut in pieces immediately; and in great distress they were, as neither having courage enough to go out of the theater, nor believing themselves safe from dangers if they tarried there. 19.139. And when the Germans came upon them, the cry was so great, that the theater rang again with the entreaties of the spectators to the soldiers, pleading that they were entirely ignorant of every thing that related to such seditious contrivances, and that if there were any sedition raised, they knew nothing of it; 19.141. Thus did these people appeal to God, and deplore their infelicity with shedding of tears, and beating their faces, and said every thing that the most imminent danger and the utmost concern for their lives could dictate to them. 19.142. This brake the fury of the soldiers, and made them repent of what they minded to do to the spectators, which would have been the greatest instance of cruelty. And so it appeared to even these savages, when they had once fixed the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas upon the altar; 19.143. at which sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both upon the consideration of the dignity of the persons, and out of a commiseration of their sufferings; nay, indeed, they were almost in as great disorder at the prospect of the danger themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain whether they should entirely escape the like calamity. 19.144. Whence it was that such as thoroughly and justly hated Caius could yet no way enjoy the pleasure of his death, because they were themselves in jeopardy of perishing together with him; nor had they hitherto any firm assurance of surviving. 19.145. 18. There was at this time one Euaristus Arruntius, a public crier in the market, and therefore of a strong and audible voice, who vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans, and was able to do what he pleased in the city, both then and afterward. 19.146. This man put himself into the most mournful habit he could, although he had a greater hatred against Caius than any one else; his fear and his wise contrivance to gain his safety taught him so to do, and prevailed over his present pleasure; 19.147. o he put on such a mournful dress as he would have done had he lost his dearest friends in the world; this man came into the theater, and informed them of the death of Caius, and by this means put an end to that state of ignorance the men had been in. 19.148. Arruntius also went round about the pillars, and called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes with him, bidding them put up their swords, and telling them that Caius was dead. 19.149. And this proclamation it was plainly which saved those that were collected together in the theater, and all the rest who any way met the Germans; for while they had hopes that Caius had still any breath in him, they abstained from no sort of mischief; 19.151. But they now left off the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now they were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, because it was now in vain for them to show their zeal and kindness to him, when he who should reward them was perished. They were also afraid that they should be punished by the senate, if they should go on in doing such injuries; that is, in case the authority of the supreme governor should revert to them. 19.152. And thus at length a stop was put, though not without difficulty, to that rage which possessed the Germans on account of Caius’s death. 19.153. 19. But Cherea was so much afraid for Minucianus, lest he should light upon the Germans now they were in their fury, that he went and spike to every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take care of his preservation, and made himself great inquiry about him, lest he should have been slain. 19.154. And for Clement, he let Minucianus go when he was brought to him, and, with many other of the senators, affirmed the action was right, and commended the virtue of those that contrived it, and had courage enough to execute it; and said that 19.155. “tyrants do indeed please themselves and look big for a while, upon having the power to act unjustly; but do not however go happily out of the world, because they are hated by the virtuous; 19.156. and that Caius, together with all his unhappiness, was become a conspirator against himself, before these other men who attacked him did so; and by becoming intolerable, in setting aside the wise provision the laws had made, taught his dearest friends to treat him as an enemy; insomuch that although in common discourse these conspirators were those that slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now dead as perishing by his own self.” 19.157. 20. Now by this time the people in the theatre were arisen from their seats, and those that were within made a very great disturbance; the cause of which was this, that the spectators were too hasty in getting away. There was also one Aleyon, a physician, who hurried away, as if to cure those that were wounded, and under that pretense he sent those that were with him to fetch what things were necessary for the healing of those wounded persons, but in reality to get them clear of the present dangers they were in. 19.158. Now the senate, during this interval, had met, and the people also assembled together in the accustomed form, and were both employed in searching after the murderers of Caius. The people did it very zealously, but the senate in appearance only; 19.159. for there was present Valerius of Asia, one that had been consul; this man went to the people, as they were in disorder, and very uneasy that they could not yet discover who they were that had murdered the emperor; he was then earnestly asked by them all who it was that had done it. He replied, “I wish I had been the man.” 19.161. And now the whole multitude of the senators were assembled together, and especially those that had conspired to take away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of great assurance, and appeared with great magimity, as if the administration of the public affairs were already devolved upon them. 19.162. 1. When the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on the sudden hurried away out of his house; for the soldiers had a meeting together; and when they had debated about what was to be done, they saw that a democracy was incapable of managing such a vast weight of public affairs; and that if it should be set up, it would not be for their advantage; 19.163. and in case any one of those already in the government should obtain the supreme power, it would in all respects be to their grief, if they were not assisting to him in this advancement; 19.164. that it would therefore be right for them, while the public affairs were unsettled, to choose Claudius emperor, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of a superior dignity and worth to every one of those that were assembled together in the senate, both on account of the virtues of his ancestors, and of the learning he had acquired in his education; 19.165. and who, if once settled in the empire, would reward them according to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon them. These were their consultations, and they executed the same immediately. Claudius was therefore seized upon suddenly by the soldiery. 19.166. But Cneas Sentius Saturninus, although he understood that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to claim the government, unwillingly indeed in appearance, but in reality by his own free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being dismayed, made an exhortatory oration to them, and such a one indeed as was fit for men of freedom and generosity, and spake thus: 19.167. 2. “Although it be a thing incredible, O Romans! because of the great length of time, that so unexpected an event hath happened, yet are we now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this will last is uncertain, and lies at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is; yet such it is as is sufficient to make us rejoice, and be happy for the present, although we may soon be deprived of it; 19.168. for one hour is sufficient to those that are exercised in virtue, wherein we may live with a mind accountable only to ourselves, in our own country, now free, and governed by such laws as this country once flourished under. 19.169. As for myself, I cannot remember our former time of liberty, as being born after it was gone; but I am beyond measure filled with joy at the thoughts of our present freedom. I also esteem those that were born and bred up in that our former liberty happy men, and that those men are worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves who have given us a taste of it in this age; 19.171. what kind of virtue those men, from whose loins we are derived, were exercised in. As for ourselves, our business is, during the space of time, to live virtuously, than which nothing can be more to our advantage; which course of virtue it is alone that can preserve our liberty; 19.172. for as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by the relations of others; but as to our later state, during my lifetime, I have known it by experience, and learned thereby what mischiefs tyrannies have brought upon this commonwealth, discouraging all virtue, and depriving persons of magimity of their liberty, and proving the teachers of flattery and slavish fear, because it leaves the public administration not to be governed by wise laws, but by the humor of those that govern. 19.173. For since Julius Caesar took it into his head to dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regular system of our laws, to bring disorders into our administration, and to get above right and justice, and to be a slave to his own inclinations, there is no kind of misery but what hath tended to the subversion of this city; 19.174. while all those that have succeeded him have striven one with another to overthrow the ancient laws of their country, and have left it destitute of such citizens as were of generous principles, because they thought it tended to their safety to have vicious men to converse withal, and not only to break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their virtue, but to resolve upon their utter destruction. 19.175. of all which emperors, who have been many in number, and who laid upon us insufferable hardships during the times of their government, this Caius, who hath been slain today, hath brought more terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only by exercising his ungoverned rage upon his fellow citizens, but also upon his kindred and friends, and alike upon all others, and by inflicting still greater miseries upon them, as punishments, which they never deserved, he being equally furious against men and against the gods. 19.176. For tyrants are not content to gain their sweet pleasure, and this by acting injuriously, and in the vexation they bring both upon men’s estates and their wives; but they look upon that to be their principal advantage, when they can utterly overthrow the entire families of their enemies; 19.177. while all lovers of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can those that patiently endure what miseries they bring on them gain their friendship; for as they are conscious of the abundant mischiefs they have brought on these men, and how magimously they have borne their hard fortunes, they cannot but be sensible what evils they have done, and thence only depend on security from what they are suspicious of, if it may be in their power to take them quite out of the world. 19.178. Since, then, we are now gotten clear of such great misfortunes, and are only accountable to one another, (which form of government affords us the best assurance of our present concord, and promises us the best security from evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in settling the city in good order,) you ought, every one of you in particular, to make provision for his own, and in general for the public utility: 19.179. or, on the contrary, they may declare their dissent to such things as have been proposed, and this without any hazard of danger to come upon them, because they have now no lord set over them, who, without fear of punishment, could do mischief to the city, and had an uncontrollable power to take off those that freely declared their opinions. 19.181. while men had an over-great inclination to the sweetness of peace, and had learned to live like slaves; and as many of us as either heard of intolerable calamities that happened at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that were near us, out of the dread of dying virtuously, endured a death joined with the utmost infamy. 19.182. We ought, then, in the first place, to decree the greatest honors we are able to those that have taken off the tyrant, especially to Cherea Cassius; for this one man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by his counsel and by his actions, been the procurer of our liberty. 19.183. Nor ought we to forget him now we have recovered our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our liberties; but ought to decree him proper honors, and thereby freely declare that he from the beginning acted with our approbation. 19.184. And certainly it is a very excellent thing, and what becomes free-men, to requite their benefactors, as this man hath been a benefactor to us all, though not at all like Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius Julius [Caesar]; for those men laid the foundations of sedition and civil wars in our city; but this man, together with his slaughter of the tyrant, hath set our city free from all those sad miseries which arose from the tyranny.” 19.185. 3. And this was the purport of Sentius’s oration, which was received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of the equestrian order as were present. And now one Trebellius Maximus rose up hastily, and took off Sentius’s finger a ring, which had a stone, with the image of Caius engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and his earnestness in doing what he was about, as it was supposed, he had forgotten to take off himself. This sculpture was broken immediately. 19.186. But as it was now far in the night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the watchword, who gave him this word, Liberty. These facts were the subjects of admiration to themselves, and almost incredible; 19.187. for it was a hundred years since the democracy had been laid aside, when this giving the watchword returned to the consuls; for before the city was subject to tyrants, they were the commanders of the soldiers. 19.188. But when Cherea had received that watchword, he delivered it to those who were on the senate’s side, which were four regiments, who esteemed the government without emperors to be preferable to tyranny. 19.189. So these went away with their tribunes. The people also now departed very joyful, full of hope and of courage, as having recovered their former democracy, and were no longer under an emperor; and Cherea was in very great esteem with them. 19.191. They proposed this office to Lupus as to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a partaker of this murder of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of having assisted his fellow citizens, and that he might appear to have been a partaker with those that were first in their designs against him. 19.192. Yet did this action appear to some of the conspirators to be too cruel, as to this using such severity to a woman, because Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature than use her advice in all that he did; from which ill-nature it was that the city was in so desperate a condition with the miseries that were brought on it, and the flower of the city was destroyed. 19.193. But others accused her of giving her consent to these things; nay, they ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the cause of it, and said she had given a potion to Caius, which had made him obnoxious to her, and had tied him down to love her by such evil methods; insomuch that she, having rendered him distracted, was become the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the Romans, and that habitable world which was subject to them. 19.194. So that at length it was determined that she must die; nor could those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to have her saved; and Lupus was sent accordingly. Nor was there any delay made in executing what he went about, but he was subservient to those that sent him on the first opportunity, as desirous to be no way blameable in what might be done for the advantage of the people. 19.195. So when he was come into the palace, he found Cesonia, who was Caius’s wife, lying by her husband’s dead body, which also lay down on the ground, and destitute of all such things as the law allows to the dead, and all over herself besmeared with the blood of her husband’s wounds, and bewailing the great affliction she was under, her daughter lying by her also; and nothing else was heard in these her circumstances but her complaint of Caius, as if he had not regarded what she had often told him of beforehand; 19.196. which words of hers were taken in a different sense even at that time, and are now esteemed equally ambiguous by those that hear of them, and are still interpreted according to the different inclinations of people. Now some said that the words denoted that she had advised him to leave off his mad behavior and his barbarous cruelty to the citizens, and to govern the public with moderation and virtue, lest he should perish by the same way, upon their using him as he had used them. 19.197. But some said, that as certain words had passed concerning the conspirators, she desired Caius to make no delay, but immediately to put them all to death, and this whether they were guilty or not, and that thereby he would be out of the fear of any danger; and that this was what she reproached him for, when she advised him so to do, but he was too slow and tender in the matter. 