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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7234
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 16.171-16.172


“Γάιος Νωρβανὸς Φλάκκος ἀνθύπατος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. Καῖσάρ μοι ἔγραψεν κελεύων μὴ κωλύεσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ὅσα ἂν ὦσιν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναγαγόντες χρήματα ἀναπέμπειν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. ἔγραψα οὖν ὑμῖν, ἵν' εἰδῆτε, ὅτι Καῖσαρ κἀγὼ οὕτως θέλομεν γίνεσθαι.”6. “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.”


Οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ ̓Ιούλιος ̓Αντώνιος ἀνθύπατος ἔγραψεν “̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ κατοικοῦντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι εἰδοῖς Φεβρουαρίοις δικαιοδοτοῦντί μοι ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ὑπέδειξαν Καίσαρα τὸν Σεβαστὸν καὶ ̓Αγρίππαν συγκεχωρηκέναι αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις καὶ ἔθεσιν, ἀπαρχάς τε, ἃς ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως εὐσεβείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸ θεῖον * ἀνακομιδῆς συμπορευομένους ποιεῖν ἀνεμποδίστως.7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

24 results
1. Septuagint, Baruch, 1.10-1.11, 1.13-1.14 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 60.5, 61.6, 66.12 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

60.5. אָז תִּרְאִי וְנָהַרְתְּ וּפָחַד וְרָחַב לְבָבֵךְ כִּי־יֵהָפֵךְ עָלַיִךְ הֲמוֹן יָם חֵיל גּוֹיִם יָבֹאוּ לָךְ׃ 61.6. וְאַתֶּם כֹּהֲנֵי יְהוָה תִּקָּרֵאוּ מְשָׁרְתֵי אֱלֹהֵינוּ יֵאָמֵר לָכֶם חֵיל גּוֹיִם תֹּאכֵלוּ וּבִכְבוֹדָם תִּתְיַמָּרוּ׃ 66.12. כִּי־כֹה אָמַר יְהוָה הִנְנִי נֹטֶה־אֵלֶיהָ כְּנָהָר שָׁלוֹם וּכְנַחַל שׁוֹטֵף כְּבוֹד גּוֹיִם וִינַקְתֶּם עַל־צַד תִּנָּשֵׂאוּ וְעַל־בִּרְכַּיִם תְּשָׁעֳשָׁעוּ׃ 60.5. Then thou shalt see and be radiant, And thy heart shall throb and be enlarged; Because the abundance of the sea shall be turned unto thee, The wealth of the nations shall come unto thee." 61.6. But ye shall be named the priests of the LORD, Men shall call you the ministers of our God; Ye shall eat the wealth of the nations, And in their splendour shall ye revel." 66.12. For thus saith the LORD: Behold, I will extend peace to her like a river. And the wealth of the nations like an overflowing stream, and ye shall suck thereof: Ye shall be borne upon the side, and shall be dandled upon the knees."
3. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 28.66-28.69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

28. maioribus nostris fuit ut, cum in privatis rebus suisque sumptibus minimo contenti tenuissimo cultu viverent, in imperio atque in publica dignitate omnia ad gloriam splendoremque revocarent. quaeritur enim in re domestica continentiae laus, in publica dignitatis. quod si etiam praesidi causa classem habuit, quis erit tam iniquus qui reprehendat? ' nulli erant praedones.' quid ? nullos fore quis praestare poterat? ' minuis,' inquit, 'gloriam Pompei.' immo tu auges molestiam.
4. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, 12.3-12.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

5. Dead Sea Scrolls, War Scroll, 11.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 15.15, 15.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

15.15. Then Numenius and his companions arrived from Rome, with letters to the kings and countries, in which the following was written: 15.23. and to all the countries, and to Sampsames, and to the Spartans, and to Delos, and to Myndos, and to Sicyon, and to Caria, and to Samos, and to Pamphylia, and to Lycia, and to Halicarnassus, and to Rhodes, and to Phaselis, and to Cos, and to Side, and to Aradus and Gortyna and Cnidus and Cyprus and Cyrene.
7. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.69, 1.76-1.78 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1.69. And the most evident proof of this may be found in the events which actually took place. For innumerable companies of men from a countless variety of cities, some by land and some by sea, from east and from west, from the north and from the south, came to the temple at every festival, as if to some common refuge and safe asylum from the troubles of this most busy and painful life, seeking to find tranquillity, and to procure a remission of and respite from those cares by which from their earliest infancy they had been hampered and weighed down 1.76. But the temple has for its revenues not only portions of land, but also other possessions of much greater extent and importance, which will never be destroyed or diminished; for as long as the race of mankind shall last, the revenues likewise of the temple will always be preserved, being coeval in their duration with the universal world. 1.77. For it is commanded that all men shall every year bring their first fruits to the temple, from twenty years old and upwards; and this contribution is called their ransom. On which account they bring in the first fruits with exceeding cheerfulness, being joyful and delighted, inasmuch as simultaneously with their making the offering they are sure to find either a relaxation from slavery, or a relief from disease, and to receive in all respects a most sure freedom and safety for the future. 1.78. And since the nation is the most numerous of all peoples, it follows naturally that the first fruits contributed by them must also be most abundant. Accordingly there is in almost every city a storehouse for the sacred things to which it is customary for the people to come and there to deposit their first fruits, and at certain seasons there are sacred ambassadors selected on account of their virtue, who convey the offerings to the temple. And the most eminent men of each tribe are elected to this office, that they may conduct the hopes of each individual safe to their destination; for in the lawful offering of the first fruits are the hopes of the pious.XV.
8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 156-158, 216, 245, 281, 291, 312-316, 155 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

