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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7234
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 15.32


κρύφα τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγων τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας πράττειν, ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφαιρεθῇ τὴν ἀρχήν, τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἀντ' αὐτοῦ παραλάβῃ τὰ πράγματα δι' ̓Αντωνίου.privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead;


κρύφα τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγων τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας πράττειν, ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφαιρεθῇ τὴν ἀρχήν, τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἀντ' αὐτοῦ παραλάβῃ τὰ πράγματα δι' ̓Αντωνίου.There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time;


Σίμων ἦν ̔Ιεροσολυμίτης υἱὸς Βοηθοῦ τινος ̓Αλεξανδρέως, ἱερεὺς ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις, εἶχεν δὲ θυγατέρα καλλίστην τῶν τότε νομιζομένην.privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead;


Σίμων ἦν ̔Ιεροσολυμίτης υἱὸς Βοηθοῦ τινος ̓Αλεξανδρέως, ἱερεὺς ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις, εἶχεν δὲ θυγατέρα καλλίστην τῶν τότε νομιζομένην.There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time;


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

8 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 49.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

49.10. The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be."
2. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 7.12-7.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

7.12. כִּי יִמְלְאוּ יָמֶיךָ וְשָׁכַבְתָּ אֶת־אֲבֹתֶיךָ וַהֲקִימֹתִי אֶת־זַרְעֲךָ אַחֲרֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר יֵצֵא מִמֵּעֶיךָ וַהֲכִינֹתִי אֶת־מַמְלַכְתּוֹ׃ 7.13. הוּא יִבְנֶה־בַּיִת לִשְׁמִי וְכֹנַנְתִּי אֶת־כִּסֵּא מַמְלַכְתּוֹ עַד־עוֹלָם׃ 7.14. אֲנִי אֶהְיֶה־לּוֹ לְאָב וְהוּא יִהְיֶה־לִּי לְבֵן אֲשֶׁר בְּהַעֲוֺתוֹ וְהֹכַחְתִּיו בְּשֵׁבֶט אֲנָשִׁים וּבְנִגְעֵי בְּנֵי אָדָם׃ 7.12. And when the days are fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will set up thy seed after thee, who shall issue from thy bowels, and I will establish his kingdom." 7.13. He shall build a house for my name, and I will make firm the throne of his kingdom for ever." 7.14. I will be his father, and he will be my son. If he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men, and with such plagues as befall the sons of Adam:"
3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.237-12.238, 15.22, 15.24-15.31, 15.33-15.39, 15.41, 15.50-15.52, 15.173, 17.166, 19.297, 20.247-20.249 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.237. 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. 12.238. But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. 15.22. He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Aelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him. 15.22. She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly 15.24. This Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her son. 15.24. 7. But when she was once dead, the king’s affections for her were kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and free conversation together brought under his power to manage; 15.25. 6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less at Mariamne, the king’s wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the mother of most beautiful children. 15.25. These words were not by them at all taken in good part; and as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod’s recovery while he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. 15.26. And when she came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny her nothing that she should ask. 15.26. However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years; 15.27. Accordingly, Alexandra was elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them 15.27. for there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest for victory. 15.28. who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. 15.28. 3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the greatest part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; 15.29. When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power allowed him without control. 15.29. This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod’s making a strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire families were destroyed for this their rash attempt; 15.31. 7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra 15.31. He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal. 15.33. and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; 15.33. The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them. 15.34. that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly set up Aelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a child. 15.34. nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. 15.35. Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself; 15.35. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. 15.36. and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son’s dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family; 15.36. o Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; 15.37. that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. 15.37. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. 15.38. So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away. 15.38. 1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God, and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him; 15.39. but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work. 15.39. 1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Aelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia 15.41. 5. Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king’s palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; 15.41. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus, in his stead. 15.51. for when this youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were at that age, and to exhibit in his countece a great deal of that high family he was sprung from,— 15.52. a warm zeal and affection towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done. 15.173. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately. 17.166. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. 19.297. 2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Aus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. 20.247. Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus; 20.248. for when he had made this Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariarmne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that matter; 20.249. but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod’s son, did like his father in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into their hands afterward.
4. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.111 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury.