19.198. And this was what Cesonia said, and what the opinions of men were about it. But when she saw Lupus approach, she showed him Caius’s dead body, and persuaded him to come nearer, with lamentation and tears; 19.199. and as she perceived that Lupus was in disorder, and approached her in order to execute some design disagreeable to himself, she was well aware for what purpose he came, and stretched out her naked throat, and that very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like one that utterly despaired of her life, and bidding him not to boggle at finishing the tragedy they had resolved upon relating to her. 19.200. So she boldly received her death’s wound at the hand of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus made haste to inform Cherea of what he had done. 19.201. 5. This was the end of Caius, after he had reigned four years, within four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor, ill-natured, and one that had arrived at the utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave to his pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly affected by every terrible accident, and on that account of a very murderous disposition where he durst show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to injure those who least deserved it, with unreasonable insolence and got his wealth by murder and injustice. 19.202. He labored to appear above regarding either what was divine or agreeable to the laws, but was a slave to the commendations of the populace; and whatsoever the laws determined to be shameful, and punished, that he esteemed more honorable than what was virtuous. 19.203. He was unmindful of his friends, how intimate soever, and though they were persons of the highest character; and if he was once angry at any of them, he would inflict punishment upon them on the smallest occasions, and esteemed every man that endeavored to lead a virtuous life his enemy. And whatsoever he commanded, he would not admit of any contradiction to his inclinations; 19.204. whence it was that he had criminal conversation with his own sister; from which occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred first sprang up against him among the citizens, that sort of incest not having been known of a long time; and so this provoked men to distrust him, and to hate him that was guilty of it. 19.205. And for any great or royal work that he ever did, which might be for the present and for future ages, nobody can name any such, but only the haven that he made about Rhegium and Sicily, for the reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; 19.206. which was indeed a work without dispute very great in itself, and of very great advantage to the navigation. Yet was not this work brought to perfection by him, but was the onehalf of it left imperfect, by reason of his want of application to it; 19.207. the cause of which was this, that he employed his studies about useless matters, and that by spending his money upon such pleasures as concerned no one’s benefit but his own, he could not exert his liberality in things that were undeniably of great consequence. 19.208. Otherwise he was an excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the Greek tongue, as well as with his own country or Roman language. He was also able, off-hand and readily, to give answers to compositions made by others, of considerable length and accuracy. He was also more skillful in persuading others to very great things than any one else, and this from a natural affability of temper, which had been improved by much exercise and painstaking: 19.209. for as he was the grandson of the brother of Tiberius, whose successor he was, this was a strong inducement to his acquiring of learning, because Tiberius aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of reputation; and Caius aspired after the like glory for eloquence, being induced thereto by the letters of his kinsman and his emperor. He was also among the first rank of his own citizens. 19.211. At the first he got himself such friends as were in all respects the most worthy, and was greatly beloved by them, while he imitated their zealous application to the learning and to the glorious actions of the best men; but when he became insolent towards them, they laid aside the kindness they had for him, and began to hate him; from which hatred came that plot which they raised against him, and wherein he perished. 19.222. and as still more and more of the soldiery got together, the crowd about him ran away, and Claudius could hardly go on, his body was then so weak; and those who carried his sedan, upon an inquiry that was made about his being carried off, ran away and saved themselves, as despairing of their Lord’s preservation. 19.223. But when they were come into the large court of the palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to see Claudius’s face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. 19.224. They reflected also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government formerly; 19.225. they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same. 19.226. 3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. 19.227. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions. The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; 19.228. but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. 19.229. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence, in order to gain the government; 19.231. that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; 19.232. but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius’s death, they would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of; 19.233. that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as fight for the liberty of their country. 19.234. 4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable 19.235. they added, that if he did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon him. 19.236. 1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. 19.237. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius’s body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. 19.238. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; 19.239. but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And upon the senate’s sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did; 19.241. for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. 19.242. And when the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty,—Agrippa made answer, “O senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. 19.243. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords. 19.244. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors.” 19.245. 2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority. 19.246. Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate times, while he should only be their ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. 19.247. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; Upon which he gave the guards every man five thousand drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were. 19.248. 3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. 19.249. However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of rulers. 19.251. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it: 19.252. that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius’s murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. 19.253. There were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons. 19.254. 4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: 19.255. but the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. 19.256. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. 19.257. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors 19.258. which occasioned Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit their government to a fool. 19.259. Yet were not they moved with his words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. 19.261. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius’s murderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thin to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. 19.262. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it. 19.263. 5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius had not hindered them 19.264. who snatched the consul out of the danger he was in, and set him by him. But he did not receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. 19.265. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. 19.266. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; 19.267. for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius’s murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. 19.268. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountece such actions for the time to come. 19.269. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; 19.271. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done]. 19.272. 6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to. 19.273. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellowconfederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword. 19.274. 1. Now when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also made an addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; 19.275. and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: 19.276. he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. 19.277. But when Marcus, Alexander’s son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis. 19.278. 2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. 19.279. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: 19.281. Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; 19.282. and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges 19.283. even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; 19.284. but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: 19.285. I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.” 19.286. 3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: 19.287. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: 19.288. Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners 19.289. but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. 19.291. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.” 19.292. 1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. 19.293. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now he returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required; 19.294. on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury, that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: 19.295. for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. 19.296. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again. 19.297. 2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Aus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. 19.298. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his brethren, and with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias, who were three, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians, as we have related in a former book. 19.299. 3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. 19.300. But after a very little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of Caesar into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. 19.301. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. 19.302. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: 19.303. “Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: 19.304. Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same 19.305. but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar’s statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar,— 19.306. to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor’s edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves,— 19.307. I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus’s edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. 19.308. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to hunt after who encourage such doings; 19.309. while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. 19.311. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs.” 19.312. 4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. 19.313. And now king Agrippa took the [high] priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of Aus, into it again, and owned that he was more worthy of that dignity than the other. But this was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that his former dignity. So he refused it, and said 19.314. “O king! I rejoice in the honor that thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst give me such a dignity of thy own inclinations, although God hath judged that I am not at all worthy of the high priesthood. I am satisfied with having once put on the sacred garments; for I then put them on after a more holy manner than I should now receive them again. 19.315. But if thou desirest that a person more worthy than myself should have this honorable employment, give me leave to name thee such a one. I have a brother that is pure from all sin against God, and of all offenses against thyself; I recommend him to thee, as one that is fit for this dignity.” 19.316. So the king was pleased with these words of his, and passed by Jonathan, and, according to his brother’s desire, bestowed the high priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius, as president of Syria. 19.321. But the edge of his anger wore off by length of time, and made room for more just reasonings as to his judgment about this man; and he considered how many labors he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa was solemnizing his birth-day, and he gave festival entertainments to all his subjects, he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. 19.326. 2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city [Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public, and built them wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he had made them too strong for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then president of Syria, had by letter informed Claudius Caesar of what he was doing. 19.327. And when Claudius had some suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as not thinking it proper to contradict Claudius. 19.328. 3. Now this king was by nature very beneficent and liberal in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with such large donations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents he made them. He took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good reputation. He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him; 19.329. for that Herod was ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on them that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more friendly to the Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned foreign cities with large presents in money; with building them baths and theatres besides; nay, in some of those places he erected temples, and porticoes in others; but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them any donation that was worth mentioning. 19.331. Accordingly, he loved to live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice. 19.332. 4. However, there was a certain man of the Jewish nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. His name was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the king was absent at Caesarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily, and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only to native Jews. 19.333. But the general of Agrippa’s army informed him that Simon had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him; and as he was sitting in the theater, he bid him sit down by him, and said to him with a low and gentle voice, “What is there done in this place that is contrary to the law?” 19.334. But he had nothing to say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled to him than one could have imagined, as esteeming mildness a better quality in a king than anger, and knowing that moderation is more becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him. 19.335. 5. Now as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a peculiar regard to the people of Berytus; for he erected a theater for them, superior to many others of that sort, both in sumptuousness and elegance, as also an amphitheater, built at vast expenses; and besides these, he built them baths and porticoes, and spared for no costs in any of his edifices, to render them both handsome and large. 19.336. He also spent a great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his magnificence upon the theater, in his great number of gladiators; 19.337. and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in order to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven hundred men to fight with seven hundred other men and allotted all the malefactors he had for this exercise, that both the malefactors might receive their punishment, and that this operation of war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were these criminals all destroyed at once. 19.338. 1. When Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commagene, Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. 19.339. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. 19.341. But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. 19.342. This was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he took the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras, high priest in his stead. 19.343. 2. Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Caesarea, which was formerly called Strato’s Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. 19.344. On the second day of which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theater early in the morning; at which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflection of the sun’s rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon him; 19.345. and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they added, “Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature.” 19.346. Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. 19.347. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, “I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy manner.” 19.348. When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace, and the rumor went abroad every where, that he would certainly die in a little time. 19.349. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king’s recovery. All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. 19.351. for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, three of them were over Philip’s tetrarchy only, and on the fourth he had that of Herod added to it; and he reigned, besides those, three years under the reign of Claudius Caesar; in which time he reigned over the forementioned countries, and also had Judea added to them, as well as Samaria and Caesarea. 19.352. The revenues that he received out of them were very great, no less than twelve millions of drachmae. Yet did he borrow great sums from others; for he was so very liberal that his expenses exceeded his incomes, and his generosity was boundless.