155. How then did he look upon the great division of Rome which is on the other side of the river Tiber, which he was well aware was occupied and inhabited by the Jews? And they were mostly Roman citizens, having been emancipated; for, having been brought as captives into Italy, they were manumitted by those who had bought them for slaves, without ever having been compelled to alter any of their hereditary or national observances.
9. Strabo, Geography, 16.40 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 7.393-7.394, 12.50, 12.125-12.127, 12.148-12.152, 14.72, 14.105-14.113, 14.185-14.267, 16.27-16.28, 16.31-16.62, 16.160-16.170, 16.172-16.178, 17.26, 17.264, 18.60, 18.312-18.313, 19.278-19.312, 20.219-20.222 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

7.393. for a thousand and three hundred years afterward Hyrcanus the high priest, when he was besieged by Antiochus, that was called the Pious, the son of Demetrius, and was desirous of giving him money to get him to raise the siege and draw off his army, and having no other method of compassing the money, opened one room of David’s sepulcher, and took out three thousand talents, and gave part of that sum to Antiochus; and by this means caused the siege to be raised, as we have informed the reader elsewhere. 7.394. Nay, after him, and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so artfully, that they did not appear to even those that entered into their monuments. But so much shall suffice us to have said concerning these matters. 12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them 12.126. they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. 12.127. And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired, for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans. 12.148. “King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting. /p“If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. 12.149. Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to remove two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto the castles and places that lie most convenient; 12.151. And when thou shalt have brought them to the places forementioned, thou shalt give everyone of their families a place for building their houses, and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for the plantation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years; 12.152. and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for the maintece of their servants, until they receive breadcorn out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready about our affairs. 14.72. for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. 14.105. 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. 14.106. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design 14.107. for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole 14.108. but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; 14.109. yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple. 14.111. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: 14.112. “Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.” 14.113. Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates. 14.185. 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them 14.186. And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; 14.187. for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations 14.188. while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 14.189. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198. that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.201. and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202. 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205. and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206. and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208. and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. 14.211. 7. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. 14.212. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.” 14.213. 8. “Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215. for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.217. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219. 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.221. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.228. 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls 14.229. in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutet of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; 14.231. 14. The decree of the Delians. “The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutet lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order 14.232. that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also. 14.233. 15. “Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.” 14.234. 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.236. 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: “We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good 14.237. he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” /p19. “In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; 14.238. and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutet of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe 14.239. Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Meder, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. 14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation 14.242. wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.243. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.” 14.244. 21. “Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting. 14.245. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246. I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.247. 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. “When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace 14.248. and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater 14.249. and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; 14.251. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. 14.252. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity 14.253. and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree. 14.254. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us 14.255. as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records.” 14.256. 23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. “When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the —— day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: 14.257. Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; 14.258. we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.259. 24. The decree of the Sardians. “This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellowcitizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate 14.261. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 14.262. 25. The decree of the Ephesians. “When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. 14.263. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.” 14.265. 26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; 14.266. for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; 14.267. for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans. 16.27. 3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days 16.27. He also made an agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a reconciliation between Archelaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea. 16.28. and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. 16.28. but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria. 16.31. “It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complaits, they approach you with great assurance; 16.31. So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice, he was banished from his own country. 16.32. for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; 16.32. 5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which accusers many of the people stoned to death; 16.33. and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us. 16.33. but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious of his actions. He replied, “How is it possible that she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?” 16.34. And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. 16.34. that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian, but Rei women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities. 16.35. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers; 16.35. for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod’s party fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thousand five hundred.” 16.36. for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; 16.36. he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archelaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs. 16.37. and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods. 16.37. Immediately after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. 16.38. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing ‘. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? 16.38. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions? 16.39. No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also; 16.39. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander. 16.41. Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; 16.42. for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; 16.43. nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. 16.44. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. 16.45. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; 16.46. for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. 16.47. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you. 16.48. And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; 16.49. for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse; 16.51. and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? 16.52. It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; 16.53. and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; 16.54. for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king’s disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him. 16.55. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. 16.56. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. 16.57. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.” 16.58. 4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; 16.59. nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. 16.61. upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; 16.62. after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Caesarea in a few days’ time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. 16.161. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar. 16.166. 3. “Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.” These were the decrees of Caesar. 16.167. 4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; 16.168. and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the Sabbath day.” 16.169. 5. “Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers 16.172. 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. 16.173. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.” 16.174. 8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; 16.175. and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. 16.176. As for our customs there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; 16.177. but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; 16.178. on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my history. 17.26. 2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed 17.26. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while 17.264. insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents. 18.312. There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury 18.313. whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject. 19.278. 2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. 19.279. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: 19.281. Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; 19.282. and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges 19.283. even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; 19.284. but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: 19.285. I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.” 19.286. 3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: 19.287. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: 19.288. Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners 19.289. but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. 19.291. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.” 19.292. 1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. 19.293. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now he returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required; 19.294. on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury, that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: 19.295. for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. 19.296. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again. 19.297. 2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Aus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. 19.298. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his brethren, and with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias, who were three, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians, as we have related in a former book. 19.299. 3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. 19.301. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. 19.302. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: 19.303. “Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: 19.304. Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same 19.305. but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar’s statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar,— 19.306. to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor’s edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves,— 19.307. I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus’s edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. 19.308. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to hunt after who encourage such doings; 19.309. while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. 19.311. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs.” 19.312. 4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. 20.219. 7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple; 20.221. These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple. 20.222. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone.
11. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.61, 1.152-1.153, 1.179, 2.50, 2.175, 2.293-2.294, 6.335, 6.423-6.425, 7.218 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.61. 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also. 1.61. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. 6.335. And what is our chief favor of all we have given you leave to gather up that tribute which is paid to God with such other gifts that are dedicated to him; nor have we called those that carried these donations to account, nor prohibited them; till at length you became richer than we ourselves, even when you were our enemies; and you made preparations for war against us with our own money; 6.423. So these high priests, upon the coming of that feast which is called the Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from the ninth hour till the eleventh, but so that a company not less than ten belong to every sacrifice (for it is not lawful for them to feast singly by themselves), and many of us are twenty in a company 6.424. found the number of sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred; 6.425. which, upon the allowance of no more than ten that feast together, amounts to two million seven hundred thousand and two hundred persons that were pure and holy; 7.218. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.
12. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.31-1.36 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.31. for he who is partaker of the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the same nation, without having any regard to money, or any other dignities; but he is to make a scrutiny, and take his wife’s genealogy from the ancient tables, and procure many witnesses to it; 1.31. that the rest commended what he had said with one consent, and did what they had resolved on, and so travelled over the desert. But that the difficulties of the journey being over, they came to a country inhabited, and that there they abused the men, and plundered and burnt their temples, and then came into that land which is called Judea, and there they built a city, and dwelt therein 1.32. and this is our practice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any body of men of our nation do live; and even there, an exact catalogue of our priests’ marriages is kept; 1.32. But why should a man say any more to a person who tells such impudent lies! However, since this book is arisen to a competent length, I will make another beginning, and endeavor to add what still remains to perfect my design in the following book. 1.33. I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also; 1.34. but if any war falls out, such as have fallen out, a great many of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that have happened in our own times 1.35. those priests that survive them compose new tables of genealogy out of the old records, and examine the circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had conversation with some foreigners; 1.36. but what is the strongest argument of our exact management in this matter is what I am now going to say, that we have the names of our high priests, from father to son, set down in our records, for the interval of two thousand years; and if any one of these have been transgressors of these rules, they are prohibited to present themselves at the altar, or to be partakers of any other of our purifications;
13. Josephus Flavius, Life, 6, 199 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