5. Tosefta, Menachot, 13.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6. Babylonian Talmud, Arakhin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

13b. המבוקרים בלשכת הטלאים ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה ומני בן בג בג היא דתניא בן בג בג אומר מנין לתמיד שטעון ביקור ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה,ת"ל (במדבר כח, ב) תשמרו להקריב לי במועדו ולהלן הוא אומר (שמות יב, ו) והיה לכם למשמרת עד ארבעה עשר יום לחדש (הראשון) מה להלן טעון ביקור ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה אף כאן טעון ביקור ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה,דיקא נמי דקתני כדי לשבת ולא קתני לשבת שמע מינה:,משתי חצוצרות ומוסיפין וכו': ועד כמה אמר רב הונא ואמרי לה אמר רב זבדי אמר רב הונא עד מאה ועשרים שנאמר (דברי הימים ב ה, יב) ועמהם כהנים למאה ועשרים מחצרים בחצוצרות:,מתשעה כנורות וכו' וצלצל לבד: מנא הני מילי אמר רב אסי דאמר קרא (דברי הימים א טז, ה) ואסף במצלתים (להשמיע) מצלתים תרי הוו כיון דחדא עבידתא עבדי וחד גברא עביד בהו קרי להו חד:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין פוחתין משנים עשר לוים עומדין על הדוכן ומוסיפין עד עולם אין הקטן נכנס לעזרה לעבודה אלא בשעה שהלוים אומרים בשיר ולא היו אומרים בנבל ובכנור אלא בפה כדי ליתן תבל בנעימה,רבי אליעזר בן יעקב אומר אין עולין למנין ואין עולין לדוכן אלא בארץ היו עומדין וראשיהן בין רגלי הלוים וצערי הלוים היו נקראין:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big הני כנגד מי אמר רב פפא כנגד תשעה כנורות [ושני] נבלים וצלצל אחד שנאמר {דברי הימים א כה } הוא (ובניו ואחיו) שנים עשר:,אין הקטן נכנס לעזרה לעבודה אלא בשעה שהלוים כו': מנא הני מילי אמר רבי יוחנן דאמר קרא (עזרא ג, ט) ויעמוד ישוע בניו ואחיו קדמיאל ובניו בני יהודה כאחד לנצח על [עשה] המלאכה (ה' עבודת בית ה') [בבית האלהים] וגו':,לא היו אומרים לא בנבל ולא בכנור אלא בפה כו': למימרא דנבל לחוד וכנור לחוד לימא מתני' דלא כרבי יהודה דתניא רבי יהודה אומר כנור של מקדש של שבעת נימין היה שנאמר (תהלים טז, יא) שובע שמחות [את] פניך אל תיקרי שובע אלא שבע,ושל ימות המשיח שמונה שנאמר (תהלים יב, א) למנצח על השמינית על נימא שמינית,של עולם הבא עשר שנאמר (תהלים צב, ד) עלי עשור ועלי נבל עלי הגיון בכנור,ואומר (תהלים לג, ב) הודו לה' בכנור בנבל עשור זמרו לו שירו לו שיר חדש,אפילו תימא רבי יהודה לעולם הבא איידי דנפישי נימין דידיה נפיש קליה כי נבל קרי ליה נבל:,רבי אליעזר בן יעקב אומר אין עולין מן המנין כו': תנא וסועדי הלוים היו נקראין ותנא דידן כיון דהני קטין קלייהו והני עב קלייהו הני מקטטי והני לא מקטטי קרי להו צערי:, br br big strongהדרן עלך אין נערכין: /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongיש /strong /big בערכין להקל ולהחמיר ובשדה אחוזה להקל ולהחמיר ובשור המועד שהמית העבד להקל ולהחמיר באונס ובמפתה ובמוציא שם רע להקל ולהחמיר,יש בערכין להקל ולהחמיר כיצד אחד שהעריך את הנאה שבישראל ואת הכעור שבישראל נותן חמשים סלע ואם אמר הרי דמיו עלי נותן את שוויו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big יש בערכין להקל וכו' ולהחמיר כיצד אחד שהעריך כו': בישראל אין בעובד כוכבים לא,לימא מתני' דלא כר"מ דתנן עובד כוכבים ר"מ אומר נערך אבל לא מעריך,אפי' תימא ר"מ הוא הדין דאפילו עובד כוכבים נמי אלא 13b. bthathave been binspected in the Chamber of the Lambsfor bfour days priorto the time of their bslaughter.The reserve of six lambs ensured that each lamb would be available for inspection for three days prior to the day of its sacrifice, for a total of four. bAnd whoseopinion is this? bIt isthe opinion of bben Bag Bag, as it is taughtin a ibaraitathat bben Bag Bag says: From whereis it derived that bthe daily offering requires examination four days prior toits bslaughter? /b, bThe verse stateswith regard to the daily offering: “My food that is presented unto Me for offerings made by fire, of a pleasing aroma unto Me, bshall you safeguard to offer unto Me in its due season”(Numbers 28:2); band it states there,with regard to the Paschal offering: “In the tenth day of this month they shall take to them every man a lamb… band it shall be for you as a safeguard until the fourteenth day ofthis bmonth”(Exodus 12:3–6), i.e., bthe firstmonth. Since the word “safeguard” appears in both verses, it is derived that bjust asin the verse bthere,the Paschal offering brequires examination four days prior toits bslaughter, so too here,the daily offering brequires examination four days prior toits bslaughter. /b,The Gemara notes: The language of the mishna bis also precise,according to the explanation that the mishna is referring to Shabbat and Rosh HaShana merely as a mnemonic device, bas it teachesthat the six lambs are bsufficient for Shabbatand the two Festival days of Rosh HaShana, band it does not teachthat the six lambs are bforuse on bShabbatand the two days of Rosh HaShana. The Gemara concludes: bLearn fromthe language of the mishna that this explanation is correct.,§ The mishna teaches that one plays no fewer bthan two trumpets, and one may addto that number. The Gemara asks: bUntil how manytrumpets may these additions be made? The Gemara answers that bRav Huna says, and some say Rav Zavdi saysthat bRav Huna says:They may play bup