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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7234
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 15.31


Τούτοις δὲ παραιτησάμενος τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἔγνω μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀτιμάζειν τὸν παῖδα καὶ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς Μαριάμμης ἐγκειμένης λιπαρῶς ἀποδοῦναι τἀδελφῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτῷ κρίνων, ἵνα μηδ' ἀποδημῆσαι δυνατὸν ᾖ τετιμημένῳ, σύλλογον ποιήσας τῶν φίλων ᾐτιᾶτο πολλὰ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra


Τούτοις δὲ παραιτησάμενος τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἔγνω μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀτιμάζειν τὸν παῖδα καὶ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς Μαριάμμης ἐγκειμένης λιπαρῶς ἀποδοῦναι τἀδελφῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτῷ κρίνων, ἵνα μηδ' ἀποδημῆσαι δυνατὸν ᾖ τετιμημένῳ, σύλλογον ποιήσας τῶν φίλων ᾐτιᾶτο πολλὰ τὴν ̓ΑλεξάνδρανHe also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal.


ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ διαχειμάσαι μετὰ κινδύνων αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συγκατειληφυίας καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπορίας, ἐφθαρμένων καὶ παντάπασιν ἐξαναλωθέντων τῶν βοσκημάτων, ὡς οὔτε ἐρίων εἶναι χρῆσιν οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων σκεπασμάτων.7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra


ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ διαχειμάσαι μετὰ κινδύνων αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συγκατειληφυίας καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπορίας, ἐφθαρμένων καὶ παντάπασιν ἐξαναλωθέντων τῶν βοσκημάτων, ὡς οὔτε ἐρίων εἶναι χρῆσιν οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων σκεπασμάτων.He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal.


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1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 49.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

49.10. The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be."
2. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 7.12-7.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

7.12. כִּי יִמְלְאוּ יָמֶיךָ וְשָׁכַבְתָּ אֶת־אֲבֹתֶיךָ וַהֲקִימֹתִי אֶת־זַרְעֲךָ אַחֲרֶיךָ אֲשֶׁר יֵצֵא מִמֵּעֶיךָ וַהֲכִינֹתִי אֶת־מַמְלַכְתּוֹ׃ 7.13. הוּא יִבְנֶה־בַּיִת לִשְׁמִי וְכֹנַנְתִּי אֶת־כִּסֵּא מַמְלַכְתּוֹ עַד־עוֹלָם׃ 7.14. אֲנִי אֶהְיֶה־לּוֹ לְאָב וְהוּא יִהְיֶה־לִּי לְבֵן אֲשֶׁר בְּהַעֲוֺתוֹ וְהֹכַחְתִּיו בְּשֵׁבֶט אֲנָשִׁים וּבְנִגְעֵי בְּנֵי אָדָם׃ 7.12. And when the days are fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will set up thy seed after thee, who shall issue from thy bowels, and I will establish his kingdom." 7.13. He shall build a house for my name, and I will make firm the throne of his kingdom for ever." 7.14. I will be his father, and he will be my son. If he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men, and with such plagues as befall the sons of Adam:"
3. Sophocles, Ajax, 98, 16 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

4. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.237-12.238, 14.105, 14.109, 14.120, 15.22-15.30, 15.32-15.39, 15.41, 15.50-15.52, 15.245-15.246, 15.358, 20.247-20.249 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.237. 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. 12.238. But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. 14.105. 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. 14.109. yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple. 15.22. He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Aelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him. 15.22. She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly 15.23. 5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children, could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty also. 15.23. but when the sentence was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the kingdom: 15.24. This Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her son. 15.24. 7. But when she was once dead, the king’s affections for her were kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and free conversation together brought under his power to manage; 15.25. 6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less at Mariamne, the king’s wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the mother of most beautiful children. 15.25. These words were not by them at all taken in good part; and as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod’s recovery while he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. 15.26. And when she came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny her nothing that she should ask. 15.26. However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years; 15.27. Accordingly, Alexandra was elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them 15.27. for there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest for victory. 15.28. who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. 15.28. 3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the greatest part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; 15.29. When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power allowed him without control. 15.29. This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod’s making a strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire families were destroyed for this their rash attempt; 15.32. privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead; 15.32. There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time; 15.33. and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; 15.33. The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them. 15.34. that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly set up Aelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a child. 15.34. nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. 15.35. Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself; 15.35. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. 15.36. and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son’s dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family; 15.36. o Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; 15.37. that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. 15.37. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. 15.38. So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away. 15.38. 1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God, and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him; 15.39. but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work. 15.39. 1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Aelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia 15.41. 5. Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king’s palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; 15.41. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus, in his stead. 15.51. for when this youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were at that age, and to exhibit in his countece a great deal of that high family he was sprung from,— 15.52. a warm zeal and affection towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done. 15.358. and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord; 20.247. Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus; 20.248. for when he had made this Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariarmne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that matter; 20.249. but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod’s son, did like his father in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into their hands afterward.
5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.179-1.180, 1.311-1.313, 2.469-2.476, 3.387-3.391, 7.320-7.340 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 1.311. for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. 1.312. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave’s mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children; 1.313. yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them. 2.469. 4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen; 2.471. But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner and said,— 2.472. “O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies; 2.473. and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall.” 2.474. Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration, and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents); 2.475. o, in the first place, he caught his father by his gray hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; 2.476. o when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity [against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly. 3.387. 7. However, in this extreme distress, he was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God, he put his life into hazard [in the manner following]: 3.388. “And now,” said he, “since it is resolved among you that you will die, come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot. He whom the lot falls to first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot 3.389. and thus fortune shall make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent and save himself.” This proposal appeared to them to be very just; 3.391. yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself. 7.321. but when he saw their wall burned down by the fire, and could devise no other way of escaping, or room for their further courage, and setting before their eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives, if they got them into their power, he consulted about having them all slain. 7.322. Now, as he judged this to be the best thing they could do in their present circumstances, he gathered the most courageous of his companions together, and encouraged them to take that course by a speech which he made to them in the manner following: 7.323. “Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice. 7.324. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them; 7.325. and I cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly. 7.326. It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day’s time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them. 7.327. It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction; 7.328. for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. 7.329. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. 7.331. for the nature of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance; 7.332. for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built; this was the effect of God’s anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; 7.333. the punishments of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other. 7.334. Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. 7.335. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our wealth also; 7.336. and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery.” 7.337. 7. This was Eleazar’s speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing 7.338. yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes declared their dissent from his opinion. 7.339. When Eleazar saw these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously;
6. Babylonian Talmud, Arakhin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