14. Juvenal, Satires, 14.96-14.106 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15. Mishnah, Shekalim, 4.1-4.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.1. What did they do with the appropriation? They bring with it the daily burnt-offerings (tamidim) and the additional burnt-offerings (musafim) and their libations, the omer and the two loaves and the showbread and all the other public offerings. Those who guard the aftergrowths of the seventh year take their wages out of the appropriation from the chamber. Rabbi Yose says: [if a man wished] he could volunteer to watch without payment. But they said to him: you too admit that they can only be offered out of public funds." 4.2. The [red] heifer and the scapegoat and the strip of scarlet came out of the appropriation of the chamber. The ramp for the [red] heifer and the ramp for the scapegoat and the strip of scarlet which was between its horns, and [the maintece of] the pool of water and the wall of the city and its towers and all the needs of the city came out of the remainder in the chamber. Abba Shaul says: the ramp for the [red] cow the high priests made out of their own [means]."
16. New Testament, Acts, 24.17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

24.17. Now after some years, I came to bring gifts to the needy to my nation, and offerings;
17. New Testament, Galatians, 2.9-2.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.9. and when they perceived the grace that was given tome, James and Cephas and John, they who were reputed to be pillars,gave to me and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship, that we should goto the Gentiles, and they to the circumcision. 2.10. They only askedus to remember the poor -- which very thing I was also zealous to do.
18. New Testament, Romans, 10.19, 11.11, 11.14, 15.25-15.26, 15.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10.19. But I ask, didn't Israel know? First Moses says, "I will provoke you to jealousy with that which is no nation, With a nation void of understanding I will make you angry. 11.11. I ask then, did they stumble that they might fall? May it never be! But by their fall salvation has come to the Gentiles, to provoke them to jealousy. 11.14. if by any means I may provoke to jealousy those who are my flesh, and may save some of them. 15.25. But now, I say, I am going to Jerusalem, serving the saints. 15.26. For it has been the good pleasure of Macedonia and Achaia to make a certain contribution for the poor among the saints who are at Jerusalem. 15.31. that I may be delivered from those who are disobedient in Judea, and that my service which I have for Jerusalem may be acceptable to the saints;
19. Tacitus, Histories, 5.5, 5.5.1, 15.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5.5.  Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean.
20. Tosefta, Sukkah, 4.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4.5. And the Levites with their harps and lyres and cymbals and all manner of musical instruments without number were there, saying, “Behold, bless ye the Lord, all ye servants of the Lord.” Some were saying, Lift up your hands to the sanctuary, and bless ye the Lord. When they parted they said to one another, The Lord bless thee out of Zion, and see thou the good of Jerusalem all the days of thy life. You should see your children's children. The herald cried out: they sounded a plain note, a tremolo, and a plain note. Rabbi Yehudah said: They did not sound less than seven nor more than thirteen times at the opening of the Temple gates. He who blew at their opening did not do so at their closing. Three times they sounded before the altar. He who blew before the altar did not do so on the tenth step, and he who blew on the tenth step did not do so before the altar."
21. Babylonian Talmud, Ketuvot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