to 120trumpets, bas it is stated: “And with them one hundred and twenty priests sounding with trumpets”(II Chronicles 5:12).,The mishna teaches that one plays no fewer bthan nine harpsand one may add up to an infinite number, band the cymbalwas played baloneand none may be added to it. The Gemara asks: bFrom where is this matterderived? bRav Asi says thatit is as bthe verse states: “And Asaph with the cymbals, sounding aloud”(I Chronicles 16:5), which indicates that only one Levite played the cymbals. The Gemara asks: The word bcymbalsis in the plural, indicating that bthere were two;why, then, does the mishna say that there is only one cymbal? The Gemara answers: bSincetwo cymbals bperform one act and one person plays themby banging them together, the mishna bcalls them oneinstrument., strongMISHNA: /strong In the Temple, there are bno fewer than twelve Levites standing on the platformadjacent to the altar and singing, band one may addLevites on the platform bup to an infinitenumber. bA minorLevite may benter the Temple courtyard for service only at a time when the Levites are engaging in song,so that he may accompany them. bAndminors bwould not engage inplaying ba lyre and inplaying ba harp; rather,they would engage binsinging with bthe mouth, in order to provide flavor to the musicwith their pure, high voices., bRabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says:Minors bare not tallied in theminimum btotalof twelve Levites, band they do not ascend to the platform; rather, they would stand on the ground and their headswould reach to bbetween the legs of the Levites, and they were called cadets [ itzoarei /i] of the Levites. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The mishna states that a minimum of twelve Levites would stand on the platform and sing. The Gemara asks: bTo whatdoes bthisnumber bcorrespond? Rav Pappa says:It bcorresponds tothe minimum number of instruments that were played: bNine harps and two lyres and one cymbal.This number is also alluded to in the Bible, bas it is stated:“Instructed in singing unto the Lord… bhe and his brethren and sons were twelve”(I Chronicles 25:7–9).,§ The mishna teaches: bA minorLevite may benter the Temple courtyard for service only at a time when the Levitesare engaging in song. The Gemara asks: bFrom where is this matterderived? bRabbi Yoḥa says: As the verse states: “Then stood Jeshua with his sons and his brethren, and Kadmiel and his sons, the sons of Judah, together, to make music for the workmen in the House of God”(Ezra 3:9). This verse shows that in making music it is preferable to have one’s sons, i.e., minors, as accompaniment.,The mishna teaches: The minors bwould not engage inplaying ba lyre and inplaying ba harp; rather, insinging with bthe mouthin order to provide flavor to the music with their pure, high voices. The Gemara notes: bThat is to say that a lyre and a harp aretwo bdistinctinstruments. bLet us say that the mishna is not in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Yehuda, as it is taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Yehuda says: The harpused bin the Temple wasan instrument bof seven strings, as it is stated: “In your presence is fullness [ isova /i] of joy,in your right hand sweetness for evermore” (Psalms 16:11). bDo not readthe word as “ bfullness [ isova /i]” butas bseven [ isheva /i].This indicates that the “sweet harp” (see Psalms 81:3) played in the presence of God, i.e., in the Temple, has seven strings.,Rabbi Yehuda continues: bAndthe harp that will be played bin the days of the Messiahwill have beightstrings, bas it is stated: “For the Leader, on the eighth:A Psalm of David” (Psalms 12:1). This indicates that the psalms that will be recited in the time of the Messiah, son of David, will be played bon the eighth stringthat will be added to the harp.,And the harp that will be played bin the World-to-Comewill have btenstrings, bas it is stated:“A Psalm, a song. For the Shabbat… bWith an instrument of ten strings and with the lyre, with a solemn sound upon the harp”(Psalms 92:1–4). This indicates that in the World-to-Come, which is comparable to Shabbat, songs of praise to God will be played on a ten-stringed instrument, identified here as both a lyre and a harp., bAndsimilarly, another verse bstates: “Give thanks unto the Lord with the harp; sing praises unto Him with the lyre of ten strings. Sing unto Him a new song”(Psalms 33:2–3), which is referring to the new song that will be sung only in the World-to-Come. This proof in support of Rabbi Yehuda’s claim that the harp used in the World-to-Come will have ten strings is from a verse that is referring to a ten-stringed lyre, which shows that according to Rabbi Yehuda, the lyre and harp are the same instrument. Therefore, his opinion apparently contradicts the mishna.,The Gemara answers: bYoumay beven saythe mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Yehuda,as even he agrees that the