3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.82, 2.3, 2.86, 2.118-2.166 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.82. τοῦτό τις τῶν ἐν τῇ θεραπείᾳ παίδων ἐκφέρων δαιμονίῳ προνοίᾳ σφάλλεται καθ' ὃν τόπον ̓Αντίγονος ἔσφακτο καὶ φαινομένοις ἔτι τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ φόνου σπίλοις τὸ αἷμα τοῦ κτείναντος ἐπέχεεν. ἤρθη δ' εὐθὺς οἰμωγὴ τῶν θεασαμένων ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκεῖ ἐπικατασπείσαντος τὸ αἷμα. 2.3. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ διάδημα περιαπτούσης αὐτῷ δεδέχθαι: τοῦ μέντοι προθύμου καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ὥσπερ τοῖς στρατιώταις οὕτω καὶ τῷ δήμῳ πλήρεις ἀποδώσειν τὰς ἀμοιβάς, ὁπόταν ὑπὸ τῶν κρατούντων βασιλεὺς ἀποδειχθῇ βέβαιος: σπουδάσειν γὰρ ἐν πᾶσιν πρὸς αὐτοὺς φανῆναι τοῦ πατρὸς ἀμείνων. 2.3. καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦ λόγου παντὸς ἐναπηρείσατο τῷ πλήθει τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν φονευθέντων, οὓς ἐληλυθέναι μὲν ἐφ' ἑορτήν, παρὰ δὲ ταῖς ἰδίαις θυσίαις ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάχθαι: καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ σεσωρεῦσθαι νεκρῶν πλῆθος, ὅσον οὐδ' ἂν ἀλλόφυλος ἐσώρευσεν πόλεμος ἐπελθὼν ἀκήρυκτος. 2.3. τούτοις καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος, ἅμα καὶ τῶν περὶ Καπίτωνα ἱππέων εἰς μέσον φερομένων, διεσκεδάσθη πρὶν ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Φλῶρον ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φανερὸν ποιῆσαι τὸ πειθήνιον. ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ εἰς τὰς οἰκίας μετὰ δέους καὶ ταπεινότητος ἐνυκτέρευσαν. 2.86. ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς παλαιᾶς εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πενίας τὸ ἔθνος καὶ παρανομίας ἐσχάτης πεπληρωκέναι, καθόλου δὲ πλείους ὑπομεμενηκέναι τὰς ἐξ ̔Ηρώδου συμφορὰς ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔτεσιν ̓Ιουδαίους ὧν ἐν παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀναχώρησιν ἔπαθον οἱ πρόγονοι Ξέρξου βασιλεύοντος ἀπαναστάντες. 2.118. ἐπὶ τούτου τις ἀνὴρ Γαλιλαῖος ̓Ιούδας ὄνομα εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγε τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους κακίζων, εἰ φόρον τε ̔Ρωμαίοις τελεῖν ὑπομενοῦσιν καὶ μετὰ τὸν θεὸν οἴσουσι θνητοὺς δεσπότας. ἦν δ' οὗτος σοφιστὴς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως οὐδὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις προσεοικώς. 2.119. Τρία γὰρ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις εἴδη φιλοσοφεῖται, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αἱρετισταὶ Φαρισαῖοι, τοῦ δὲ Σαδδουκαῖοι, τρίτον δέ, ὃ δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ σεμνότητα ἀσκεῖν, ̓Εσσηνοὶ καλοῦνται, ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν γένος ὄντες, φιλάλληλοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλέον. 2.121. τὸν μὲν γάμον καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ διαδοχὴν οὐκ ἀναιροῦντες, τὰς δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν ἀσελγείας φυλαττόμενοι καὶ μηδεμίαν τηρεῖν πεπεισμένοι τὴν πρὸς ἕνα πίστιν. 2.122. Καταφρονηταὶ δὲ πλούτου, καὶ θαυμάσιον αὐτοῖς τὸ κοινωνικόν, οὐδὲ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν κτήσει τινὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ὑπερέχοντα: νόμος γὰρ τοὺς εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν εἰσιόντας δημεύειν τῷ τάγματι τὴν οὐσίαν, ὥστε ἐν ἅπασιν μήτε πενίας ταπεινότητα φαίνεσθαι μήθ' ὑπεροχὴν πλούτου, τῶν δ' ἑκάστου κτημάτων ἀναμεμιγμένων μίαν ὥσπερ ἀδελφοῖς ἅπασιν οὐσίαν εἶναι. 2.123. κηλῖδα δ' ὑπολαμβάνουσι τὸ ἔλαιον, κἂν ἀλειφθῇ τις ἄκων, σμήχεται τὸ σῶμα: τὸ γὰρ αὐχμεῖν ἐν καλῷ τίθενται λευχειμονεῖν τε διαπαντός. χειροτονητοὶ δ' οἱ τῶν κοινῶν ἐπιμεληταὶ καὶ ἀδιαίρετοι πρὸς ἁπάντων εἰς τὰς χρείας ἕκαστοι. 2.124. Μία δ' οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτῶν πόλις ἀλλ' ἐν ἑκάστῃ μετοικοῦσιν πολλοί. καὶ τοῖς ἑτέρωθεν ἥκουσιν αἱρετισταῖς πάντ' ἀναπέπταται τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ὁμοίως ὥσπερ ἴδια, καὶ πρὸς οὓς οὐ πρότερον εἶδον εἰσίασιν ὡς συνηθεστάτους: 2.125. διὸ καὶ ποιοῦνται τὰς ἀποδημίας οὐδὲν μὲν ὅλως ἐπικομιζόμενοι, διὰ δὲ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔνοπλοι. κηδεμὼν δ' ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει τοῦ τάγματος ἐξαιρέτως τῶν ξένων ἀποδείκνυται ταμιεύων ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια. 2.126. καταστολὴ δὲ καὶ σχῆμα σώματος ὅμοιον τοῖς μετὰ φόβου παιδαγωγουμένοις παισίν. οὔτε δὲ ἐσθῆτας οὔτε ὑποδήματα ἀμείβουσι πρὶν διαρραγῆναι τὸ πρότερον παντάπασιν ἢ δαπανηθῆναι τῷ χρόνῳ. 2.127. οὐδὲν δ' ἐν ἀλλήλοις οὔτ' ἀγοράζουσιν οὔτε πωλοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ τῷ χρῄζοντι διδοὺς ἕκαστος τὰ παρ' αὐτῷ τὸ παρ' ἐκείνου χρήσιμον ἀντικομίζεται: καὶ χωρὶς δὲ τῆς ἀντιδόσεως ἀκώλυτος ἡ μετάληψις αὐτοῖς παρ' ὧν ἂν θέλωσιν. 2.128. Πρός γε μὴν τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβεῖς ἰδίως: πρὶν γὰρ ἀνασχεῖν τὸν ἥλιον οὐδὲν φθέγγονται τῶν βεβήλων, πατρίους δέ τινας εἰς αὐτὸν εὐχὰς ὥσπερ ἱκετεύοντες ἀνατεῖλαι. 2.129. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ἃς ἕκαστοι τέχνας ἴσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν διαφίενται, καὶ μέχρι πέμπτης ὥρας ἐργασάμενοι συντόνως πάλιν εἰς ἓν συναθροίζονται χωρίον, ζωσάμενοί τε σκεπάσμασιν λινοῖς οὕτως ἀπολούονται τὸ σῶμα ψυχροῖς ὕδασιν, καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἁγνείαν εἰς ἴδιον οἴκημα συνίασιν, ἔνθα μηδενὶ τῶν ἑτεροδόξων ἐπιτέτραπται παρελθεῖν: αὐτοί τε καθαροὶ καθάπερ εἰς ἅγιόν τι τέμενος παραγίνονται τὸ δειπνητήριον. 2.131. προκατεύχεται δ' ὁ ἱερεὺς τῆς τροφῆς, καὶ γεύσασθαί τινα πρὶν τῆς εὐχῆς ἀθέμιτον: ἀριστοποιησάμενος δ' ἐπεύχεται πάλιν: ἀρχόμενοί τε καὶ παυόμενοι γεραίρουσι θεὸν ὡς χορηγὸν τῆς ζωῆς. ἔπειθ' ὡς ἱερὰς καταθέμενοι τὰς ἐσθῆτας πάλιν ἐπ' ἔργα μέχρι δείλης τρέπονται. 2.132. δειπνοῦσι δ' ὁμοίως ὑποστρέψαντες συγκαθεζομένων τῶν ξένων, εἰ τύχοιεν αὐτοῖς παρόντες. οὔτε δὲ κραυγή ποτε τὸν οἶκον οὔτε θόρυβος μιαίνει, τὰς δὲ λαλιὰς ἐν τάξει παραχωροῦσιν ἀλλήλοις. 2.133. καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν ὡς μυστήριόν τι φρικτὸν ἡ τῶν ἔνδον σιωπὴ καταφαίνεται, τούτου δ' αἴτιον ἡ διηνεκὴς νῆψις καὶ τὸ μετρεῖσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς τροφὴν καὶ ποτὸν μέχρι κόρου. 2.134. Τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι μὴ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν προσταξάντων ἐνεργοῦσι, δύο δὲ ταῦτα παρ' αὐτοῖς αὐτεξούσια, ἐπικουρία καὶ ἔλεος: βοηθεῖν τε γὰρ τοῖς ἀξίοις, ὁπόταν δέωνται, καὶ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς ἐφίεται καὶ τροφὰς ἀπορουμένοις ὀρέγειν. τὰς δὲ εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς μεταδόσεις οὐκ ἔξεστι ποιεῖσθαι δίχα τῶν ἐπιτρόπων. 2.135. ὀργῆς ταμίαι δίκαιοι, θυμοῦ καθεκτικοί, πίστεως προστάται, εἰρήνης ὑπουργοί. καὶ πᾶν μὲν τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἰσχυρότερον ὅρκου, τὸ δὲ ὀμνύειν αὐτοῖς περιίσταται χεῖρον τῆς ἐπιορκίας ὑπολαμβάνοντες: ἤδη γὰρ κατεγνῶσθαί φασιν τὸν ἀπιστούμενον δίχα θεοῦ. 2.136. σπουδάζουσι δ' ἐκτόπως περὶ τὰ τῶν παλαιῶν συντάγματα μάλιστα τὰ πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος ἐκλέγοντες: ἔνθεν αὐτοῖς πρὸς θεραπείαν παθῶν ῥίζαι τε ἀλεξητήριον καὶ λίθων ἰδιότητες ἀνερευνῶνται. 2.137. Τοῖς δὲ ζηλοῦσιν τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτῶν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἡ πάροδος, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ἔξω μένοντι τὴν αὐτὴν ὑποτίθενται δίαιταν ἀξινάριόν τε καὶ τὸ προειρημένον περίζωμα καὶ λευκὴν ἐσθῆτα δόντες. 2.138. ἐπειδὰν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ πεῖραν ἐγκρατείας δῷ, πρόσεισιν μὲν ἔγγιον τῇ διαίτῃ καὶ καθαρωτέρων τῶν πρὸς ἁγνείαν ὑδάτων μεταλαμβάνει, παραλαμβάνεται δὲ εἰς τὰς συμβιώσεις οὐδέπω. μετὰ γὰρ τὴν τῆς καρτερίας ἐπίδειξιν δυσὶν ἄλλοις ἔτεσιν τὸ ἦθος δοκιμάζεται καὶ φανεὶς ἄξιος οὕτως εἰς τὸν ὅμιλον ἐγκρίνεται. 2.139. πρὶν δὲ τῆς κοινῆς ἅψασθαι τροφῆς ὅρκους αὐτοῖς ὄμνυσι φρικώδεις, πρῶτον μὲν εὐσεβήσειν τὸ θεῖον, ἔπειτα τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κατὰ γνώμην βλάψειν τινὰ μήτε ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος, μισήσειν δ' ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀδίκους καὶ συναγωνιεῖσθαι τοῖς δικαίοις: 2.141. τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπᾶν ἀεὶ καὶ τοὺς ψευδομένους προβάλλεσθαι: χεῖρας κλοπῆς καὶ ψυχὴν ἀνοσίου κέρδους καθαρὰν φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κρύψειν τι τοὺς αἱρετιστὰς μήθ' ἑτέροις αὐτῶν τι μηνύσειν, κἂν μέχρι θανάτου τις βιάζηται. 2.142. πρὸς τούτοις ὄμνυσιν μηδενὶ μὲν μεταδοῦναι τῶν δογμάτων ἑτέρως ἢ ὡς αὐτὸς μετέλαβεν, ἀφέξεσθαι δὲ λῃστείας καὶ συντηρήσειν ὁμοίως τά τε τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν βιβλία καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων ὀνόματα. τοιούτοις μὲν ὅρκοις τοὺς προσιόντας ἐξασφαλίζονται. 2.143. Τοὺς δ' ἐπ' ἀξιοχρέοις ἁμαρτήμασιν ἁλόντας ἐκβάλλουσι τοῦ τάγματος. ὁ δ' ἐκκριθεὶς οἰκτίστῳ πολλάκις μόρῳ διαφθείρεται: τοῖς γὰρ ὅρκοις καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐνδεδεμένος οὐδὲ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις τροφῆς δύναται μεταλαμβάνειν, ποηφαγῶν δὲ καὶ λιμῷ τὸ σῶμα τηκόμενος διαφθείρεται. 2.144. διὸ δὴ πολλοὺς ἐλεήσαντες ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἀναπνοαῖς ἀνέλαβον, ἱκανὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν τὴν μέχρι θανάτου βάσανον ἡγούμενοι. 2.145. Περὶ δὲ τὰς κρίσεις ἀκριβέστατοι καὶ δίκαιοι, καὶ δικάζουσι μὲν οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν ἑκατὸν συνελθόντες, τὸ δ' ὁρισθὲν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἀκίνητον. σέβας δὲ μέγα παρ' αὐτοῖς μετὰ τὸν θεὸν τοὔνομα τοῦ νομοθέτου, κἂν βλασφημήσῃ τις εἰς τοῦτον κολάζεται θανάτῳ. 2.146. τοῖς δὲ πρεσβυτέροις ὑπακούουσιν καὶ τοῖς πλείοσιν ἐν καλῷ: δέκα γοῦν συγκαθεζομένων οὐκ ἂν λαλήσειέν τις ἀκόντων τῶν ἐννέα. 2.147. καὶ τὸ πτύσαι δὲ εἰς μέσους ἢ τὸ δεξιὸν μέρος φυλάσσονται καὶ ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἔργων ἐφάπτεσθαι διαφορώτατα ̓Ιουδαίων ἁπάντων: οὐ μόνον γὰρ τροφὰς ἑαυτοῖς πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας παρασκευάζουσιν, ὡς μὴ πῦρ ἐναύοιεν ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ σκεῦός τι μετακινῆσαι θαρροῦσιν οὐδὲ ἀποπατεῖν. 2.148. ταῖς δ' ἄλλαις ἡμέραις βόθρον ὀρύσσοντες βάθος ποδιαῖον τῇ σκαλίδι, τοιοῦτον γάρ ἐστιν τὸ διδόμενον ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἀξινίδιον τοῖς νεοσυστάτοις, καὶ περικαλύψαντες θοιμάτιον, ὡς μὴ τὰς αὐγὰς ὑβρίζοιεν τοῦ θεοῦ, θακεύουσιν εἰς αὐτόν. 2.149. ἔπειτα τὴν ἀνορυχθεῖσαν γῆν ἐφέλκουσιν εἰς τὸν βόθρον: καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦσι τοὺς ἐρημοτέρους τόπους ἐκλεγόμενοι. καίπερ δὴ φυσικῆς οὔσης τῆς τῶν λυμάτων ἐκκρίσεως ἀπολούεσθαι μετ' αὐτὴν καθάπερ μεμιασμένοις ἔθιμον. 2.151. καὶ μακρόβιοι μέν, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπὲρ ἑκατὸν παρατείνειν ἔτη, διὰ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς διαίτης ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν, καταφρονηταὶ δὲ τῶν δεινῶν, καὶ τὰς μὲν ἀλγηδόνας νικῶντες τοῖς φρονήμασιν, τὸν δὲ θάνατον, εἰ μετ' εὐκλείας πρόσεισι, νομίζοντες ἀθανασίας ἀμείνονα. 2.152. διήλεγξεν δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν ἅπασιν τὰς ψυχὰς ὁ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμος, ἐν ᾧ στρεβλούμενοί τε καὶ λυγιζόμενοι καιόμενοί τε καὶ κλώμενοι καὶ διὰ πάντων ὁδεύοντες τῶν βασανιστηρίων ὀργάνων, ἵν' ἢ βλασφημήσωσιν τὸν νομοθέτην ἢ φάγωσίν τι τῶν ἀσυνήθων, οὐδέτερον ὑπέμειναν παθεῖν, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ κολακεῦσαί ποτε τοὺς αἰκιζομένους ἢ δακρῦσαι. 2.153. μειδιῶντες δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἀλγηδόσιν καὶ κατειρωνευόμενοι τῶν τὰς βασάνους προσφερόντων εὔθυμοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἠφίεσαν ὡς πάλιν κομιούμενοι. 2.154. Καὶ γὰρ ἔρρωται παρ' αὐτοῖς ἥδε ἡ δόξα, φθαρτὰ μὲν εἶναι τὰ σώματα καὶ τὴν ὕλην οὐ μόνιμον αὐτῶν, τὰς δὲ ψυχὰς ἀθανάτους ἀεὶ διαμένειν, καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ λεπτοτάτου φοιτώσας αἰθέρος ὥσπερ εἱρκταῖς τοῖς σώμασιν ἴυγγί τινι φυσικῇ κατασπωμένας 2.155. ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀνεθῶσι τῶν κατὰ σάρκα δεσμῶν, οἷα δὴ μακρᾶς δουλείας ἀπηλλαγμένας τότε χαίρειν καὶ μετεώρους φέρεσθαι. καὶ ταῖς μὲν ἀγαθαῖς ὁμοδοξοῦντες παισὶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀποφαίνονται τὴν ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν δίαιταν ἀποκεῖσθαι καὶ χῶρον οὔτε ὄμβροις οὔτε νιφετοῖς οὔτε καύμασι βαρυνόμενον, ἀλλ' ὃν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ πραὺ̈ς ἀεὶ ζέφυρος ἐπιπνέων ἀναψύχει: ταῖς δὲ φαύλαις ζοφώδη καὶ χειμέριον ἀφορίζονται μυχὸν γέμοντα τιμωριῶν ἀδιαλείπτων. 2.156. δοκοῦσι δέ μοι κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔννοιαν ̔́Ελληνες τοῖς τε ἀνδρείοις αὐτῶν, οὓς ἥρωας καὶ ἡμιθέους καλοῦσιν, τὰς μακάρων νήσους ἀνατεθεικέναι, ταῖς δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν ψυχαῖς καθ' ᾅδου τὸν ἀσεβῶν χῶρον, ἔνθα καὶ κολαζομένους τινὰς μυθολογοῦσιν, Σισύφους καὶ Ταντάλους ̓Ιξίονάς τε καὶ Τιτυούς, πρῶτον μὲν ἀιδίους ὑφιστάμενοι τὰς ψυχάς, ἔπειτα εἰς προτροπὴν ἀρετῆς καὶ κακίας ἀποτροπήν. 2.157. τούς τε γὰρ ἀγαθοὺς γίνεσθαι κατὰ τὸν βίον ἀμείνους ἐλπίδι τιμῆς καὶ μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν, τῶν τε κακῶν ἐμποδίζεσθαι τὰς ὁρμὰς δέει προσδοκώντων, εἰ καὶ λάθοιεν ἐν τῷ ζῆν, μετὰ τὴν διάλυσιν ἀθάνατον τιμωρίαν ὑφέξειν. 2.158. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ̓Εσσηνοὶ περὶ ψυχῆς θεολογοῦσιν ἄφυκτον δέλεαρ τοῖς ἅπαξ γευσαμένοις τῆς σοφίας αὐτῶν καθιέντες. 2.159. Εἰσὶν δ' ἐν αὐτοῖς οἳ καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προγινώσκειν ὑπισχνοῦνται, βίβλοις ἱεραῖς καὶ διαφόροις ἁγνείαις καὶ προφητῶν ἀποφθέγμασιν ἐμπαιδοτριβούμενοι: σπάνιον δ' εἴ ποτε ἐν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσιν ἀστοχοῦσιν. 2.161. δοκιμάζοντες μέντοι τριετίᾳ τὰς γαμετάς, ἐπειδὰν τρὶς καθαρθῶσιν εἰς πεῖραν τοῦ δύνασθαι τίκτειν, οὕτως ἄγονται. ταῖς δ' ἐγκύμοσιν οὐχ ὁμιλοῦσιν, ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὸ μὴ δι' ἡδονὴν ἀλλὰ τέκνων χρείαν γαμεῖν. λουτρὰ δὲ ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀμπεχομέναις ἐνδύματα, καθάπερ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐν περιζώματι. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἔθη τοῦδε τοῦ τάγματος. 2.162. Δύο δὲ τῶν προτέρων Φαρισαῖοι μὲν οἱ μετὰ ἀκριβείας δοκοῦντες ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰ νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πρώτην ἀπάγοντες αἵρεσιν εἱμαρμένῃ τε καὶ θεῷ προσάπτουσι πάντα 2.163. καὶ τὸ μὲν πράττειν τὰ δίκαια καὶ μὴ κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις κεῖσθαι, βοηθεῖν δὲ εἰς ἕκαστον καὶ τὴν εἱμαρμένην: ψυχήν τε πᾶσαν μὲν ἄφθαρτον, μεταβαίνειν δὲ εἰς ἕτερον σῶμα τὴν τῶν ἀγαθῶν μόνην, τὰς δὲ τῶν φαύλων ἀιδίῳ τιμωρίᾳ κολάζεσθαι. 2.164. Σαδδουκαῖοι δέ, τὸ δεύτερον τάγμα, τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην παντάπασιν ἀναιροῦσιν καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἔξω τοῦ δρᾶν τι κακὸν ἢ ἐφορᾶν τίθενται: 2.165. φασὶν δ' ἐπ' ἀνθρώπων ἐκλογῇ τό τε καλὸν καὶ τὸ κακὸν προκεῖσθαι καὶ κατὰ γνώμην ἑκάστου τούτων ἑκατέρῳ προσιέναι. ψυχῆς τε τὴν διαμονὴν καὶ τὰς καθ' ᾅδου τιμωρίας καὶ τιμὰς ἀναιροῦσιν. 2.166. καὶ Φαρισαῖοι μὲν φιλάλληλοί τε καὶ τὴν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ὁμόνοιαν ἀσκοῦντες, Σαδδουκαίων δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὸ ἦθος ἀγριώτερον αἵ τε ἐπιμιξίαι πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίους ἀπηνεῖς ὡς πρὸς ἀλλοτρίους. τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν ἐν ̓Ιουδαίοις φιλοσοφούντων εἶχον εἰπεῖν.