5a. משום חשבונות,אמר ליה אביי וחשבונות של מצוה מי אסירי והא רב חסדא ורב המנונא דאמרי תרוייהו חשבונות של מצוה מותר לחשבן בשבת וא"ר אלעזר פוסקין צדקה לעניים בשבת ואמר ר' יעקב אמר ר' יוחנן הולכין לבתי כנסיות ולבתי מדרשות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת ואמר רבי יעקב בר אידי אמר רבי יוחנן מפקחין פיקוח נפש בשבת,ואמר רב שמואל בר נחמני אמר רבי יונתן הולכין לטרטייאות ולקרקייאות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת ותנא דבי מנשיא משדכין על התינוקת ליארס בשבת ועל התינוק ללמדו ספר וללמדו אומנות,אלא אמר רבי זירא גזירה שמא ישחוט בן עוף א"ל אביי אלא מעתה יום הכפורים שחל להיות בשני בשבת ידחה גזירה שמא ישחוט בן עוף התם דלנפשיה לא טריד הכא דלאחרים טריד אי נמי התם אית ליה רווחא הכא לית ליה רווחא,השתא דאתית להכי ערב שבת נמי גזירה שמא ישחוט בן עוף,איבעיא להו בתולה נשאת ברביעי ונבעלת ברביעי ולא חיישינן לאיקרורי דעתא או דלמא בתולה נשאת ברביעי ונבעלת בחמישי דחיישינן לאיקרורי דעתא,ת"ש דתני בר קפרא בתולה נשאת ברביעי ונבעלת בחמישי הואיל ונאמרה בו ברכה לדגים אלמנה נשאת בחמישי ונבעלת בששי הואיל ונאמרה בו ברכה לאדם טעמא משום ברכה אבל משום איקרורי דעתא לא חיישינן,אי הכי אלמנה נמי תיבעל בחמישי הואיל ונאמרה בו ברכה לדגים ברכה דאדם עדיפא ליה,ואי נמי משום שקדו דתניא מפני מה אמרו אלמנה נשאת בחמישי ונבעלת בששי שאם אתה אומר תיבעל בחמישי למחר משכים לאומנתו והולך לו שקדו חכמים על תקנת בנות ישראל שיהא שמח עמה שלשה ימים חמישי בשבת וערב שבת ושבת,מאי איכא בין ברכה לשקדו איכא בינייהו אדם בטל אי נמי יום טוב שחל להיות בערב שבת,דרש בר קפרא גדולים מעשה צדיקים יותר ממעשה שמים וארץ דאילו במעשה שמים וארץ כתיב (ישעיהו מח, יג) אף ידי יסדה ארץ וימיני טפחה שמים ואילו במעשה ידיהם של צדיקים כתיב (שמות טו, יז) מכון לשבתך פעלת ה' מקדש אדני כוננו ידיך,השיב בבלי אחד ור' חייא שמו (תהלים צה, ה) ויבשת ידיו יצרו ידו כתיב והכתיב יצרו א"ר נחמן בר יצחק יצרו אצבעותיו כדכתיב (תהלים ח, ד) כי אראה שמיך מעשה אצבעותיך ירח וכוכבים אשר כוננת,מיתיבי (תהלים יט, ב) השמים מספרים כבוד אל ומעשה ידיו מגיד הרקיע הכי קאמר מעשה ידיהם של צדיקים מי מגיד הרקיע ומאי ניהו מטר,דרש בר קפרא מאי דכתיב (דברים כג, יד) ויתד תהיה לך על אזנך אל תקרי אזנך אלא על אוזנך שאם ישמע אדם דבר שאינו הגון 5a. It is bdue to calculationsperformed on Shabbat to prepare for the wedding. He would thereby engage in weekday matters on Shabbat., bAbaye said to him: And are calculations for a mitzva prohibitedon Shabbat? bBut wasn’t it Rav Ḥisda and Rav Hamnuna who both said:With regard to bcalculations for a mitzva,it is bpermitted to reckon them on Shabbat? And Rabbi Elazar said: One may allocate charity to the poor on Shabbat. And Rabbi Ya’akov saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One goes to synagogues and study halls to supervise mattersaffecting the bmultitudes on Shabbat. And Rabbi Ya’akov bar Idi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One supervises matters of saving a life on Shabbat. /b, bAnd Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One goes to theaters [ itartiyyaot /i] and circuses [ ikarkiyyaot /i] to supervise mattersaffecting the bmultitudes on Shabbat,because the fate of the Jewish people or of individual Jews is often decided there and one’s presence could prevent calamity. bAndthe Sage bof the school of Menashya taught:One bmakes matches [ imeshadkhin /i]among the families concerned bfor a young girl to be betrothed on Shabbat, andsimilarly one may make arrangements bfor a young boy to teach him Torah and to teach him a craft.Apparently, calculations for a mitzva may be reckoned on Shabbat, including calculations for a wedding. Therefore, this cannot be the reason for the prohibition against marrying at the conclusion of Shabbat., bRather, Rabbi Zeira said: It is a decree lest one slaughter a young fowl onShabbat, due to his preoccupation with the preparations for that night’s wedding feast. bAbaye said to him: Ifthat is bso, Yom Kippur that occurs on Monday should be postponedwhen fixing the calendar, due to ba decree lest one slaughter a young fowlon Shabbat for the meal on Yom Kippur eve, which is a mitzva. The Gemara distinguishes between the cases. bThere,with regard to Yom Kippur eve, when one is preparing a meal bfor himself, he is not preoccupied,and he will not overlook the fact that it is Shabbat. bHere,in the case of a wedding, one is preparing a meal bfor othersand is bpreoccupied. Alternatively, there,on Yom Kippur eve, bhe has an intervalof time during which he can slaughter the bird, as the mitzva is to eat the meal on Yom Kippur eve the next day. bHere, he does not have an intervalof time, because the wedding and the feast take place at night at the conclusion of Shabbat.,The Gemara says: bNow that we have come to thisunderstanding of the prohibition against marrying at the conclusion of Shabbat, the prohibition not to engage in sexual intercourse on bShabbat evening, too,is not due to the intercourse. Rather, it is ba decree lest one slaughter a young fowlfor the wedding feast.,§ The Gemara braises a dilemma: Is a virgin married on