harp and lyre are essentially two different instruments. But bin the World-to-Come, since the stringsof the harp bwill be increased, its sound will be increased likethat of bthe lyre,and therefore bhe callsthe harp ba lyre. /b,The mishna teaches that bRabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says:The minors bare not tallied in theminimum btotalof twelve Levites…and they were called cadets [ itzoarei /i] of the Levites. The Sages btaughtin a ibaraita /i: bAnd they were called the helpers [ isoadei /i] of the Levites.The Gemara asks: bAnd the itannaof ourmishna, why is he referring to them as itzoarei /i? The Gemara answers: bSince theseminors had bhigh voices and thoseadults had bdeep voices,and btheseminors would bsing in a high voice [ imekateti /i], and thoseadults could bnot sing insuch ba high voice, they were called itzoarei /i,as they caused the adult Levites anguish [ itza’ar /i] due to the fact that they could not produce the same pleasant sounds as the minors.,, strongMISHNA: /strong bThere are ihalakhot bwith regard to valuations that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; andthere are ihalakhot bwith regard to an ancestral field that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; andthere are ihalakhot bwith regard to a forewarned ox that killeda Canaanite bslave that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent;and there are ihalakhot bwith regard to a rapist, and a seducer, and a defamer that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent. /b, bThere are ihalakhot bwith regard to valuations that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; how so? Bothin the case of one bwho tooka vow of bvaluationto donate the fixed value bof themost battractive among the Jewish people andin the case of one who took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value of bthemost bunsightly among the Jewish people, he givesthe fixed payment of bfifty isela /i,shekels, to the Temple treasury (see Leviticus 27:3). bAnd ifone bsaid: Itis incumbent bupon meto donate the bassessmentof another to the Temple treasury, bhe gives the pricefor that person if sold as a slave, a sum that can be more or less than fifty shekels., strongGEMARA: /strong The mishna states: bThere are ihalakhot bwith regard to valuations that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; how so? Bothin the case of one bwho tooka vow of bvaluationto donate the fixed value of the most attractive among the Jewish people bandin the case of one who took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value of the most unsightly among the Jewish people, he gives the fixed payment of fifty iselato the Temple treasury. The Gemara infers from this that if the vow of valuation referred bto a Jew, yes,he pays the fixed value; but if one took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value bof gentiles,he does bnotpay the fixed value.,The Gemara asks: If so, blet us say that the mishna is not in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Meir, as we learnedin a mishna (5b): With regard to ba gentile, Rabbi Meir says: He is valuatedin a case where a Jew says: It is incumbent upon me to donate the fixed value of this gentile; bbuta gentile bdoes not takea vow of bvaluationto donate his fixed value or the value of others.,The Gemara answers: bYoucan beven saythat the mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Meir,as it can be claimed that bthe same is true,i.e. bthat evenif one took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value of ba gentile,he balsopays the fixed amount. bBut /b
7. Babylonian Talmud, Hulin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

24b. (דברי הימים ב ה, יג) ויהי כאחד למחצצרים ולמשוררים להשמיע קול אחד:,עד שיזקין עד כמה אמר רבי אלעא אמר ר' חנינא עד שירתת,תנן התם בעל קרי שטבל ולא הטיל מים לכשיטיל טמא ר' יוסי אומר בחולה ובזקן טמא בילד ובבריא טהור,ילד עד כמה אמר רבי אלעא אמר רבי חנינא כל שעומד על רגלו אחת וחולץ מנעלו ונועל מנעלו אמרו עליו על רבי חנינא שהיה בן שמונים שנה והיה עומד על רגלו אחת וחולץ מנעלו ונועל מנעלו אמר רבי חנינא חמין ושמן שסכתני אמי בילדותי הן עמדו לי בעת זקנותי,ת"ר נתמלא זקנו ראוי ליעשות שליח ציבור ולירד לפני התיבה ולישא את כפיו מאימתי כשר לעבודה משיביא שתי שערות רבי אומר אומר אני עד שיהא בן עשרים,א"ר חסדא מ"ט דרבי דכתיב (עזרא ג, ח) ויעמידו [את] הלוים מבן עשרים שנה ומעלה לנצח על מלאכת בית ה' ואידך לנצח שאני,והא האי קרא בלוים כתיב כדר' יהושע בן לוי דאמר רבי יהושע בן לוי בעשרים וארבעה מקומות נקראו כהנים לוים וזה אחד מהן (יחזקאל מד, טו) והכהנים הלוים בני צדוק,ת"ר (ויקרא כא, יז) איש מזרעך לדורותם מכאן אמר רבי אלעזר קטן פסול לעבודה ואפי' תם מאימתי כשר לעבודה משיביא שתי שערות אבל אחיו הכהנים אין מניחין אותו לעבוד עד שיהא בן כ',איכא דאמרי הא רבי היא ואפי' פסול דרבנן לית ליה ואיכא דאמרי רבי אית ליה פסול מדרבנן והא רבנן היא ולכתחלה הוא דלא אבל דיעבד עבודתו כשרה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big טהור בכלי חרש טמא בכל הכלים טהור בכל הכלים טמא