1.82. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer’s blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; 2.3. for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and goodwill to him, when the superior lords [the Romans] should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father. 2.86. that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes: 2.118. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders. 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.120. These Essenes reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons’ children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. 2.121. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man. 2.122. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. 2.123. They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all. 2.124. 4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. 2.125. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. 2.126. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments, or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to pieces or worn out by time. 2.127. Nor do they either buy or sell anything to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please. 2.128. 5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sunrising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple 2.130. and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; 2.131. but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; 2.132. then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; 2.133. which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them. 2.134. 6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone’s own free will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators. 2.135. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. 2.136. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers. 2.137. 7. But now, if anyone hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. 2.138. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. 2.139. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; 2.140. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; 2.141. that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. 2.142. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves. 2.143. 8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; 2.144. for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of. 2.145. 9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom, if anyone blaspheme, he is punished capitally. 2.146. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. 2.147. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. 2.148. Nay, on theother days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them); and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit 2.149. after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them. 2.150. 10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner. 2.151. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They condemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; 2.152. and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; 2.153. but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again. 2.154. 11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue forever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; 2.155. but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. 2.156. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehortations from wickedness collected; 2.157. whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. 2.158. These are the Divine doctrines of the Essenes about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy. 2.159. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions. 2.160. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. 2.161. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essenes. 2.162. 14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned: the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God 2.163. and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does cooperate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies,—but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. 2.164. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; 2.165. and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. 2.166. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews.

4. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.42, 2.148, 2.154-2.296 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.42. δῆλον δ' ἐστὶν ἔργῳ, πῶς ἡμεῖς πρόσιμεν τοῖς ἰδίοις γράμμασι: τοσούτου γὰρ αἰῶνος ἤδη παρῳχηκότος οὔτε προσθεῖναί τις οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀφελεῖν αὐτῶν οὔτε μεταθεῖναι τετόλμηκεν, πᾶσι δὲ σύμφυτόν ἐστιν εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης γενέσεως ̓Ιουδαίοις τὸ νομίζειν αὐτὰ θεοῦ δόγματα καὶ τούτοις ἐμμένειν καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, εἰ δέοι, θνήσκειν ἡδέως. 2.148. ἀπὸ τῶν νόμων, καθ' οὓς ζῶντες διατελοῦμεν. ἄλλως τε καὶ τὴν κατηγορίαν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος οὐκ ἀθρόαν ὥσπερ ὁ ̓Απίων ἔταξεν, ἀλλὰ σποράδην, καὶ δὴ εἴπας ποτὲ μὲν ὡς ἀθέους καὶ μισανθρώπους λοιδορεῖ, ποτὲ δ' αὖ δειλίαν ἡμῖν ὀνειδίζει καὶ τοὔμπαλιν ἔστιν ὅπου τόλμαν κατηγορεῖ καὶ ἀπόνοιαν. λέγει δὲ καὶ ἀφυεστάτους εἶναι τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μηδὲν εἰς τὸν βίον εὕρημα συμβεβλῆσθαι μόνους. 2.154. φημὶ τοίνυν τὸν ἡμέτερον νομοθέτην τῶν ὁπουδηποτοῦν μνημονευομένων νομοθετῶν προάγειν ἀρχαιότητι: Λυκοῦργοι γὰρ καὶ Σόλωνες καὶ Ζάλευκος ὁ τῶν Λοκρῶν καὶ πάντες οἱ θαυμαζόμενοι παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ἐχθὲς δὴ καὶ πρῴην ὡς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον παραβαλλόμενοι φαίνονται γεγονότες, ὅπου γε μηδ' αὐτὸ τοὔνομα 2.155. πάλαι ἐγιγνώσκετο τοῦ νόμου παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησι. καὶ μάρτυς ̔́Ομηρος οὐδαμοῦ τῆς ποιήσεως αὐτῷ χρησάμενος: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἦν κατὰ τοῦτον, ἀλλὰ γνώμαις ἀορίστοις τὰ πλήθη διῳκεῖτο καὶ προστάγμασι τῶν βασιλέων, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ διέμειναν ἔθεσιν ἀγράφοις χρώμενοι καὶ πολλὰ τούτων ἀεὶ πρὸς τὸ συντυγχάνον μετατιθέντες. 2.156. ὁ δ' ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης ἀρχαιότατος γεγονώς, τοῦτο γὰρ δήπουθεν ὁμολογεῖται καὶ παρὰ τοῖς πάντα καθ' ἡμῶν λέγουσιν, ἑαυτόν τε παρέσχεν ἄριστον τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἡγεμόνα καὶ σύμβουλον τήν τε κατασκευὴν αὐτοῖς ὅλην τοῦ βίου τῷ νόμῳ περιλαβὼν ἔπεισεν παραδέξασθαι καὶ βεβαιοτάτην εἰς ἀεὶ φυλαχθῆναι παρεσκεύασεν. 2.157. ̓́Ιδωμεν δὲ τῶν ἔργων αὐτοῦ τὸ πρῶτον μεγαλεῖον: ἐκεῖνος γὰρ τοὺς προγόνους ἡμῶν, ἐπείπερ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐκλιποῦσιν ἐπὶ τὴν πάτριον γῆν ἐπανιέναι, πολλὰς τὰς μυριάδας παραλαβὼν ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ ἀμηχάνων διέσωσεν εἰς ἀσφάλειαν: καὶ γὰρ τὴν ἄνυδρον αὐτοὺς καὶ πολλὴν ψάμμον ἔδει διοδοιπορῆσαι καὶ νικῆσαι πολεμίους καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ λείαν ὁμοῦ σώζειν μαχομένους. 2.158. ἐν οἷς ἅπασι καὶ στρατηγὸς ἄριστος ἐγένετο καὶ σύμβουλος συνετώτατος καὶ πάντων κηδεμὼν ἀληθέστατος. ἅπαν δὲ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀνηρτῆσθαι παρεσκεύασεν, καὶ περὶ παντὸς ἔχων πεισθέντας [ἀντὶ τοῦ κελευσθέντος] εἰς οὐδεμίαν οἰκείαν ἔλαβεν ταῦτα πλεονεξίαν, ἀλλ' ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα τοῦ καιροῦ δυνάμεις μὲν αὐτοῖς περιβάλλονται καὶ τυραννίδας οἱ προεστηκότες, ἐθίζουσι 2.159. δὲ τὰ πλήθη μετὰ πολλῆς ζῆν ἀνομίας, ἐν τούτῳ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐκεῖνος καθεστηκὼς τοὐναντίον ᾠήθη δεῖν εὐσεβεῖν καὶ πολλὴν εὔνοιαν τοῖς λαοῖς ἐμπαρασχεῖν, οὕτως αὐτός τε τὰ μάλιστα τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐπιδείξειν τὴν αὐτοῦ νομίζων καὶ σωτηρίαν τοῖς αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνα πεποιημένοις βεβαιοτάτην παρέξειν. 2.161. οὐθὲν ἀνέχονται ἐξαμαρτεῖν. τοιοῦτος μὲν δή τις [αὐτὸς] ἡμῶν ὁ νομοθέτης, οὐ γόης οὐδ' ἀπατεών, ἅπερ λοιδοροῦντες λέγουσιν ἀδίκως, ἀλλ' οἵους παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν αὐχοῦσιν τὸν Μίνω γεγονέναι 2.162. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τοὺς ἄλλους νομοθέτας: οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν τοὺς νόμους ὑποτίθενται, ὁ δέ γε Μίνως ἔλεγεν ὅτι εἰς τὸν ̓Απόλλω καὶ τὸ Δελφικὸν αὐτοῦ μαντεῖον τὰς τῶν νόμων μαντείας ἀνέφερεν, ἤτοι τἀληθὲς οὕτως ἔχειν νομίζοντες ἢ πείσειν ῥᾷον ὑπολαμβάνοντες. 2.163. τίς δ' ἦν ὁ μάλιστα κατορθώσας τοὺς νόμους καὶ τῆς δικαιοτάτης περὶ θεοῦ πίστεως ἐπιτυχών, πάρεστιν ἐξ αὐτῶν κατανοεῖν τῶν νόμων ἀντιπαραβάλλοντας: ἤδη γὰρ περὶ τούτων λεκτέον. 2.164. οὐκοῦν ἄπειροι μὲν αἱ κατὰ μέρος τῶν ἐθῶν καὶ τῶν νόμων παρὰ τοῖς ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις διαφοραί, * κεφαλαιωδῶς ἂν ἐπίοι τις: οἱ μὲν γὰρ μοναρχίαις, οἱ δὲ ταῖς ὀλίγων δυναστείαις, ἄλλοι δὲ 2.165. τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἐπέτρεψαν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν πολιτευμάτων. ὁ δ' ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης εἰς μὲν τούτων οὐδοτιοῦν ἀπεῖδεν, ὡς δ' ἄν τις εἴποι βιασάμενος τὸν λόγον θεοκρατίαν ἀπέδειξε τὸ πολίτευμα 2.166. θεῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὸ κράτος ἀναθείς. καὶ πείσας εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἅπαντας ἀφορᾶν ὡς αἴτιον μὲν ἁπάντων ὄντα τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἃ κοινῇ τε πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὑπάρχει καὶ ὅσων ἔτυχον αὐτοὶ δεηθέντες ἐν ἀμηχάνοις, λαθεῖν δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου γνώμην οὐκ ἐνὸν οὔτε τῶν 2.167. πραττομένων οὐδὲν οὔθ' ὧν ἄν τις παρ' αὐτῷ διανοηθῇ, ἕνα αὐτὸν ἀπέφηνε καὶ ἀγένητον καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀίδιον χρόνον ἀναλλοίωτον πάσης ἰδέας θνητῆς κάλλει διαφέροντα καὶ δυνάμει μὲν ἡμῖν γνώριμον 2.168. ὁποῖος δὲ κατ' οὐσίαν [ἐστὶν] ἄγνωστον. ταῦτα περὶ θεοῦ φρονεῖν οἱ σοφώτατοι παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὅτι μὲν ἐδιδάχθησαν ἐκείνου τὰς ἀρχὰς παρασχόντος, ἐῶ νῦν λέγειν, ὅτι δ' ἐστὶ καλὰ καὶ πρέποντα τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ φύσει καὶ μεγαλειότητι, σφόδρα μεμαρτυρήκασι: καὶ γὰρ Πυθαγόρας καὶ ̓Αναξαγόρας καὶ Πλάτων οἵ τε μετ' ἐκεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς φιλόσοφοι καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ἅπαντες οὕτως 2.169. φαίνονται περὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ φύσεως πεφρονηκότες. ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν πρὸς ὀλίγους φιλοσοφοῦντες εἰς πλήθη δόξαις προκατειλημμένα τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ δόγματος ἐξενεγκεῖν οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν, ὁ δὲ ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης ἅτε δὴ τὰ ἔργα παρέχων σύμφωνα τοῖς λόγοις οὐ μόνον τοὺς καθ' αὑτὸν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἐκείνων ἀεὶ γενησομένοις 2.171. ἅπασαι γὰρ αἱ πράξεις καὶ διατριβαὶ καὶ λόγοι πάντες ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς θεὸν ἡμῖν εὐσέβειαν ἀναφέρουσιν: οὐδὲν γὰρ τούτων ἀνεξέταστον οὐδὲ ἀόριστον παρέλιπεν. δύο μὲν γάρ εἰσιν ἁπάσης παιδείας τρόποι καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰ ἤθη κατασκευῆς, ὧν ὁ μὲν λόγῳ 2.172. διδασκαλικός, ὁ δὲ διὰ τῆς ἀσκήσεως τῶν ἠθῶν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι νομοθέται ταῖς γνώμαις διέστησαν καὶ τὸν ἕτερον αὐτῶν ὃν ἔδοξεν ἑκάστοις ἑλόμενοι τὸν ἕτερον παρέλιπον, οἷον Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν καὶ Κρῆτες ἔθεσιν ἐπαίδευον, οὐ λόγοις, ̓Αθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ σχεδὸν οἱ ἄλλοι πάντες ̔́Ελληνες ἃ μὲν χρὴ πράττειν ἢ μὴ προσέτασσον διὰ τῶν νόμων, τοῦ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὰ διὰ τῶν ἔργων ἐθίζειν ὠλιγώρουν. 2.173. ̔Ο δ' ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης ἄμφω ταῦτα συνήρμοσεν κατὰ πολλὴν ἐπιμέλειαν: οὔτε γὰρ κωφὴν ἀπέλιπε τὴν τῶν ἠθῶν ἄσκησιν οὔτε τὸν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου λόγον ἄπρακτον εἴασεν, ἀλλ' εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης ἀρξάμενος τροφῆς καὶ τῆς κατὰ τὸν οἶκον ἑκάστων διαίτης οὐδὲν οὐδὲ τῶν βραχυτάτων αὐτεξούσιον ἐπὶ ταῖς βουλήσεσι 2.174. τῶν χρησομένων κατέλιπεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ σιτίων, ὅσων ἀπέχεσθαι χρὴ καὶ τίνα προσφέρεσθαι, καὶ περὶ τῶν κοινωνησόντων τῆς διαίτης ἔργων τε συντονίας καὶ τοὔμπαλιν ἀναπαύσεως ὅρον ἔθηκεν αὐτὸς καὶ κανόνα τὸν νόμον, ἵν' ὥσπερ ὑπὸ πατρὶ τούτῳ καὶ δεσπότῃ ζῶντες μήτε βουλόμενοι μηθὲν μήθ' ὑπ' ἀγνοίας ἁμαρτάνωμεν. 2.175. οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑποτίμησιν κατέλιπεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κάλλιστον καὶ ἀναγκαιότατον ἀπέδειξε παίδευμα τὸν νόμον, οὐκ εἰσάπαξ ἀκροασομένοις οὐδὲ δὶς ἢ πολλάκις, ἀλλ' ἑκάστης ἑβδομάδος τῶν ἄλλων ἔργων ἀφεμένους ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ἐκέλευσε τοῦ νόμου συλλέγεσθαι καὶ τοῦτον ἀκριβῶς ἐκμανθάνειν: ὃ δὴ πάντες ἐοίκασιν οἱ νομοθέται παραλιπεῖν. 2.176. Καὶ τοσοῦτον οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀπέχουσι τοῦ κατὰ τοὺς οἰκείους νόμους ζῆν, ὥστε σχεδὸν αὐτοὺς οὐδ' ἴσασιν, ἀλλ' ὅταν ἐξαμάρτωσιν, τότε παρ' ἄλλων μανθάνουσιν, ὅτι τὸν 2.177. νόμον παραβεβήκασιν, οἵ τε τὰς μεγίστας καὶ κυριωτάτας παρ' αὐτοῖς ἀρχὰς διοικοῦντες ὁμολογοῦσι τὴν ἄγνοιαν: ἐπιστάτας γὰρ παρακαθίστανται τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων οἰκονομίας τοὺς ἐμπειρίαν ἔχειν τῶν νόμων ὑπισχνουμένους. 2.178. ἡμῶν δὲ ὁντινοῦν τις ἔροιτο τοὺς νόμους ῥᾷον ἂν εἴποι πάντας ἢ τοὔνομα τὸ ἑαυτοῦ. τοιγαροῦν ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης εὐθὺς αἰσθήσεως αὐτοὺς ἐκμανθάνοντες ἔχομεν ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς ὥσπερ ἐγκεχαραγμένους, καὶ σπάνιος μὲν ὁ παραβαίνων, ἀδύνατος δ' ἡ τῆς κολάσεως παραίτησις. 2.179. Τοῦτο πρῶτον ἁπάντων τὴν θαυμαστὴν ὁμόνοιαν ἡμῖν ἐμπεποίηκεν: τὸ γὰρ μίαν μὲν ἔχειν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν δόξαν περὶ θεοῦ, τῷ βίῳ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσι μηδὲν ἀλλήλων διαφέρειν, καλλίστην ἐν ἤθεσιν ἀνθρώπων συμφωνίαν ἀποτελεῖ. 2.181. πρόνοιαν ἀφαιρουμένων: οὔτ' ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασι τῶν βίων ὄψεται διαφοράν, ἀλλὰ κοινὰ μὲν ἔργα πάντων παρ' ἡμῖν, εἷς δὲ λόγος ὁ τῷ νόμῳ συμφωνῶν περὶ θεοῦ πάντα λέγων ἐκεῖνον ἐφορᾶν. καὶ μὴν περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν βίον ἐπιτηδευμάτων, ὅτι δεῖ πάντα τἆλλα τέλος ἔχειν τὴν εὐσέβειαν, καὶ γυναικῶν ἀκούσειεν ἄν τις καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν. 2.182. ̔́Οθεν δὴ καὶ τὸ προφερόμενον ἡμῖν ὑπό τινων ἔγκλημα, τὸ δὴ μὴ καινῶν εὑρετὰς ἔργων ἢ λόγων ἄνδρας παρασχεῖν, ἐντεῦθεν συμβέβηκεν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι τὸ μηδενὶ τῶν πατρίων ἐμμένειν καλὸν εἶναι νομίζουσι καὶ τοῖς τολμῶσι ταῦτα παραβαίνειν 2.183. μάλιστα σοφίας δεινότητα μαρτυροῦσιν, ἡμεῖς δὲ τοὐναντίον μίαν εἶναι καὶ φρόνησιν καὶ ἀρετὴν ὑπειλήφαμεν τὸ μηδὲν ὅλως ὑπεναντίον μήτε πρᾶξαι μήτε διανοηθῆναι τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς νομοθετηθεῖσιν. ὅπερ εἰκότως ἂν εἴη τεκμήριον τοῦ κάλλιστα τὸν νόμον τεθῆναι: τὰ γὰρ μὴ τοῦτον ἔχοντα τὸν τρόπον αἱ πεῖραι δεόμενα διορθώσεως ἐλέγχουσιν. 2.184. ̔Ημῖν δὲ τοῖς πεισθεῖσιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τεθῆναι τὸν νόμον κατὰ θεοῦ βούλησιν οὐδ' εὐσεβὲς ἦν τοῦτον μὴ φυλάττειν: τί γὰρ αὐτοῦ τις ἂν μετακινήσειεν ἢ τί κάλλιον ἐξεῦρεν ἢ τί παρ' ἑτέρων ὡς ἄμεινον μετήνεγκεν; ἆρά γε τὴν ὅλην κατάστασιν τοῦ πολιτεύματος; 2.185. καὶ τίς ἂν καλλίων ἢ δικαιοτέρα γένοιτο τῆς θεὸν μὲν ἡγεμόνα τῶν ὅλων πεποιημένης, τοῖς ἱερεῦσι δὲ κοινῇ μὲν τὰ μέγιστα διοικεῖν ἐπιτρεπούσης, τῷ δὲ πάντων ἀρχιερεῖ πάλιν αὖ πεπιστευκυίας 2.186. τὴν τῶν ἄλλων ἱερέων ἡγεμονίαν; οὓς οὐ κατὰ πλοῦτον οὐδέ τισιν ἄλλαις προύχοντας αὐτομάτοις πλεονεξίαις τὸ πρῶτον εὐθὺς ὁ νομοθέτης ἐπὶ τὴν τιμὴν ἔταξεν, ἀλλ' ὅσοι τῶν μετ' αὐτοῦ πειθοῖ τε καὶ σωφροσύνῃ τῶν ἄλλων διέφερον, τούτοις τὴν περὶ τὸν 2.187. θεὸν μάλιστα θεραπείαν ἐνεχείρισεν. τοῦτο δ' ἦν καὶ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἀκριβὴς ἐπιμέλεια: καὶ γὰρ ἐπόπται πάντων καὶ δικασταὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων καὶ κολασταὶ τῶν κατεγνωσμένων οἱ ἱερεῖς ἐτάχθησαν. 2.188. Τίς ἂν οὖν ἀρχὴ γένοιτο ταύτης ὁσιωτέρα; τίς δὲ τιμὴ θεῷ μᾶλλον ἁρμόζουσα, παντὸς μὲν τοῦ πλήθους κατεσκευασμένου πρὸς τὴν εὐσέβειαν, ἐξαίρετον δὲ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν ἱερέων πεπιστευμένων, ὥσπερ δὲ τελετῆς τινος τῆς ὅλης πολιτείας οἰκονομουμένης; 2.189. ἃ γὰρ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἐπιτηδεύοντες ἄλλοι φυλάττειν οὐ δύνανται μυστήρια καὶ τελετὰς ἐπονομάζοντες, ταῦτα μεθ' ἡδονῆς καὶ γνώμης ἀμεταθέτου φυλάττομεν ἡμεῖς δι' αἰῶνος. 2.191. ἡμῖν ἄφατος: πᾶσα μὲν ὕλη πρὸς εἰκόνα τὴν τούτου κἂν ᾖ πολυτελὴς ἄτιμος, πᾶσα δὲ τέχνη πρὸς μιμήσεως ἐπίνοιαν ἄτεχνος. οὐδὲν ὅμοιον οὔτ' εἴδομεν οὔτ' ἐπινοοῦμεν οὔτ' εἰκάζειν ἐστὶν ὅσιον. 2.192. ἔργα βλέπομεν αὐτοῦ φῶς οὐρανὸν γῆν ἥλιον ὕδατα ζῴων γενέσεις καρπῶν ἀναδόσεις. ταῦτα θεὸς ἐποίησεν οὐ χερσὶν οὐ πόνοις οὔ τινων συνεργασομένων ἐπιδεηθείς, ἀλλ' αὐτοῦ θελήσαντος καλῶς ἦν εὐθὺς γεγονότα. τοῦτον θεραπευτέον ἀσκοῦντας ἀρετήν: τρόπος γὰρ θεοῦ θεραπείας οὗτος ὁσιώτατος. 2.193. Εἷς ναὸς ἑνὸς θεοῦ, φίλον γὰρ ἀεὶ παντὶ τὸ ὅμοιον, κοινὸς ἁπάντων κοινοῦ θεοῦ ἁπάντων. τοῦτον θεραπεύσουσιν μὲν διὰ παντὸς οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἡγήσεται δὲ τούτων ὁ πρῶτος ἀεὶ κατὰ γένος. 2.194. οὗτος μετὰ τῶν συνιερέων θύσει τῷ θεῷ, φυλάξει τοὺς νόμους, δικάσει περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, κολάσει τοὺς ἐλεγχθέντας. ὁ τούτῳ μὴ πειθόμενος ὑφέξει δίκην ὡς εἰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀσεβῶν. 2.195. θύομεν τὰς θυσίας οὐκ εἰς μέθην ἑαυτοῖς, ἀβούλητον γὰρ θεῷ τόδε, ἀλλ' εἰς σωφροσύνην. 2.196. καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις χρὴ πρῶτον ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς εὔχεσθαι σωτηρίας, εἶθ' ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν: ἐπὶ γὰρ κοινωνίᾳ γεγόναμεν καὶ ταύτην ὁ προτιμῶν τοῦ καθ' αὑτὸν ἰδίου μάλιστα θεῷ κεχαρισμένος. 2.197. δέησις δ' ἔστω πρὸς τὸν θεόν, οὐχ ὅπως δῷ τἀγαθά, δέδωκεν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἑκὼν καὶ πᾶσιν εἰς μέσον κατατέθεικεν, ἀλλ' ὅπως δέχεσθαι δυνώμεθα καὶ λαβόντες φυλάττωμεν. 2.198. ἁγνείας ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις διείρηκεν ὁ νόμος ἀπὸ κήδους ἀπὸ λέχους ἀπὸ κοινωνίας τῆς πρὸς γυναῖκα καὶ πολλῶν ἄλλων. [ἃ μακρὸν ἂν εἴη γράφειν. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ περὶ θεοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐκείνου θεραπείας λόγος ἡμῖν ἐστιν, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἅμα καὶ νόμος.] 2.199. Τίνες δ' οἱ περὶ γάμων νόμοι; μῖξιν μόνην οἶδεν ὁ νόμος τὴν κατὰ φύσιν τὴν πρὸς γυναῖκα καὶ ταύτην, εἰ μέλλοι τέκνων ἕνεκα γίνεσθαι. τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἄρρενας ἀρρένων ἐστύγηκεν καὶ θάνατος τοὐπιτίμιον, εἴ τις ἐπιχειρήσειεν. 2.201. γυνὴ χείρων, φησίν, ἀνδρὸς εἰς ἅπαντα. τοιγαροῦν ὑπακουέτω, μὴ πρὸς ὕβριν, ἀλλ' ἵν' ἄρχηται: θεὸς γὰρ ἀνδρὶ τὸ κράτος ἔδωκεν. ταύτῃ συνεῖναι δεῖ τὸν γήμαντα μόνῃ, τὸ δὲ τὴν ἄλλου πειρᾶν ἀνόσιον. εἰ δέ τις τοῦτο πράξειεν, οὐδεμία θανάτου παραίτησις, οὔτ' εἰ βιάσαιτο παρθένον ἑτέρῳ προωμολογημένην, οὔτ' εἰ πείσειεν γεγαμημένην. 2.202. τέκνα τρέφειν ἅπαντα προσέταξεν, καὶ γυναιξὶν ἀπεῖπεν μήτ' ἀμβλοῦν τὸ σπαρὲν μήτε διαφθείρειν ἀλλὰ ἢν φανείη τεκνοκτόνος ἂν εἴη ψυχὴν ἀφανίζουσα καὶ τὸ γένος ἐλαττοῦσα. τοιγαροῦν οὐδ' εἴ τις ἐπὶ λέχους 2.203. φθορὰν παρέλθοι, καθαρὸς εἶναι τότε προσήκει. καὶ μετὰ τὴν νόμιμον συνουσίαν ἀνδρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς ἀπολούσασθαι: ψυχῆς γὰρ ἔχειν τοῦτο μερισμὸν πρὸς ἄλλην χώραν ὑπέλαβεν: καὶ γὰρ ἐμφυομένη σώμασιν κακοπαθεῖ καὶ τούτων αὖ θανάτῳ διακριθεῖσα. διόπερ ἁγνείας ἐπὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τοιούτοις ἔταξεν. 2.204. Οὐ μὴν οὐδ' ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν παίδων γενέσεσιν ἐπέτρεψεν εὐωχίας συντελεῖν καὶ προφάσεις ποιεῖσθαι μέθης, ἀλλὰ σώφρονα τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς τῆς τροφῆς ἔταξε. καὶ γράμματα παιδεύειν ἐκέλευσεν τὰ περὶ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τῶν προγόνων τὰς πράξεις ἐπίστασθαι, τὰς μὲν ἵνα μιμῶνται, τοῖς δ' ἵνα συντρεφόμενοι μήτε παραβαίνωσι μήτε σκῆψιν ἀγνοίας ἔχωσι. 2.205. Τῆς εἰς τοὺς τετελευτηκότας προυνόησεν ὁσίας οὐ πολυτελείαις ἐνταφίων οὐ κατασκευαῖς μνημείων ἐπιφανῶν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις ἐπιτελεῖν, πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς παριοῦσι καὶ προσελθεῖν καὶ συναποδύρασθαι. καθαίρειν δὲ καὶ τὸν οἶκον καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἀπὸ κήδους, ἵνα πλεῖστον ἀπέχῃ τοῦ δοκεῖν καθαρὸς εἶναί τις φόνον ἐργασάμενος. 