Wednesday anddoes she bengage in intercourse onthat bWednesday, and we are not concernedlest bhis resolveto take his bride to court upon discovering that she was not a virgin bcoolovernight? Rather, he will certainly go to court the next morning. bOr perhaps, a virgin is married on Wednesday but engages in intercourse on Thursday, as we are concerned that his resolve will cool. /b, bCome and hearproof, bas bar Kappara taught: A virgin is married on Wednesday and engages in intercourse on Thursday, since the blessing to the fish:Be fruitful and multiply, bwas statedon the fifth day of Creation. bA widow is married on Thursday and engages in intercourse on Friday, since the blessingof procreation bwas stated to manon the sixth day of Creation. It may be inferred that bthe reason is due to the blessing, but with regard tothe possibility lest bhis resolve cool, we are not concerned. /b,The Gemara asks: bIf so, a widow should also engage in intercourse on Thursday, since the blessing to the fish was stated then.The Gemara answers: Since there is the option to postpone engaging in relations to the day on which bthe blessing of manwas stated, doing so bis preferable for him. /b, bAlternatively,that day was established as the day for a widow to engage in sexual relations bdue tothe fact that the Sages bwere assiduousin seeing to the well-being of Jewish women, bas it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bWhy didthe Sages bsay that a widow is married on Thursday and engages in intercourse on Friday?It is bbecause if you say that she should engage in intercourse on Thursday, on the next daythe groom will bgo toply bhis craft earlyand leave his wife alone. When a man marries a widow, there is no observance of the seven days of rejoicing, whose legal status is like that of a Festival, during which he does not go to work. Therefore, bthe Sages were assiduous in seeing to the well-being of Jewish womenand ensured bthatthe groom brejoice with herfor bthree days: Thursday,the day of the wedding; band Shabbat eve,the day when they engage in sexual relations; band Shabbat. /b, bWhatpractical difference bis there betweenthe two reasons given to engage in relations on Friday, i.e., the bblessingof procreation for man bandthe fact that the Sages bwere assiduous?The Gemara answers: bThere isa practical difference bbetween themin the case of ban idle person,who has no job, in which case the reason of blessing applies and the reason that the Sages were assiduous does not, as no matter what he will not go to work early. bAlternatively,there is a practical difference in the case of ba Festival that occurs on Shabbat eve.There too, the reason of blessing applies but the Sages’ assiduousness does not apply, as one does not work on a Festival.,§ The Gemara cites additional aggadic statements of bar Kappara. bBar Kappara taught: The handiwork of the righteous is greater than the creation of heaven and earth, as with regard to the creation of heaven and earth it is written: “My hand also has laid the foundation of the earth, and My right hand has spanned the heavens”(Isaiah 48:13). There, hand is written in the singular. bWhereas with regard to the handiwork of the righteous it is written: “The place which You have made for Yourself to dwell in, Lord, the Sanctuary, Lord, which your hands have established” (Exodus 15:17).The reference is to the Temple, which is the handiwork of man, and hand is written in the plural., bA certain Babylonian, and his name is Rabbi Ḥiyya, respondedwith a challenge. It is written with regard to creation of the earth: b“And His hands formed the dry land”(Psalms 95:5). The Gemara answers: b“His hand”is the way it bis written.Although the word is vocalized in the plural, it is written in the singular, without the letter iyod /i. bBut isn’t it written: “Formed,”in the plural? Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: The plural is referring to bHis fingers, as it is written: “When I see Your heavens, the work of Your fingers, the moon and stars, which You have established”(Psalms 8:4)., bThe Gemara raises an objection: “The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament proclaims the work of His hands”(Psalms 19:2). The heavens were created by His hands. The Gemara answers that bthisis what the verse bis saying: Who attests to the handiwork of the righteous,that they are performing the will of God? It is bthe heavens. And what isthe avenue through which the heavens do so? It is by means of brainthat falls due to the prayers of the righteous., bBar Kappara taught: What isthe meaning of that which bis written: And you shall have a peg among your weapons [ iazenekha /i]”(Deuteronomy 23:14)? bDo not readit as: bYour weapons [ iazenekha /i]. Rather,read it: bOn your ear [ ioznekha /i],meaning bthat if a person hears an inappropriate matter, /b
22. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