בכלי חרש:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר אויר כלי חרש טמא וגבו טהור אויר כל הכלים טהור וגבן טמא נמצא טהור בכלי חרש טמא בכל הכלים טהור בכל הכלים טמא בכלי חרש,מנהני מילי דת"ר תוכו ואע"פ שלא נגע,אתה אומר אע"פ שלא נגע או אינו אלא אם כן נגע רבי יונתן בן אבטולמוס אומר נאמר (ויקרא יא, לג) תוכו לטמא ונאמר תוכו ליטמא מה תוכו האמור לטמא אע"פ שלא נגע אף תוכו האמור ליטמא אע"פ שלא נגע,והתם מנלן אמר רבי יונתן התורה העידה על כלי חרס 24b. b“It came to pass, when the trumpeters and singers were as one, to make one sound to be heard”(II Chronicles 5:13). This indicates that the Levites must be capable of singing in one voice, and one who is unable to do so is unfit for service.,The ibaraitateaches that the priest is eligible for service buntil he ages.The Gemara asks: bUntil when,i.e., what is the definition of aging in this context? bRabbi Ela saysthat bRabbi Ḥanina says: Untilhis hands and feet begin to btremble. /b, bWe learnedin a mishna bthere( iMikvaot8:4): With regard to bone who experienced a seminal emission whothen bimmersedin a ritual bath band did not urinatebefore immersing, bwhen he urinates he is ritually impure,because residue of the semen remain in his body and was discharged with the urine, rendering him impure. bRabbi Yosei says: Inthe case of ban illperson band an elderlyperson, he is britually impure; inthe case of ba youngperson band a healthyperson, he is britually pure,as the semen was presumably discharged in its entirety at the outset., bUntil whenis one considered ba youngperson? bRabbi Ela saysthat bRabbi Ḥanina says: Anyone whois able to bstand on one of his legs and remove his shoe or put on his shoeis considered young. bThey said about Rabbi Ḥanina that he was eighty years old and would stand on one of his legs and remove his shoe or put on his shoe. Rabbi Ḥanina says:The bhot water and oil that my mother smeared on me in my youth benefited me in my old age. /b, bThe Sages taught:If bone’s beardis bfullygrown, bhe is fit to be appointed an emissary of the communityfor various matters, band to descend before the arkas a prayer leader, band to lift his handsfor the Priestly Benediction. bFrom whenis a priest bfit forTemple bservice?It is bfromthe time he reaches puberty and bgrows twopubic bhairs. RabbiYehuda HaNasi bsays: I saythat he is not fit for Temple service buntil he is twentyyears of bage. /b, bRav Ḥisda said: What is the reasonfor the opinion bof RabbiYehuda HaNasi? The reason is bas it is written: “And appointed the Levites, from twenty years old and upward, to oversee of the work of the House of the Lord”(Ezra 3:8). bAndwhat does bthe other itannahold? He holds that bto oversee is differentand requires an older priest.,The Gemara asks: bButwhat proof can be cited from this verse with regard to priests; bisn’t that verse written with regard to Levites?The Gemara answers: It is understood bin accordance withthe statement bof Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: In twenty-four placesin the Bible the bpriests are called Levites. And this is one of thoseverses: b“And the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok”(Ezekiel 44:15). The verse in Ezra is another one of the verses., bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraitawith regard to the verse: b“Any man of your descendants throughout their generationsthat has a blemish shall not approach to offer the bread of his God” (Leviticus 21:17); bfrom here Rabbi Elazar says: A minorpriest is bunfit forTemple bservice, evenif he is bunblemished,as he is not a man. bFrom whenis bhe fit for service? Fromthe time he reaches puberty and bgrows twopubic bhairs. But his brethren the priests do not allow him to perform the service until he is twentyyears of bage. /b, bThere arethose bwho say: This isthe opinion of bRabbiYehuda HaNasi, band he isof the opinion that there is bno disqualificationfor one between puberty and twenty years of age beven by rabbinic law.The other priests simply do not allow priests of that age to perform the Temple service iab initio /i. bAnd there arethose bwho say: RabbiYehuda HaNasi bis ofthe opinion that there is bdisqualification by rabbinic lawin that case, band thisstatement in the ibaraita bisthe opinion of bthe Rabbis, andthey hold that bit is iab initiothatone may bnotperform the service, bbut after the fact, his service is valid. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong That which is britually pure in an earthenware vesselis britually impure in all theother types of bvessels;that which is britually pure in all theother types of bvesselsis britually impure in an earthenware vessel. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraitaexplaining the mishna: If a primary source of ritual impurity fell into the bairspace of an earthenware vesselthe vessel is britually impure, andif it fell on bits outer side,the vessel is britually pure.If a primary source of ritual impurity fell into the bairspace of all theother types of bvessels,the vessels are britually pure, andif it fell on btheir outer side,they are britually impure. It is foundthat that which is britually pure in an earthenware vesselis britually impure in all theother bvessels,and that which is britually pure in all theother bvesselsis britually impure in an earthenware vessel. /b,The Gemara asks: bFrom where are these mattersderived? It is bas the Sages taughtin a ibaraitabased on the verse: “And every earthenware vessel into which [ itokho /i] any of them falls, whatever is in it [ itokho /i] shall be impure, and it you shall break” (Leviticus 11:33); if an impure item fell b“in it [ itokho /i],” and evenin a case bwherethe impure item bdid not come into contactwith the vessel, the vessel becomes impure.,The ibaraitacontinues: bDo you saythat it is impure beven ifthe impure item bdid not come into contactwith the vessel, borperhaps bit isimpure bonly if it did come into contactwith the vessel? bRabbi Yonatan ben Avtolemos says: iTokhois statedwith regard bto transmitting impurityto food in its airspace, as it is stated: “Whatever is in it [ itokho /i] shall be impure,” band itokhois statedwith regard bto becoming impure,as it is stated: “Into which [ itokho /i] any of them falls”; bjust asin the case of itokhothat is statedwith regard bto transmitting impurityto food in its airspace, the food is impure beven ifthe impure item bdid not come into contactwith the vessel, bso too,in the case of itokhothat is statedwith regard btothe vessel bbecoming impure,the vessel is impure beven ifthe impure item bdid not come into contactwith it.,The Gemara asks: bAnd there,with regard to rendering food impure in its airspace, bfrom where do wederive that the food becomes impure even if it did not come into contact with the impure vessel? bRabbi Yonatan said: The Torah testified about an earthenware vessel /b
8. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

57a. נימא תלתא תנאי הוו לא תרי תנאי הוו ותנא קמא דר' שמעון היינו ר' יוסי ותנא קמא דר' יוסי היינו ר' שמעון ומאי אף אקמייתא,ת"ר בן בוהיין נתן פיאה לירק ובא אביו ומצאן לעניים שהיו טעונין ירק ועומדין על פתח הגינה אמר להם בני השליכו מעליכם ואני נותן לכם כפליים במעושר לא מפני שעיני צרה אלא מפני שאמרו חכמים אין נותנין פיאה לירק,למה ליה למימרא להו לא מפני שעיני צרה כי היכי דלא לימרו דחויי קא מדחי לן,ת"ר בראשונה היו מניחין עורות קדשים בלשכת בית הפרוה לערב היו מחלקין אותן לאנשי בית אב והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע התקינו שיהיו מחלקין אותן מערב שבת לע"ש דאתיין כולהו משמרות ושקלן בהדדי,ועדיין היו גדולי כהונה נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,אמרו לא היו ימים מועטים עד שחיפו את ההיכל כולו בטבלאות של זהב שהן אמה על אמה כעובי דינר זהב ולרגל היו מקפלין אותן ומניחין אותן על גב מעלה בהר הבית כדי שיהו עולי רגלים רואין שמלאכתם נאה ואין בה דלם,תנא אבא שאול אומר קורות של שקמה היו ביריחו והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,עליהם ועל כיוצא בהם אמר אבא שאול בן בטנית משום אבא יוסף בן חנין אוי לי מבית בייתוס אוי לי מאלתן אוי לי מבית חנין אוי לי מלחישתן אוי לי מבית קתרוס אוי לי מקולמוסן אוי לי מבית ישמעאל בן פיאכי אוי לי מאגרופן שהם כהנים גדולים ובניהן גיזברין וחתניהם אמרכלין ועבדיהן חובטין את העם במקלות,תנו רבנן ארבע צווחות צוחה עזרה ראשונה צאו מכאן בני עלי שטימאו היכל ה' ועוד צווחה צא מיכן יששכר איש כפר ברקאי שמכבד את עצמו ומחלל קדשי שמים דהוה כריך ידיה בשיראי ועביד עבודה,ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס ישמעאל בן פיאכי תלמידו של פנחס וישמש בכהונה גדולה ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס יוחנן בן נרבאי תלמידו של פנקאי וימלא כריסו מקדשי שמים,אמרו עליו על יוחנן בן נרבאי שהיה אוכל ג' מאות עגלים ושותה ג' מאות גרבי יין ואוכל ארבעים סאה גוזלות בקינוח סעודה אמרו כל ימיו של יוחנן בן נרבאי לא נמצא נותר במקדש מאי סלקא ביה ביששכר איש כפר ברקאי אמרי מלכא ומלכתא הוו יתבי מלכא אמר גדיא יאי ומלכתא אמרה אימרא יאי אמרו מאן מוכח כהן גדול דקא מסיק קרבנות כל יומא אתא איהו 57a. bLet us saythat bthere are three itanna’im /iwho dispute this point: The two unattributed opinions, each of which is referring to two vegetables, and the opinion common to Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Shimon that includes all three vegetables. The Gemara rejects this: bNo, there areonly btwo itanna’im /iwho dispute the point, band the first itanna /iwhose opinion appears before the opinion of bRabbi Shimon is Rabbi Yosei. And the first itanna /iwhose opinion appears before the opinion of bRabbi Yosei is Rabbi Shimon. And whatis the meaning of the word bevenin both their statements? They agree with regard to bthe firstvegetable, turnips; however, they disagree with regard to the second, and replace it with another vegetable.,The Gemara cites an episode from the iTosefta /i. bThe Sages taught: The sonof a man named bBohayan designatedfor the poor btheproduce in the bcornerin a garden bof vegetables, and his fatherBohayan bfound the poor ladenwith bvegetables and standing at the opening of the gardenon