2.206. Γονέων τιμὴν μετὰ τὴν πρὸς θεὸν δευτέραν ἔταξεν καὶ τὸν οὐκ ἀμειβόμενον τὰς παρ' αὐτῶν χάριτας ἀλλ' εἰς ὁτιοῦν ἐλλείποντα λευσθησόμενον παραδίδωσι. καὶ παντὸς τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου τιμὴν ἔχειν τοὺς νέους φησίν, ἐπεὶ πρεσβύτατον ὁ θεός. 2.207. κρύπτειν οὐδὲν ἐᾷ πρὸς φίλους: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι φιλίαν τὴν μὴ πάντα πιστεύουσαν. κἂν συμβῇ τις ἔχθρα, τἀπόρρητα λέγειν κεκώλυκε. δικάζων εἰ δῶρα τις λάβοι, θάνατος ἡ ζημία. περιορῶν ἱκέτην 2.208. βοηθεῖν ἐνὸν ὑπεύθυνος. ὃ μὴ κατέθηκέν τις οὐκ ἀναιρήσεται, τῶν ἀλλοτρίων οὐδενὸς ἅψεται, τόκον οὐ λήψεται. [ταῦτα καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἡμῶν συνέχει κοινωνίαν] 2.209. Πῶς δὲ καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους ἐπιεικείας ἐφρόντισεν ὁ νομοθέτης, ἄξιον ἰδεῖν, [φανεῖται γὰρ ἄριστα πάντων προνοησάμενος] ὅπως μήτε τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφθείρωμεν μήτε φθονήσωμεν τοῖς μετέχειν τῶν ἡμετέρων προαιρουμένοις. 2.211. Τἆλλα δὲ προείρηκεν, ὧν ἡ μετάδοσίς ἐστιν ἀναγκαία: πᾶσι παρέχειν τοῖς δεομένοις πῦρ ὕδωρ τροφήν, ὁδοὺς φράζειν, ἄταφον μὴ περιορᾶν, ἐπιεικεῖς δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους 2.212. κριθέντας εἶναι οὐ γὰρ ἐᾷ τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν πυρπολεῖν οὐδὲ τέμνειν ἥμερα δένδρα, ἀλλὰ καὶ σκυλεύειν ἀπείρηκεν τοὺς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεσόντας, καὶ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων προυνόησεν, ὅπως αὐτῶν ὕβρις ἀπῇ 2.213. μάλιστα δὲ γυναικῶν. οὕτως δ' ἡμερότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ἡμᾶς ἐξεπαίδευσεν, ὡς μηδὲ τῶν ἀλόγων ζῴων ὀλιγωρεῖν, ἀλλὰ μόνην ἐφῆκε τούτων χρῆσιν τὴν νόμιμον, πᾶσαν δ' ἑτέραν ἐκώλυσεν: ἃ δ' ὥσπερ ἱκετεύοντα προσφεύγει ταῖς οἰκίαις ἀπεῖπεν ἀνελεῖν. οὐδὲ νεοττοῖς τοὺς γονέας αὐτῶν ἐπέτρεψε συνεξαιρεῖν, φείδεσθαι δὲ κἀν τῇ πολεμίᾳ τῶν ἐργαζομένων ζῴων 2.214. καὶ μὴ φονεύειν. οὕτως πανταχόθεν τὰ πρὸς ἐπιείκειαν περιεσκέψατο, διδασκαλικοῖς μὲν τοῖς προειρημένοις χρησάμενος νόμοις, τοὺς δ' αὖ κατὰ τῶν παραβαινόντων τιμωρητικοὺς τάξας ἄνευ προφάσεως. 2.215. Ζημία γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν παραβαινόντων ὁ θάνατος, ἂν μοιχεύσῃ τις, ἂν βιάσηται κόρην, ἂν ἄρρενι τολμήσῃ πεῖραν προσφέρειν, ἂν ὑπομείνῃ παθεῖν ὁ πειρασθείς. ἔστι δὲ 2.216. καὶ ἐπὶ δούλοις ὁμοίως ὁ νόμος ἀπαραίτητος. ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ μέτρων ἤν τις κακουργήσῃ ἢ σταθμῶν ἢ περὶ πράσεως ἀδίκου καὶ δόλῳ γενομένης, κἂν ὑφέληταί τις ἀλλότριον, κἂν ὃ μὴ κατέθηκεν ἀνέληται, πάντων εἰσὶ κολάσεις οὐχ οἷαι παρ' ἑτέροις, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ 2.217. τὸ μεῖζον. περὶ μὲν γὰρ γονέων ἀδικίας ἢ τῆς εἰς θεὸν ἀσεβείας κἂν μελλήσῃ τις, εὐθὺς ἀπόλλυται. τοῖς μέντοι γε νομίμως βιοῦσι γέρας ἐστὶν οὐκ ἄργυρος οὐδὲ χρυσὸς οὐ κοτίνου στέφανος ἢ σελίνου 2.218. καὶ τοιαύτη τις ἀνακήρυξις, ἀλλ' αὐτὸς ἕκαστος αὑτῷ τὸ συνειδὸς ἔχων μαρτυροῦν πεπίστευκεν, τοῦ μὲν νομοθέτου προφητεύσαντος, τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τὴν πίστιν ἰσχυρὰν παρεσχηκότος, ὅτι τοῖς τοὺς νόμους διαφυλάξασι κἂν εἰ δέοι θνήσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν προθύμως ἀποθανεῖν ἔδωκεν ὁ θεὸς γενέσθαι τε πάλιν καὶ βίον ἀμείνω λαβεῖν ἐκ περιτροπῆς. 2.219. ὤκνουν δ' ἂν ἐγὼ ταῦτα γράφειν, εἰ μὴ διὰ τῶν ἔργων ἅπασιν ἦν φανερόν, ὅτι πολλοὶ καὶ πολλάκις ἤδη τῶν ἡμετέρων περὶ τοῦ μηδὲ ῥῆμα φθέγξασθαι παρὰ τὸν νόμον πάντα παθεῖν γενναίως προείλοντο. 2.221. ἡμῶν τοῖς νόμοις ἀκολουθίαν,] ἀλλά τις ἢ συγγράψαι λόγος αὐτοῖς ἀνεγίνωσκε τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ἤ που περιτυχεῖν ἔξω τῆς γινωσκομένης γῆς ἔφασκεν ἀνθρώποις τοιαύτην μὲν ἔχουσι δόξαν οὕτω σεμνὴν περὶ θεοῦ, τοιούτοις δὲ νόμοις πολὺν αἰῶνα βεβαίως ἐμμεμενηκόσι, πάντας ἂν οἶμαι θαυμάσαι διὰ τὰς συνεχεῖς παρ' αὐτοῖς μεταβολάς. 2.222. ἀμέλει τῶν γράψαι τι παραπλήσιον εἰς πολιτείαν καὶ νόμους ἐπιχειρησάντων ὡς θαυμαστὰ συνθέντων κατηγοροῦσι, φάσκοντες αὐτοὺς λαβεῖν ἀδυνάτους ὑποθέσεις. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους παραλείπω φιλοσόφους, ὅσοι τι τοιοῦτον ἐν τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐπραγματεύσαντο 2.223. Πλάτων δὲ θαυμαζόμενος παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ὡς καὶ σεμνότητι βίου διενεγκὼν καὶ δυνάμει λόγων καὶ πειθοῖ πάντας ὑπεράρας τοὺς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ γεγονότας, ὑπὸ τῶν φασκόντων δεινῶν εἶναι τὰ πολιτικὰ μικροῦ δεῖν χλευαζόμενος καὶ κωμῳδούμενος διατελεῖ. 2.224. καίτοι τἀκείνου σκοπῶν συχνῶς τις ἂν εὕροι ῥᾷον καὶ ταῖς τῶν πολλῶν ἔγγιον συνηθείαις, αὐτὸς δὲ Πλάτων ὡμολόγηκεν, ὅτι τὴν ἀληθῆ περὶ θεοῦ δόξαν εἰς τὴν τῶν ὄχλων ἄνοιαν οὐκ ἦν 2.225. ἀσφαλὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν Πλάτωνος λόγους τινὲς εἶναι κενοὺς νομίζουσι κατὰ πολλὴν ἐξουσίαν κεκαλλιγραφημένους, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν νομοθετῶν Λυκοῦργον τεθαυμάκασι καὶ τὴν Σπάρτην ἅπαντες ὑμνοῦσιν, ὅτι τοῖς ἐκείνου νόμοις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐνεκαρτέρησαν. 2.226. οὐκοῦν τοῦτο μὲν ὡμολογήσθω τεκμήριον ἀρετῆς εἶναι τὸ πείθεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις: οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους θαυμάζοντες τὸν ἐκείνων χρόνον ἀντιπαραβαλλέτωσαν τοῖς πλείοσιν ἢ δισχιλίοις 2.227. ἔτεσι τῆς ἡμετέρας πολιτείας, καὶ προσέτι λογιζέσθωσαν, ὅτι Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅσον ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν χρόνον εἶχον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀκριβῶς ἔδοξαν τοὺς νόμους διαφυλάττειν, ἐπεὶ μέντοι περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐγένοντο μεταβολαὶ τῆς τύχης, μικροῦ δεῖν ἁπάντων ἐπελάθοντο τῶν νόμων. 2.228. ἡμεῖς δ' ἐν τύχαις γεγονότες μυρίαις διὰ τὰς τῶν βασιλευσάντων τῆς ̓Ασίας μεταβολὰς οὐδ' ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις τῶν δεινῶν τοὺς νόμους προύδομεν οὐκ ἀργίας οὐδὲ τρυφῆς αὐτοὺς χάριν περιέποντες, ἀλλ' εἴ τις ἐθέλοι σκοπεῖν, πολλῷ τινι τῆς δοκούσης ἐπιτετάχθαι Λακεδαιμονίοις καρτερίας μείζονας ἄθλους καὶ πόνους ἡμῖν ἐπιτεθέντας 2.229. * οἱ μέν γε μήτε γῆν ἐργαζόμενοι μήτε περὶ τέχνας πονοῦντες ἀλλὰ πάσης ἐργασίας ἄφετοι λιπαροὶ καὶ τὰ σώματα 2.231. τὸ κρατεῖν πάντων, ἐφ' οὓς ἂν στρατεύωσιν. ὅτι δὲ μηδὲ τοῦτο κατώρθωσαν, ἐῶ λέγειν: οὐ γὰρ καθ' ἕνα μόνον, ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἀθρόως τῶν τοῦ νόμου προσταγμάτων ἀμελήσαντες αὑτοὺς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων παρέδοσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις. 2.232. ̓͂Αρ' οὖν καὶ παρ' ἡμῖν, οὐ λέγω τοσούτους, ἀλλὰ δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἔγνω τις προδότας γενομένους τῶν νόμων ἢ θάνατον φοβηθέντας, οὐχὶ τὸν ῥᾷστον ἐκεῖνον λέγω τὸν συμβαίνοντα τοῖς μαχομένοις, ἀλλὰ τὸν μετὰ λύμης τῶν σωμάτων, ὁποῖος εἶναι δοκεῖ πάντων χαλεπώτατος; 2.233. ὃν ἔγωγε νομίζω τινὰς κρατήσαντας ἡμῶν οὐχ ὑπὸ μίσους προσφέρειν τοῖς ὑποχειρίοις, ἀλλὰ [ὡς] θαυμαστόν τι θέαμα βουλομένους ἰδεῖν, εἴ τινές εἰσιν ἄνθρωποι μόνον εἶναι κακὸν αὐτοῖς πεπιστευκότες, εἰ πρᾶξαί τι παρὰ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν νόμους εἰ λόγον εἰπεῖν παρ' ἐκείνοις παραβιασθεῖεν. 2.234. οὐ χρὴ δὲ θαυμάζειν, εἰ πρὸς θάνατον ἀνδρείως ἔχομεν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας: οὐδὲ γὰρ τὰ ῥᾷστα δοκοῦντα τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἄλλοι ῥᾳδίως ὑπομένουσιν, αὐτουργίαν λέγω καὶ τροφῆς λιτότητα καὶ τὸ μηδὲν εἰκῆ μηδ' ὡς ἔτυχεν ἕκαστος ἐπιτεθυμηκὼς φαγεῖν ἢ πιεῖν ἢ συνουσίᾳ προσελθεῖν ἢ πολυτελείᾳ 2.235. καὶ πάλιν ἀργίας ὑπομεῖναι τάξιν ἀμετακίνητον. ἀλλ' οἱ τοῖς ξίφεσιν ὁμόσε χωροῦντες καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξ ἐφόδου τρεπόμενοι τοῖς προστάγμασιν τοῖς περὶ διαίτης οὐκ ἀντέβλεψαν. ἡμῖν δὲ πάλιν ἐκ τοῦ περὶ ταῦτα τῷ νόμῳ πειθαρχεῖν ἡδέως κἀκεῖ περίεστιν ἐπιδείκνυσθαι τὸ γενναῖον. 2.236. Εἶτα Λυσίμαχοι καὶ Μόλωνες καὶ τοιοῦτοί τινες ἄλλοι συγγραφεῖς, ἀδόκιμοι σοφισταί, μειρακίων ἀπατεῶνες, ὡς πάνυ ἡμᾶς φαυλοτάτους ἀνθρώπων λοιδοροῦσιν. 2.237. ἐγὼ δ' οὐκ ἂν ἐβουλόμην περὶ τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις νομίμων ἐξετάζειν: τὰ γὰρ αὑτῶν ἡμῖν φυλάττειν πάτριόν ἐστιν, οὐ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων κατηγορεῖν. καὶ περί γε τοῦ μήτε χλευάζειν μήτε βλασφημεῖν τοὺς νομιζομένους θεοὺς παρ' ἑτέροις ἄντικρυς ἡμῖν ὁ νομοθέτης ἀπείρηκεν αὐτῆς ἕνεκα προσηγορίας τοῦ θεοῦ. 2.238. τῶν δὲ κατηγόρων διὰ τῆς ἀντιπαραθέσεως ἡμᾶς ἐλέγχειν οἰομένων οὐχ οἷόν τε κατασιωπᾶν, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ λόγου μέλλοντος οὐχ ὑφ' ἡμῶν ἐλεγχθήσεσθαι νῦν αὐτῶν συντιθέντων, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ πολλῶν εἰρημένου καὶ λίαν εὐδοκιμούντων. 2.239. τίς γὰρ τῶν παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ τεθαυμασμένων οὐκ ἐπιτετίμηκεν καὶ ποιητῶν τοῖς ἐπεφανεστάτοις καὶ νομοθετῶν τοῖς μάλιστα πεπιστευμένοις, ὅτι τοιαύτας δόξας περὶ θεῶν 2.241. * ὅσοις δὲ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀπένειμαν τούτοις πατέρα μὲν τῷ λόγῳ, τύραννον δὲ τοῖς ἔργοις καὶ δεσπότην ἐφιστάντες, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο συνισταμένην ἐπιβουλὴν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὑπὸ γυναικὸς καὶ ἀδελφοῦ καὶ θυγατρός, ἣν ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κεφαλῆς ἐγέννησεν, ἵνα δὴ συλλαβόντες αὐτὸν καθείρξωσιν, ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος τὸν πατέρα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ. 2.242. Ταῦτα δικαίως μέμψεως πολλῆς ἀξιοῦσιν οἱ φρονήσει διαφέροντες καὶ πρὸς τούτοις καταγελῶσιν, εἰ τῶν θεῶν τοὺς μὲν ἀγενείους καὶ μειράκια, τοὺς δὲ πρεσβυτέρους καὶ γενειῶντας εἶναι χρὴ δοκεῖν, ἄλλους δὲ τετάχθαι πρὸς ταῖς τέχναις, χαλκεύοντά τινα, τὴν δὲ ὑφαίνουσαν, τὸν δὲ πολεμοῦντα καὶ μετὰ ἀνθρώπων μαχόμενον 2.243. τοὺς δὲ κιθαρίζοντας ἢ τοξικῇ χαίροντας, εἶτ' αὐτοῖς ἐγγιγνομένας πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσεις καὶ περὶ ἀνθρώπων φιλονεικίας μέχρι τοῦ μὴ μόνον ἀλλήλοις τὰς χεῖρας προσφέρειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπ' ἀνθρώπων 2.244. τραυματιζομένους ὀδύρεσθαι καὶ κακοπαθεῖν. τὸ δὲ δὴ πάντων ἀσελγέστερον, τὴν περὶ τὰς μίξεις ἀκρασίαν καὶ τοὺς ἔρωτας πῶς οὐκ ἄτοπον μικροῦ δεῖν ἅπασι προσάψαι καὶ τοῖς ἄρρεσι 2.245. τῶν θεῶν καὶ ταῖς θηλείαις; εἶθ' οἱ γενναιότατοι καὶ πρῶτος αὐτὸς ὁ πατὴρ τὰς ἀπατηθείσας ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ γενομένας ἐγκύους καθειργνυμένας ἢ καταποντιζομένας περιορᾷ καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότας οὔτε σώζειν δύναται κρατούμενος ὑπὸ τῆς εἱμαρμένης 2.246. οὔτ' ἀδακρυτὶ τοὺς θανάτους αὐτῶν ὑπομένειν. καλά γε ταῦτα καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἑπόμενα, μοιχείας μὲν ἐν οὐρανῷ βλεπομένης οὕτως ἀναισχύντως ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν, ὥστε τινὰς καὶ ζηλοῦν ὁμολογεῖν τοὺς ἐπ' αὐτῇ δεδεμένους: τί γὰρ οὐκ ἔμελλον, ὁπότε μηδ' ὁ πρεσβύτατος καὶ βασιλεὺς ἠδυνήθη τῆς πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα μίξεως ἐπισχεῖν 2.247. τὴν ὁρμὴν ὅσον γοῦν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον ἀπελθεῖν; οἱ δὲ δὴ δουλεύοντες τοῖς ἀνθρώποις θεοὶ καὶ νῦν μὲν οἰκοδομοῦντες ἐπὶ μισθῷ νῦν δὲ ποιμαίνοντες, ἄλλοι δὲ τρόπον κακούργων ἐν χαλκῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ δεδεμένοι, τίνα τῶν εὖ φρονούντων οὐκ ἂν παροξύνειαν, ὡς τοῖς ταῦτα συνθεῖσιν ἐπιπλῆξαι καὶ πολλὴν εὐήθειαν καταγνῶναι τῶν προσεμένων; 2.248. οἱ δὲ καὶ δεῖμόν τινα καὶ φόβον ἤδη δὲ καὶ λύσσαν καὶ ἀπάτην καὶ τί γὰρ οὐχὶ τῶν κακίστων παθῶν εἰς θεοῦ φύσιν καὶ μορφὴν ἀνέπλασαν: τοῖς δὲ εὐφημοτέροις τούτων καὶ 2.249. θύειν τὰς πόλεις ἔπεισαν. τοιγαροῦν εἰς πολλὴν ἀνάγκην καθίστανται τοὺς μέν τινας τῶν θεῶν νομίζειν δοτῆρας ἀγαθῶν, τοὺς δὲ καλεῖν ἀποτροπαίους, εἶτα δὲ τούτους ὥσπερ τοὺς πονηροτάτους τῶν ἀνθρώπων χάρισι καὶ δώροις ἀποσείονται, μέγα τι λήψεσθαι κακὸν ὑπ' αὐτῶν προσδοκῶντες, εἰ μὴ μισθὸν αὐτοῖς παράσχοιεν. 