150a. מדוד והבא ואיכא דאמרי שאמרה מאד מאד הביא בלא מדה,(דניאל ד, לג) ורבו יתירה הוספת לי אמר רב יהודה אמר רב ירמיה בר אבא מלמד שרכב על ארי זכר וקשר תנין בראשו לקיים מה שנא' (ירמיהו כז, ו) וגם את חית השדה נתתי לו לעבדו:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big לא ישכור אדם פועלים בשבת ולא יאמר אדם לחבירו לשכור לו פועלים אין מחשיכין על התחום לשכור לו פועלים ולהביא פירות אבל מחשיך הוא לשמור ומביא פירות בידו כלל אמר אבא שאול כל שאני זכאי באמירתו רשאי אני להחשיך עליו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big (פשיטא) מ"ש הוא ומ"ש חבירו אמר רב פפא חבר נכרי מתקיף לה רב אשי אמירה לנכרי שבות,אלא אמר רב אשי אפילו תימא חבירו ישראל הא קמ"ל לא יאמר אדם לחבירו שכור לי פועלים אבל אומר אדם לחבירו הנראה שתעמוד עמי לערב ומתני' מני כרבי יהושע בן קרחה דתניא לא יאמר אדם לחבירו הנראה שתעמוד עמי לערב רבי יהושע בן קרחה אומר אומר אדם לחבירו הנראה שתעמוד עמי לערב,אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן הלכה כרבי יהושע בן קרחה ואמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן מ"ט דרבי יהושע בן קרחה דכתיב (ישעיהו נח, יג) ממצוא חפצך ודבר דבר דיבור אסור הרהור מותר,רמי ליה רב אחא בר רב הונא לרבא מי אמר ר' יוחנן דיבור אסור הרהור מותר אלמא הרהור לאו כדיבור דמי והאמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן בכל מקום מותר להרהר חוץ מבית המרחץ ומבית הכסא שאני התם דבעינן (דברים כג, טו) והיה מחניך קדוש וליכא,הכא נמי כתיב (דברים כג, טו) ולא יראה בך ערות דבר ההוא מיבעי ליה לכדרב יהודה דאמר רב יהודה עכו"ם ערום אסור לקרות קרית שמע כנגדו,מאי איריא עכו"ם אפי' ישראל נמי לא מיבעיא קאמר לא מיבעיא ישראל דאסור אבל עכו"ם כיון דכתיב ביה (יחזקאל כג, כ) אשר בשר חמורים בשרם אימא שפיר דמי קמ"ל,אימא הכי נמי אמר קרא (בראשית ט, כג) וערות אביהם לא ראו,ודיבור מי אסיר והא רב חסדא ורב המנונא דאמרי תרוייהו חשבונות של מצוה מותר לחשבן בשבת וא"ר אלעזר פוסקים צדקה לעניים בשבת וא"ר יעקב בר אידי אמר רבי יוחנן מפקחין פיקוח נפש ופיקוח רבים בשבת והולכין לבתי כנסיות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת,וא"ר שמואל בר נחמני א"ר יוחנן הולכין לטרטיאות ולקרקסאות ולבסילקאות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת ותנא דבי מנשה משדכין על התינוקות ליארס בשבת ועל התינוק ללמדו ספר וללמדו אומנות אמר קרא ממצוא חפצך ודבר דבר חפציך אסורים חפצי שמים מותרין,א"ר יהודה אמר שמואל חשבונות של [מלך] ושל מה בכך מותר לחשבן בשבת תנ"ה חשבונות שעברו ושעתידין להיו' אסור לחשבן של) מלך 150a. bMeasure and bringa lot of money, bhas ceased. And some saythat the meaning of the statement is that this nation bsaid: Bring very, very much, without measure. /b,The Gemara cites another verse pertaining to Nebuchadnezzar: b“And surpassing greatness was added unto me”(Daniel 4:33), about which bRav Yehuda saidthat bRav Yirmeya bar Abba said: This teaches thatNebuchadnezzar brode atop a male lion and tied a serpent to its head, fulfilling what was saidof him: b“And the beasts of the field I have also given him to serve him”(Jeremiah 27:6)., strongMISHNA: /strong bA person may not hire workers on Shabbatto work for him after Shabbat because even speaking about weekday matters is prohibited on Shabbat. Similarly, ba person may not tell anotheron Shabbat bto hire workers for him. One may noteven bwait for nightfall atthe edge of bthe Shabbat boundaryin order to leave the boundary immediately after Shabbat bto hire workers for himself or to bring producefrom his field. bBut he may wait for nightfallat the edge of the Shabbat boundary in order bto guardhis produce that is outside the Shabbat boundary, bandhe may then bbring produceback bin his hand,since he did not initially intend to wait at the edge of the boundary for this purpose. bAbba Shaul stated ageneral bprinciple:With regard to banything that I am permitted to discusson Shabbat, bI am permitted to wait for nightfallat the edge of the Shabbat boundary bfor its sake. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The beginning of the mishna taught that one may not hire workers on Shabbat, and one may not tell another to hire workers for him. The Gemara finds this puzzling and states: This is bobvious. What is the difference between him and another?Just as he is prohibited from hiring workers on Shabbat, others are also prohibited from doing so. bRav Pappa said: Anotheris referring to ba gentile. Rav Ashi strongly objects to this:This is itself a prohibition, for btelling a gentileto do something that is prohibited for a Jew on Shabbat violates a brabbinic prohibition. /b, bRather, Rav Ashi said: Even if you saythat it is referring to banother Jew,it can be said that the novel element of this ruling is not the statement itself but what can be derived from it. bThis is what it is teaching us: One may not say to anotherexplicitly on Shabbat: bHire workers for me, but one may say to another: Does it seem that you will join me this evening?This is permitted even though both of them understand that the questioner intends to hire the other person to work for him. bAndin accordance with bwhoseopinion is bthe mishna?It is bin accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa; as it was taughtin a ibaraita /i: bA person may not say to anotheron Shabbat: bDoes it seem that you will join me this evening? Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa says: A person may say to anotheron Shabbat: bDoes it seem that you will join me this evening? /b, bRabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said:The ihalakhais in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa. And Rabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: What is the reason for Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa’sruling? bAs it is writtenin the verse from which we derive the prohibition to speak on Shabbat about activities that one may not perform on that day: “And you shall honor it by not doing your ways, bnor pursuing your business, nor speaking of it”(Isaiah 58:13). We derive from this verse that bspeaking is prohibited,but merely bcontemplatingthese matters bis permitted. /b, bRav Aḥa bar Rav Huna raised a contradiction to Rava: Did Rabbi Yoḥareally bstateas a general principle that bspeaking is prohibited,but bcontemplating is permitted? Consequently,we can derive from here that bcontemplation is not tantamount to speech. But Rabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: It is permitted to thinkabout Torah bin any place except for a bathhouse and a bathroom.This statement indicates that contemplation is tantamount to speech, as even thought is prohibited in these locations. The Gemara answers: bIt is different there, forwith regard to Torah bwe needto fulfill the verse: “For the Lord your God walks in the midst of your camp to deliver you and to give your enemies before you; btherefore, your camp shall be sacredso that He see no unseemly thing in you and turn away from you” (Deuteronomy 23:15); bandthe requirement to be sacred is bnotfulfilled if one thinks about Torah while in the bathhouse or bathroom.,The Gemara challenges this: But bhere, too,with regard to a bathhouse and a bathroom, bit is written: “So that He see no unseemly thing [ idavar /i] in you”(Deuteronomy 23:15). We can infer that this prohibits speech [ idibbur /i] but not contemplation. The Gemara answers: bThatverse is not referring to speech. bIt is needed forthe ruling of bRav Yehuda, for Rav Yehuda said: Opposite a naked gentile, it is prohibited to recite iShema /i,as this is included in the prohibition of unseemly things mentioned above.,The Gemara asks: bWhy didRav Yehuda bteachthis prohibition bparticularlywith regard to ba gentile? Evenin the presence of a naked bJew,reciting iShemais balsoprohibited. The Gemara answers: That ruling bis statedemploying the style of: bThere is no need.The Gemara explains: bThere is no needto state this ihalakhawith regard to ba Jew,as it is certainly bprohibitedto recite iShemain the presence of a naked Jew. bHowever,with regard to ba gentile, since it is written about him: “Whose flesh is as the flesh of donkeys”(Ezekiel 23:20), perhaps his flesh is not considered nakedness, and one may bsay that it seems welland permitted. Therefore, Rav Yehuda bteaches usthat it is also prohibited to recite iShemabefore a naked gentile.,The Gemara asks: Why not bsaythat bit is indeed so,that gentile flesh is not considered nakedness? The Gemara rejects this idea: bThe versealready bsaidwith regard to the sons of Noah: “And they walked backward and covered their father’s nakedness, and their faces were turned backward, band they did not see their father’s nakedness”(Genesis 9:23). The verse uses the term nakedness with regard to Noah, who was a gentile.,The Gemara addresses the basis of the ihalakhamentioned above: bAnd is it speakingabout proscribed activities bprohibitedon Shabbat? bBut Rav Ḥisda and Rav Hamnuna both said: It is permitted to make calculations pertaining to a mitzva on Shabbat, and Rabbi Elazar saidthat this means that bone may apportion charity for the poor on Shabbat. And Rabbi Ya’akov bar Idi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One may attend toactivities necessary for bsaving a life or for communal needs on Shabbat, and one may go to a synagogue to attend to communal affairs on Shabbat. /b, bAnd Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One may go to theaters [ itarteiot /i], and circus performances [ ikirkesaot /i], and courthouses [ ibasilkaot /i] to attend to communal affairs on Shabbat. Andone of the Sages in bthe school of Menashe taught: One maymake the necessary arrangements to bpair off childrenso that they will bbe betrothed on Shabbat, andone may likewise make arrangements bfor a childby finding someone bto teach himhow to read bbooks and to teach him a craft.If speaking about monetary matters is prohibited on Shabbat, how is it possible to participate in all these activities? The Gemara answers that although speaking about similar things is generally prohibited on Shabbat, it is permitted in these cases because bthe verse said: “Nor pursuing your business, nor speaking of it”(Isaiah 58:13), which indicates that byour businessmatters bare prohibitedto speak of on Shabbat, but bthe business of Heaven,matters which have religious significance, bis permittedto speak of., bRav Yehuda saidthat bShmuel said:With regard to bcalculations of: What is it to you, [ imallakh /i],calculations that are in no way relevant to the person making them, band of: Whatsignificance bdoes it have [ ima bekhakh /i],calculations that do not have any practical significance, it is bpermitted to make them on Shabbat.This bwas also taughtin the iTosefta /i: bCalculationswith regard to matters bthat have passedor bthat will be in the future may not be calculatedon Shabbat. However, with regard to calculations of: bWhat is it to you, /b
23. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 101-119, 12, 120, 310, 33, 40, 42, 83-100