their way out. bHe said to them: My sons, castthe vegetables that you have gathered bfrom upon yourselves and I will give you twicethe amount in btithedproduce, and you will be no worse off. bNot because I begrudgeyou what you have taken. bRather, it is because the Sages say: One does not designatefor the poor btheproduce in the bcornerin a garden bof vegetables.Therefore, the vegetables that you took require tithing.,The Gemara asks: bWhywas it necessary bfor him to say to them: Not because I begrudgeyou what you have taken? It would have been sufficient to offer them tithed produce. The Gemara answers that he said it bso they would not say: He is putting us off,taking what we collected now, but later he will not fulfill his commitment.,Apropos the people of Jericho, the Gemara relates that powerful people would steal wood from them. bThe Sages taught: Initially,the priests bwould place the hidesthat were flayed from animals bconsecratedas offerings of the most sacred order, which were given to the priests, bin the Parva chamber. In the evening, they would distribute them to the members of the familyof priests serving in the Temple that day. bAnd the powerfulpriests among them would btake them by forcebefore they could be distributed. The Rabbis bdecreed that they would distribute them each Shabbat eve,because then ball thefamilies of both priestly bwatches came and tooktheir part btogether.All the families from both the watch that was beginning its service and the one ending its service were together when they divided the hides. The powerful priests were unable to take the hides by force., bYet still the prominent priestsby virtue of their lineage bwould take them by force.Due to their prominence, the members of the rest of the watch dared not challenge them. When they realized that there was no equitable distribution, bthe ownersof the sacrifices ( iMe’iri /i) barose and consecratedthe hides bto Heavenso the priests could not take them.,The Sages bsaid: Not a few days passed before they had plated the entire sanctuary with golden tabletswith the proceeds from the redemption and sale of the hides. These plates bwere one cubit by one cubit and as thick as a golden dinar. Andwhen the people assembled bfor theFestival bpilgrimage they would removethe tablets band place them on a stair of the Temple Mount so that the pilgrims would see that the craftsmanshipof the tablets bwas beautiful and without flaw [ idalam /i].Afterward they replaced the tablets in the Sanctuary., bIt wassimilarly btaughtthat bAbba Shaul says: There were sycamore tree trunks in Jericho, and powerful people would take themfrom their owners bby force. The owners stood and consecratedthese trunks bto Heaven.It was with regard to these trunks and the branches that grew from them that the residents of Jericho acted against the will of the Sages., bWith regard tothe prominent priests band those like them, Abba Shaul ben Batnit said in the name of Abba Yosef ben Ḥanin: Woe is me due tothe High Priests of bthe house of Baitos, woe is me due to their clubs. Woe is me due tothe High Priests of bthe house of Ḥanin; woe is me due to their whispersand the rumors they spread. bWoe is me due tothe High Priests of bthe house of Katros; woe is me due to their pensthat they use to write lies. bWoe is me due tothe servants of the High Priests of bthe house of Yishmael ben Piakhi; woe is me due to their fists.The power of these households stemmed from the fact bthatthe fathers bwere High Priests, and their sons werethe Temple btreasurers, and their sons-in-law wereTemple boverseers [ iamarkalin /i]. And their servants strike the people with clubs,and otherwise act inappropriately.,Apropos the critique of several prominent priests, the Gemara relates that bthe Sages taught:The people in btheTemple bcourtyardall bcried four cries,as they were in agreement over various issues ( iPardes Rimonim /i). The bfirstcry was: bLeave here, sons of Eli, who defiled God’s Sanctuary(see I Samuel 2:22). Subsequently the priesthood was transferred to the house of Zadok. bAnd an additional cry: Leave here, Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai, who honors himself and desecratesthe items bconsecratedto bHeaven.Due to his delicate nature and his disrespect for the Temple service, he would bwraphis hands bin silk [ ishirai /i] and perform the service.This would invalidate the service because the silk was an interposition between his hands and the Temple vessels. Furthermore, his conduct demeaned the Temple service, as he demonstrated that he was unwilling to dirty his hands for it., bAndthe people in btheTemple bcourtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and letthe righteous bYishmael ben Piakhi, the student of Pinehasben Elazar the priest, benter and serve as High Priest,although the members of this family were violent. bAndthe people in btheTemple bcourtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and