2.251. ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἄλλην τάξιν τοῦ πολιτεύματος, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ ἄλλο τι τῶν φαυλοτάτων ἐφῆκαν τοῖς μὲν ποιηταῖς οὕστινας ἂν βούλωνται θεοὺς εἰσάγειν πάντα πάσχοντας, τοῖς δὲ ῥήτορσι πολιτογραφεῖν 2.252. κατὰ ψήφισμα τῶν ξένων θεῶν τὸν ἐπιτήδειον: πολλῆς δὲ καὶ ζωγράφοι καὶ πλάσται τῆς εἰς τοῦτο παρὰ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἀπέλαυσαν ἐξουσίας, αὐτὸς ἕκαστός τινα μορφὴν ἐπινοῶν, ὁ μὲν ἐκ πηλοῦ πλάττων, ὁ δὲ γράφων, οἱ δὲ μάλιστα δὴ θαυμαζόμενοι τῶν δημιουργῶν τὸν ἐλέφαντα καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν ἔχουσι τῆς ἀεὶ καινουργίας 2.253. τὴν ὑπόθεσιν. [καὶ τὰ μὲν τῶν ἱερῶν ἐν ἐρημίᾳ παντελῶς εἰσιν, τὰ δὲ ἐμπερισπούδαστα καθάρσεσι παντοδαπαῖς περικοσμούμενα.] εἶθ' οἱ μὲν πρότερον ἐν ταῖς τιμαῖς ἀκμάσαντες θεοὶ γεγηράκασιν: [οἱ δὲ ὑπακμάζοντες τούτων ἐν δευτέρᾳ τάξει 2.254. ὑποβέβληνται] οὕτω γὰρ εὐφημότερον λέγειν: ἄλλοι δὲ καινοί τινες εἰσαγόμενοι θρησκείας τυγχάνουσιν, [ὡς ἐν παρεκβάσει ὧν προείπομεν τοὺς τόπους ἐρημωθέντας καταλιπεῖν] καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τὰ μὲν ἐρημοῦται, τὰ δὲ νεωστὶ κατὰ τὴν αὐτῶν βούλησιν ἕκαστος ἱδρύεται, δέον [τοίνυν] τοὐναντίον τὴν περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ δόξαν αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν τιμὴν ἀμετακίνητον διαφυλάττειν. 2.255. ̓Απολλώνιος μὲν οὖν ὁ Μόλων τῶν ἀνοήτων εἷς ἦν καὶ τετυφωμένων, τοὺς μέντοι κατ' ἀλήθειαν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ελληνικοῖς φιλοσοφήσαντας οὔτε τῶν προειρημένων οὐδὲν διέλαθεν οὔτε τὰς ψυχρὰς προφάσεις τῶν ἀλληγοριῶν ἠγνόησαν, διόπερ τῶν μὲν εἰκότως κατεφρόνησαν, εἰς δὲ τὴν ἀληθῆ καὶ πρέπουσαν περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ δόξαν ἡμῖν συνεφώνησαν. 2.256. ἀφ' ἧς ὁρμηθεὶς ὁ Πλάτων οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων οὐδένα ποιητῶν φησι δεῖν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν παραδέχεσθαι καὶ τὸν ̔́Ομηρον εὐφήμως ἀποπέμπεται στεφανώσας καὶ μύρον αὐτοῦ καταχέας, ἵνα δὴ μὴ τὴν ὀρθὴν δόξαν περὶ θεοῦ τοῖς μύθοις ἀφανίσειε. 2.257. μάλιστα δὲ Πλάτων μεμίμηται τὸν ἡμέτερον νομοθέτην κἀν τῷ μηδὲν οὕτω παίδευμα προστάττειν τοῖς πολίταις ὡς τὸ πάντας ἀκριβῶς τοὺς νόμους ἐκμανθάνειν, καὶ μὴν καὶ περὶ τοῦ μὴ δεῖν ὡς ἔτυχεν ἐπιμίγνυσθαί τινας ἔξωθεν, ἀλλ' εἶναι καθαρὸν 2.258. τὸ πολίτευμα τῶν ἐμμενόντων τοῖς νόμοις προυνόησεν. ὧν οὐδὲν λογισάμενος ὁ Μόλων ̓Απολλώνιος ἡμῶν κατηγόρησεν, ὅτι μὴ παραδεχόμεθα τοὺς ἄλλαις προκατειλημμένους δόξαις περὶ θεοῦ μηδὲ κοινωνεῖν ἐθέλομεν τοῖς καθ' ἑτέραν συνήθειαν βίου ζῆν προαιρουμένοις. 2.259. ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν ἴδιον ἡμῶν, κοινὸν δὲ πάντων, οὐχ ̔Ελλήνων δὲ μόνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν εὐδοκιμωτάτων: Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ καὶ ξενηλασίας ποιούμενοι διετέλουν καὶ τοῖς αὐτῶν ἀποδημεῖν πολίταις οὐκ ἐπέτρεπον διαφθορὰν ἐξ 2.261. τῆς πολιτείας οὔτε τῆς παρ' αὐτοῖς μετεδίδοσαν διατριβῆς: ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ζηλοῦν οὐκ ἀξιοῦμεν, τοὺς μέντοι μετέχειν τῶν ἡμετέρων βουλομένους ἡδέως δεχόμεθα. καὶ τοῦτο ἂν εἴη τεκμήριον, οἶμαι, φιλανθρωπίας ἅμα καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας. 2.262. ̓Εῶ περὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπὶ πλείω λέγειν. οἱ δὲ κοινὴν εἶναι τὴν ἑαυτῶν δόξαντες πόλιν ̓Αθηναῖοι πῶς περὶ τούτων εἶχον, ̓Απολλώνιος ἠγνόησεν, ὅτι καὶ τοὺς ῥῆμα μόνον παρὰ τοὺς ἐκείνων 2.263. νόμους φθεγξαμένους περὶ θεῶν ἀπαραιτήτως ἐκόλασαν. τίνος γὰρ ἑτέρου χάριν Σωκράτης ἀπέθανεν; οὐ γὰρ δὴ προεδίδου τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πολεμίοις οὐδὲ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐσύλησεν οὐδέν, ἀλλ' ὅτι καινοὺς ὅρκους ὤμνυεν καί τι δαιμόνιον αὐτῷ σημαίνειν ἔφασκεν ἢ διαπαίζων, ὡς ἔνιοι λέγουσι, διὰ ταῦτα κατεγνώσθη κώνειον πιὼν ἀποθανεῖν. 2.264. καὶ διαφθείρειν δὲ τοὺς νέους ὁ κατήγορος αὐτὸν ᾐτιᾶτο, τῆς πατρίου πολιτείας καὶ τῶν νόμων ὅτι προῆγεν αὐτοὺς καταφρονεῖν. Σωκράτης μὲν οὖν πολίτης ̓Αθηναίων τοιαύτην ὑπέμεινε τιμωρίαν. 2.265. ̓Αναξαγόρας δὲ Κλαζομένιος ἦν, ἀλλ' ὅτι νομιζόντων ̓Αθηναίων τὸν ἥλιον εἶναι θεὸν ὅδ' αὐτὸν ἔφη μύδρον εἶναι διάπυρον, θάνατον αὐτοῦ παρ' ὀλίγας ψήφους κατέγνωσαν. 2.266. καὶ Διαγόρᾳ τῷ Μηλίῳ τάλαντον ἐπεκήρυξαν, εἴ τις αὐτὸν ἀνέλοι, ἐπεὶ τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς μυστήρια χλευάζειν ἐλέγετο. καὶ Πρωταγόρας εἰ μὴ θᾶττον ἔφυγε, συλληφθεὶς ἂν ἐτεθνήκει γράψαι τι δόξας 2.267. οὐχ ὁμολογούμενον τοῖς ̓Αθηναίοις περὶ θεῶν. τί δὲ δεῖ θαυμάζειν, εἰ πρὸς ἄνδρας οὕτως ἀξιοπίστους διετέθησαν, οἵ γε μηδὲ γυναικῶν ἐφείσαντο; νῦν γὰρ τὴν ἱέρειαν ἀπέκτειναν, ἐπεί τις αὐτῆς κατηγόρησεν, ὅτι ξένους ἐμύει θεούς: νόμῳ δ' ἦν τοῦτο παρ' αὐτοῖς κεκωλυμένον καὶ τιμωρία κατὰ τῶν ξένον εἰσαγόντων 2.268. θεὸν ὥριστο θάνατος. οἱ δὲ τοιούτῳ νόμῳ χρώμενοι δῆλον ὅτι τοὺς τῶν ἄλλων οὐκ ἐνόμιζον εἶναι θεούς: οὐ γὰρ ἂν αὐτοῖς πλειόνων ἀπολαύειν ἐφθόνουν. 2.269. τὰ μὲν οὖν ̓Αθηναίων ἐχέτω καλῶς. Σκύθαι δὲ φόνοις χαίροντες ἀνθρώπων καὶ βραχὺ τῶν θηρίων διαφέροντες, ὅμως τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς οἴονται δεῖν περιστέλλειν, καὶ τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ θαυμασθέντα τὸν ̓Ανάχαρσιν ἐπανελθόντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀνεῖλον, ἐπεὶ τῶν ̔Ελληνικῶν ἐθῶν ἔδοξεν ἥκειν ἀνάπλεως, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ παρὰ Πέρσαις ἄν τις εὕροι 2.271. ὑβρίζων καὶ παῖδας ἐκτέμνων. παρ' ἡμῖν δὲ θάνατος ὥρισται, κἂν ἄλογόν τις οὕτω ζῷον ἀδικῇ: καὶ τούτων ἡμᾶς τῶν νόμων ἀπαγαγεῖν οὔτε φόβος ἴσχυσεν τῶν κρατησάντων οὔτε ζῆλος τῶν 2.272. παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις τετιμημένων. οὐδὲ τὴν ἀνδρείαν ἠσκήσαμεν ἐπὶ τῷ πολέμους ἄρασθαι χάριν πλεονεξίας, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς νόμους διαφυλάττειν. τὰς γοῦν ἄλλας ἐλαττώσεις πρᾴως ὑπομένοντες, ἐπειδάν τινες ἡμᾶς τὰ νόμιμα κινεῖν ἀναγκάζωσι, τότε καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν αἱρούμεθα πολέμους καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἐσχάτων ταῖς συμφοραῖς ἐγκαρτεροῦμεν. 2.273. διὰ τί γὰρ ἂν καὶ ζηλώσαιμεν τοὺς ἑτέρων νόμους ὁρῶντες μηδὲ παρὰ τοῖς θεμένοις αὐτοὺς τετηρημένους; πῶς γὰρ οὐκ ἔμελλον Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν τῆς ἀνεπιμίκτου καταγνώσεσθαι πολιτείας καὶ τῆς περὶ τοὺς γάμους ὀλιγωρίας, ̓Ηλεῖοι δὲ καὶ Θηβαῖοι τῆς παρὰ φύσιν καὶ [ἄγαν] ἀνέδην πρὸς τοὺς ἄρρενας μίξεως; 2.274. ἃ γοῦν πάλαι κάλλιστα καὶ συμφορώτατα πράττειν ὑπελάμβανον, ταῦτ' εἰ καὶ μὴ παντάπασι τοῖς ἔργοις πεφεύγασιν, οὐχ 2.275. ὁμολογοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτῶν νόμους ἀπόμνυνται τοσοῦτόν ποτε παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ἰσχύσαντας, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς τὰς τῶν ἀρρένων μίξεις ἐπεφήμισαν, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ λόγον καὶ τοὺς τῶν γνησίων ἀδελφῶν γάμους, ταύτην ἀπολογίαν αὑτοῖς τῶν ἀτόπων καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονῶν συντιθέντες. 2.276. ̓Εῶ νῦν περὶ τῶν τιμωριῶν λέγειν, ὅσας μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔδοσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι νομοθέται τοῖς πονηροῖς διαλύσεις, ἐπὶ μοιχείας μὲν ζημίας χρημάτων, ἐπὶ φθορᾶς δὲ καὶ γάμους νομοθετήσαντες, ὅσας δὲ περὶ τῆς ἀσεβείας προφάσεις περιέχουσιν ἀρνήσεως, εἰ καί τις ἐπιχειρήσειεν ἐξετάζειν: ἤδη γὰρ παρὰ τοῖς πλείοσι μελέτη 2.277. γέγονε τοῦ παραβαίνειν τοὺς νόμους. οὐ μὴν καὶ παρ' ἡμῖν, ἀλλὰ κἂν πλούτου καὶ πόλεων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν στερηθῶμεν, ὁ γοῦν νόμος ἡμῖν ἀθάνατος διαμένει, καὶ οὐδεὶς ̓Ιουδαίων οὔτε μακρὰν οὕτως ἂν ἀπέλθοι τῆς πατρίδος οὔτε πικρὸν φοβηθήσεται 2.278. δεσπότην, ὡς μὴ πρὸ ἐκείνου δεδιέναι τὸν νόμον. εἰ μὲν οὖν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν τῶν νόμων οὕτως πρὸς αὐτοὺς διακείμεθα, συγχωρησάτωσαν ὅτι κρατίστους ἔχομεν νόμους. εἰ δὲ φαύλοις οὕτως ἡμᾶς ἐμμένειν ὑπολαμβάνουσι, τί οὐκ ἂν αὐτοὶ δικαίως πάθοιεν τοὺς κρείττονας οὐ φυλάττοντες; 2.279. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ὁ πολὺς χρόνος πιστεύεται πάντων εἶναι δοκιμαστὴς ἀληθέστατος, τοῦτον ἂν ποιησαίμην ἐγὼ μάρτυρα τῆς ἀρετῆς ἡμῶν τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ τῆς ὑπ' ἐκείνου φήμης περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ παραδοθείσης: ἀπείρου γὰρ τοῦ χρόνου γεγονότος, εἴ τις αὐτὸν παραβάλλοι ταῖς τῶν ἄλλων ἡλικίαις νομοθετῶν, παρὰ πάντας εὕροι τοῦτον * 2.281. ἀνθρώποις ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον αὑτῶν ζῆλον ἐμπεποιήκασι. πρῶτοι μὲν γὰρ οἱ παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησι φιλοσοφήσαντες τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν τὰ πάτρια διεφύλαττον, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ τῷ φιλοσοφεῖν ἐκείνῳ κατηκολούθησαν, ὅμοια μὲν περὶ θεοῦ φρονοῦντες, εὐτέλειαν δὲ 2.282. βίου καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους κοινωνίαν διδάσκοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθεσιν ἤδη πολὺς ζῆλος γέγονεν ἐκ μακροῦ τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας, οὐδ' ἔστιν οὐ πόλις ̔Ελλήνων οὐδητισοῦν οὐδὲ βάρβαρον οὐδὲ ἓν ἔθνος, ἔνθα μὴ τὸ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἣν ἀργοῦμεν ἡμεῖς, τὸ ἔθος [δὲ] διαπεφοίτηκεν καὶ αἱ νηστεῖαι καὶ λύχνων ἀνακαύσεις καὶ πολλὰ τῶν εἰς βρῶσιν ἡμῖν οὐ νενομισμένων παρατετήρηται. 