100. But in order that we might gain complete information, we ascended to the summit of the neighbouring citadel and looked around us. It is situated in a very lofty spot, and is fortified with many towers, which have been built up to the very top of immense stones, with the object, as we were informed, of
24. Papyri, P.Polit.Jud., 8



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
abusin el-meleq, papyrus from Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
acts, synagogues, synagogues, asia minor Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
acts, synagogues, synagogues, greece Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
agrippa ii Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
alexandria Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
ancient synagogue, attendance by gentile christians Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 253
ancient synagogue, languages used Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 253
antipater Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
aphrodisias, inscriptions Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
apollo Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126
arados Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
archisynagogue, synagogue/proseuche Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
arsinoe-crocodilopolis Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
asia minor, inscriptions Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88, 113
asia minor Van der Horst, Studies in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (2014) 145
augustus Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126; Heemstra, The Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways (2010) 23
babylonia, babylonian jews Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
babylonia Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
berenice Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
charity Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
cicero, defense of flaccus, references to temple tax in Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
circumcision Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
collection, pauls Keener, First-Second Corinthians (2005) 138
communal meals Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 253
community/communities (jewish) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
confiscation Heemstra, The Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways (2010) 23
defense/defensive Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
delos Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
diaspora, jewish Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
diaspora, judaism in the diaspora Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
diaspora Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
egyptian, jews/jewry Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
ephesus Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
ethnography, graeco-roman Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
eucheion Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
favors, of caesar Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 91
firstfruits Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
florus Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 173
food laws Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126; Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
foreigners, associations of Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
galilee Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
grants, of freedom from billeting, etc. Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
hasmonean Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
herakleopolis Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
herod, wealth of Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
herod Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62; Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 173
hyrcanus, john Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
inviolability Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126
jerusalem Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
jerusalem temple Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
jewish rights Van der Horst, Studies in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (2014) 145
jewish state, and caesar, exemptions of Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
jewish state, and caesar Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 91
jews, graeco-roman views of Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
john of gischala Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
josephus, on jewish state, decrees of caesar concerning Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
josephus, on jewish state, grants to, by caesar Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 91
judea, in the early roman period Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172, 173
judea Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
julius caesar, and jews, decrees of c. concerning jewish state Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
julius caesar, favors of Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 91
latin language Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
legal regulations on associations, roman Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108, 126
leontopolis Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
lucius antonius Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
magna charta Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126
mikdash adam (temple of man) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
military Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
military (membership) Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
military service (exemption) Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126
mishnah, its utopia Petropoulou, Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200 (2012) 145
mithridates, confiscation of money for temple by Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
molestation Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
money, sent to jerusalem Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126
naucratis Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
neusner, j. Petropoulou, Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200 (2012) 145
norbanus flaccus Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
octavian, and jewish custom of collecting money Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
pagan, pagans, asia minor Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
pagan, pagans, cyrene Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
pagan, pagans, relationship with jewish community Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
papyrological evidence, jewish communal archive Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
papyrological evidence, proseuche/eucheion Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
parthian Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
parthian territory Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
philippi, battle of Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
philo, on temple tax Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
phoenicians Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
pilgrimage Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
pilgrims/pilgrimage' Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
politeuma Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
pompey Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172; Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
pontius pilate Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
presbyteroi Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
priest, priests, abusin el-meleq archives Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
privileges, of octavian Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
professional organization Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108
proseuche (prayer house), diaspora, egypt Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88, 140
pseudo-aristeas, on money offerings sent to jerusalem Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
roman Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
roman empire Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
sabbath, rituals and practices Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 253
sabbath Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126; Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
sabinius Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
sacred land, in judea, of the jerusalem temple Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172, 173
sacrifice, animal, fices of Petropoulou, Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200 (2012) 145
sacrifice, animal, in judaism v, vi Petropoulou, Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200 (2012) 145
samaritans Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
sambathic association Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88, 140
sardeis Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 108, 126
sardis, edicts Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
sebomenoi Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 140
shekel tax Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172, 173
synagogue Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
syria, relationship of, to judea Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
tax evasion Heemstra, The Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways (2010) 23
temple, in diaspora Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 91
temple, in jerusalem, economy of Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172, 173
temple (jerusalem) Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 126
temple in jerusalem Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
temple tax Heemstra, The Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways (2010) 23
temple tax (half-shekel) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
varus Gordon, Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism (2020) 172
vespasian Heemstra, The Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways (2010) 23
– in roman empire Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
– travel on Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36