let Yoḥa ben Narbbai, the student of Pinkai, enter and fill his belly withmeat bof offeringsconsecrated to bHeaven,as he is worthy to eat offerings., bThey said about Yoḥa ben Narbbai that heand his household bwould eat three hundred calves, and drink three hundred jugs of wine, and eat forty ise’aof doves for dessert. They said:Throughout ball the days of Yoḥa ben Narbbai there was no leftoversacrificial meat bin the Temple,as he would make certain that someone ate it. The Gemara asks: bWhatultimately bhappened to Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai? They said: The king and the queen were sittingand talking. bThe king saidthat bgoatmeat bis betterfood, band the queen said lambmeat is bbetterfood. bThey said: Who can provewhich one of us is correct? bThe High Priestcan, bas he offers sacrifices all dayand tastes their meat. The High Priest had the right to take a portion from any sacrifice offered in the Temple, and therefore was well acquainted with the tastes of different meat. Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai bcame,and when they asked him this question


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
africanus, julius Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
akeldama Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
alexandra, daughter of hyrcanus ii Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
ananel, high priest Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
aristobulus (iii) Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
babylon Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 88
boethus Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
boethusians (baytosim) Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
cleopatra vii Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
customs Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
egypt, egyptian Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
egypt Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 88
elites, and burial Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
estates, imperial Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 88
estates, private Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 88
eusebius, writings on herod the great (africanus) Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
genesis, legitimation of herods rule in Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
hananel Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great, aristobulus drowning of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great, essene endorsement and gifts Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great, legitimation of his rule Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
herodian dynasty, essenes and Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herodians, use of term, and christian messianic supposition Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
high priest/high priesthood Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
hinnom valley Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
infant/infancy Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
jerusalem, upper city Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
jerusalem Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141; Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 88, 234
jewish antiquities Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
josephus essenes, judaism of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
josephus essenes, temple practices Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
katamon Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
kidron valley Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
m. antonius Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
mariamme i, herods wife Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
messiah, prediction of coming, davidic line and Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
name/named/unnamed Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
oniad authorship, genealogy (high priestly succession) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
onias community, death / murder Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
onias temple, identity of builder Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
ossuaries, epigraphy Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple' Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 88
priestly elites Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234
ptolemies, ptolemaic Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
rabbis Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
sukkot Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
temple and essene practices, purity standards of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
temple mount, jerusalem temple Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 88
theophilus Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128