2.283. μιμεῖσθαι δὲ πειρῶνται καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἡμῶν ὁμόνοιαν καὶ τὴν τῶν ὄντων ἀνάδοσιν καὶ τὸ φιλεργὸν ἐν ταῖς τέχναις καὶ 2.284. τὸ καρτερικὸν ἐν ταῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων ἀνάγκαις: τὸ γὰρ θαυμασιώτατον, ὅτι χωρὶς τοῦ τῆς ἡδονῆς ἐπαγωγοῦ δελέατος αὐτὸς καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἴσχυσεν ὁ νόμος, καὶ ὥσπερ ὁ θεὸς διὰ παντὸς τοῦ κόσμου πεφοίτηκεν, οὕτως ὁ νόμος διὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων βεβάδικεν. αὐτὸς δέ τις ἕκαστος τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν οἶκον ἐπισκοπῶν τὸν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ λεγομένοις οὐκ ἀπιστήσει. 2.285. χρὴ τοίνυν πάντων ἀνθρώπων καταγνῶναι πονηρίαν ἐθελούσιον, εἰ τἀλλότρια καὶ φαῦλα πρὸ τῶν οἰκείων καὶ καλῶν ζηλοῦν ἐπιτεθυμήκασιν, ἢ παύσασθαι 2.286. βασκαίνοντας ἡμῖν τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπιφθόνου τινὸς ἀντιποιούμεθα πράγματος τὸν αὑτῶν τιμῶντες νομοθέτην καὶ τοῖς ὑπ' ἐκείνου προφητευθεῖσι περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πεπιστευκότες: καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὴ συνίεμεν αὐτοὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς τῶν νόμων, ἁπάντων ἂν ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ζηλούντων μέγα φρονεῖν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς προήχθημεν. 2.287. ̓Αλλὰ γὰρ περὶ μὲν τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς πολιτείας τὴν ἀκριβῆ πεποίημαι παράδοσιν ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἀρχαιολογίας μοι γραφεῖσι. νυνὶ δ' αὐτῶν ἐπεμνήσθην ἐφ' ὅσον ἦν ἀναγκαῖον, οὔτε τὰ τῶν ἄλλων ψέγειν οὔτε τὰ παρ' ἡμῖν ἐγκωμιάζειν προθέμενος, ἀλλ' ἵνα τοὺς περὶ ἡμῶν ἀδίκως γεγραφότας ἐλέγξω πρὸς αὐτὴν 2.288. ἀναιδῶς τὴν ἀλήθειαν πεφιλονεικηκότας. καὶ δή μοι δοκῶ πεπληρῶσθαι διὰ τῆς γραφῆς ἱκανῶς ἃ προϋπεσχόμην: καὶ γὰρ ἀρχαιότητι προϋπάρχον ἐπέδειξα τὸ γένος, τῶν κατηγόρων ὅτι νεώτατόν ἐστιν εἰρηκότων, [καὶ γὰρ] καὶ πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασιν ἐμνημονευκότας ἡμῶν ἀρχαίους παρέσχομεν μάρτυρας, ἐκείνων ὅτι μηδείς ἐστιν διαβεβαιουμένων. 2.289. ἀλλὰ μὴν Αἰγυπτίους ἔφασαν ἡμῶν τοὺς προγόνους: ἐδείχθησαν δ' εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐλθόντες ἑτέρωθεν. διὰ δὲ λύμην σωμάτων αὐτοὺς ἐκβληθῆναι κατεψεύσαντο: προαιρέσει καὶ περιουσίᾳ ῥώμης ἐφάνησαν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκείαν ὑποστρέψαντες γῆν. 2.291. Περὶ τῶν νόμων οὐκ ἐδέησε λόγου πλείονος: αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἑωράθησαν δι' αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀσέβειαν μὲν εὐσέβειαν δ' ἀληθεστάτην διδάσκοντες, οὐδ' ἐπὶ μισανθρωπίαν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὄντων κοινωνίαν παρακαλοῦντες, ἀδικίας ἐχθροί, δικαιοσύνης ἐπιμελεῖς, ἀργίαν καὶ πολυτέλειαν ἐξορίζοντες, αὐτάρκεις καὶ φιλοπόνους εἶναι 2.292. διδάσκοντες, πολέμων μὲν ἀπείργοντες εἰς πλεονεξίαν, ἀνδρείους δὲ ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν εἶναι παρασκευάζοντες, ἀπαραίτητοι πρὸς τὰς τιμωρίας, ἀσόφιστοι λόγων παρασκευαῖς, τοῖς ἔργοις ἀεὶ βεβαιούμενοι: ταῦτα γὰρ [ἀεὶ] ἡμεῖς παρέχομεν τῶν γραμμάτων ἐναργέστερα. 2.293. διόπερ ἐγὼ θαρσήσας ἂν εἴποιμι πλείστων ἅμα καὶ καλλίστων ἡμᾶς εἰσηγητὰς τοῖς ἄλλοις γεγονέναι: τί γὰρ εὐσεβείας ἀπαραβάτου κάλλιον; τί δὲ τοῦ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς νόμοις δικαιότερον; 2.294. ἢ τί συμφορώτερον τοῦ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμονοεῖν καὶ μήτ' ἐν συμφοραῖς διίστασθαι μήτ' ἐν εὐτυχίαις στασιάζειν ἐξυβρίζοντας, ἀλλ' ἐν πολέμῳ μὲν θανάτου καταφρονεῖν, ἐν εἰρήνῃ δὲ τέχναις ἢ γεωργίαις προσανέχειν, πάντα δὲ καὶ πανταχοῦ πεπεῖσθαι τὸν θεὸν ἐποπτεύοντα διέπειν; 2.295. ταῦτ' εἰ μὲν παρ' ἑτέροις ἢ ἐγράφη πρότερον ἢ ἐφυλάχθη βεβαιότερον, ἡμεῖς ἂν ἐκείνοις χάριν ὠφείλομεν ὡς μαθηταὶ γεγονότες: εἰ δὲ καὶ χρώμενοι μάλιστα πάντων βλεπόμεθα καὶ τὴν πρώτην εὕρεσιν αὐτῶν ἡμετέραν οὖσαν ἐπεδείξαμεν, ̓Απίωνες μὲν καὶ Μόλωνες καὶ πάντες ὅσοι τῷ ψεύδεσθαι 2.296. καὶ λοιδορεῖν χαίρουσιν ἐξεληλέγχθωσαν. σοὶ δέ, ̓Επαφρόδιτε, μάλιστα τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶντι καὶ διὰ σὲ τοῖς ὁμοίως βουλησομένοις περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν εἰδέναι τοῦτο καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγράφθω βιβλίον.

1.42. and how firmly we have given credit to those books of our own nation, is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add any thing to them, to take any thing from them, or to make any change in them; but it becomes natural to all Jews, immediately and from their very birth, to esteem those books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and, if occasion be, willingly to die for them. 2.148. Moreover, since this Apollonius does not do like Apion, and lay a continued accusation against us, but does it only by starts, and up and down his discourse, while he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth with our want of courage, and yet sometimes, on the contrary, accuses us of too great boldness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says that we are the weakest of all the barbarians, and that this is the reason why we are the only people who have made no improvements in human life; 2.154. Now I venture to say, that our legislator is the most ancient of all the legislators whom we have any where heard of; for as for the Lycurguses, and Solons, and Zaleucus Locrensis, and all those legislators who are so admired by the Greeks, they seem to be of yesterday, if compared with our legislator, insomuch as the very name of a law was not so much as known in old times among the Grecians. 2.155. Homer is a witness to the truth of this observation, who never uses that term in all his poems; for indeed there was then no such thing among them, but the multitude was governed by wise maxims, and by the injunctions of their king. It was also a long time that they continued in the use of these unwritten customs, although they were always changing them upon several occasions; 2.156. but for our legislator, who was of so much greater antiquity than the rest (as even those that speak against us upon all occasions do always confess), he exhibited himself to the people as their best governor and counsellor, and included in his legislation the entire conduct of their lives, and prevailed with them to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that those that were made acquainted with his laws did most carefully observe them.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
agrippa i	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 77, 84, 85, 98, 229
agrippa i (jewish king), literary connections to joseph (genesis patriarch)	Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 117, 118
agrippa i (jewish king), scholarship on	Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 113, 117
agrippa i (jewish king), summary of accounts in antiquities	Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 112, 113
amphitheatres	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 85
antipater	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 77
archelaos	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 77, 98
aretas	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 98
attridge, harold w.	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 47, 51
barclay, john m. g.	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 50, 51
begg, christopher t.	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 50
cohen, shaye j. d.	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 50
consensus	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 49, 50, 51
covert resistance	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 229
daniel	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 47
debt	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 84
epicureans	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 47, 48, 49, 50, 51
essenes, afterlife beliefs	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 48
essenes	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 49, 50, 51
esther, book of, josephan alterations to	Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 118
exemplarity, in antiquities	Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 52
ezekias	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70
feldman, louis h.	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 50, 51
gaius caligula	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 84, 85
galilee	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70
gnosticism, gnostics	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 49, 50, 51
heresy, in islam'	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 47
herod antipas	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 84, 98, 229
herod the great	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70, 77, 98, 229
herodias	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 98, 229
inowlocki, sabrina	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 51
islam, heresy in	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 47
jerusalem, temple	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70, 77, 84, 85, 229
jerusalem	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70, 77, 85, 98
jewish identity, greco-roman antipathy towards	Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 113
john the baptist	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 98, 229
josephus	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70, 77, 84, 85, 98, 229
judas of galilee	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 85, 229
mariamme, wife of herod the great	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 77, 84
mason, steve	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 50
parthia	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 98
passover	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 98
pharisees	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 49, 50, 51
philip the tetrarch	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 98, 229
sadducees	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 49, 50, 51
schiffman, lawrence h.	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 50
senate, roman	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 77
sicarii	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 48
spilsbury, paul	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 50
stern, menahem	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 51
stoics	Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 49, 50, 51
synagogues	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 84
theatres	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 85
tiberias	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 84, 98, 229
tyranny	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70, 77, 98, 229
vitellius	Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 98