13b. המבוקרים בלשכת הטלאים ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה ומני בן בג בג היא דתניא בן בג בג אומר מנין לתמיד שטעון ביקור ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה,ת"ל (במדבר כח, ב) תשמרו להקריב לי במועדו ולהלן הוא אומר (שמות יב, ו) והיה לכם למשמרת עד ארבעה עשר יום לחדש (הראשון) מה להלן טעון ביקור ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה אף כאן טעון ביקור ארבעה ימים קודם שחיטה,דיקא נמי דקתני כדי לשבת ולא קתני לשבת שמע מינה:,משתי חצוצרות ומוסיפין וכו': ועד כמה אמר רב הונא ואמרי לה אמר רב זבדי אמר רב הונא עד מאה ועשרים שנאמר (דברי הימים ב ה, יב) ועמהם כהנים למאה ועשרים מחצרים בחצוצרות:,מתשעה כנורות וכו' וצלצל לבד: מנא הני מילי אמר רב אסי דאמר קרא (דברי הימים א טז, ה) ואסף במצלתים (להשמיע) מצלתים תרי הוו כיון דחדא עבידתא עבדי וחד גברא עביד בהו קרי להו חד:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין פוחתין משנים עשר לוים עומדין על הדוכן ומוסיפין עד עולם אין הקטן נכנס לעזרה לעבודה אלא בשעה שהלוים אומרים בשיר ולא היו אומרים בנבל ובכנור אלא בפה כדי ליתן תבל בנעימה,רבי אליעזר בן יעקב אומר אין עולין למנין ואין עולין לדוכן אלא בארץ היו עומדין וראשיהן בין רגלי הלוים וצערי הלוים היו נקראין:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big הני כנגד מי אמר רב פפא כנגד תשעה כנורות [ושני] נבלים וצלצל אחד שנאמר {דברי הימים א כה } הוא (ובניו ואחיו) שנים עשר:,אין הקטן נכנס לעזרה לעבודה אלא בשעה שהלוים כו': מנא הני מילי אמר רבי יוחנן דאמר קרא (עזרא ג, ט) ויעמוד ישוע בניו ואחיו קדמיאל ובניו בני יהודה כאחד לנצח על [עשה] המלאכה (ה' עבודת בית ה') [בבית האלהים] וגו':,לא היו אומרים לא בנבל ולא בכנור אלא בפה כו': למימרא דנבל לחוד וכנור לחוד לימא מתני' דלא כרבי יהודה דתניא רבי יהודה אומר כנור של מקדש של שבעת נימין היה שנאמר (תהלים טז, יא) שובע שמחות [את] פניך אל תיקרי שובע אלא שבע,ושל ימות המשיח שמונה שנאמר (תהלים יב, א) למנצח על השמינית על נימא שמינית,של עולם הבא עשר שנאמר (תהלים צב, ד) עלי עשור ועלי נבל עלי הגיון בכנור,ואומר (תהלים לג, ב) הודו לה' בכנור בנבל עשור זמרו לו שירו לו שיר חדש,אפילו תימא רבי יהודה לעולם הבא איידי דנפישי נימין דידיה נפיש קליה כי נבל קרי ליה נבל:,רבי אליעזר בן יעקב אומר אין עולין מן המנין כו': תנא וסועדי הלוים היו נקראין ותנא דידן כיון דהני קטין קלייהו והני עב קלייהו הני מקטטי והני לא מקטטי קרי להו צערי:, br br big strongהדרן עלך אין נערכין: /strong /big br br,מתני׳ big strongיש /strong /big בערכין להקל ולהחמיר ובשדה אחוזה להקל ולהחמיר ובשור המועד שהמית העבד להקל ולהחמיר באונס ובמפתה ובמוציא שם רע להקל ולהחמיר,יש בערכין להקל ולהחמיר כיצד אחד שהעריך את הנאה שבישראל ואת הכעור שבישראל נותן חמשים סלע ואם אמר הרי דמיו עלי נותן את שוויו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big יש בערכין להקל וכו' ולהחמיר כיצד אחד שהעריך כו': בישראל אין בעובד כוכבים לא,לימא מתני' דלא כר"מ דתנן עובד כוכבים ר"מ אומר נערך אבל לא מעריך,אפי' תימא ר"מ הוא הדין דאפילו עובד כוכבים נמי אלא 13b. bthathave been binspected in the Chamber of the Lambsfor bfour days priorto the time of their bslaughter.The reserve of six lambs ensured that each lamb would be available for inspection for three days prior to the day of its sacrifice, for a total of four. bAnd whoseopinion is this? bIt isthe opinion of bben Bag Bag, as it is taughtin a ibaraitathat bben Bag Bag says: From whereis it derived that bthe daily offering requires examination four days prior toits bslaughter? /b, bThe verse stateswith regard to the daily offering: “My food that is presented unto Me for offerings made by fire, of a pleasing aroma unto Me, bshall you safeguard to offer unto Me in its due season”(Numbers 28:2); band it states there,with regard to the Paschal offering: “In the tenth day of this month they shall take to them every man a lamb… band it shall be for you as a safeguard until the fourteenth day ofthis bmonth”(Exodus 12:3–6), i.e., bthe firstmonth. Since the word “safeguard” appears in both verses, it is derived that bjust asin the verse bthere,the Paschal offering brequires examination four days prior toits bslaughter, so too here,the daily offering brequires examination four days prior toits bslaughter. /b,The Gemara notes: The language of the mishna bis also precise,according to the explanation that the mishna is referring to Shabbat and Rosh HaShana merely as a mnemonic device, bas it teachesthat the six lambs are bsufficient for Shabbatand the two Festival days of Rosh HaShana, band it does not teachthat the six lambs are bforuse on bShabbatand the two days of Rosh HaShana. The Gemara concludes: bLearn fromthe language of the mishna that this explanation is correct.,§ The mishna teaches that one plays no fewer bthan two trumpets, and one may addto that number. The Gemara asks: bUntil how manytrumpets may these additions be made? The Gemara answers that bRav Huna says, and some say Rav Zavdi saysthat bRav Huna says:They may play bup to 120trumpets, bas it is stated: “And with them one hundred and twenty priests sounding with trumpets”(II Chronicles 5:12).,The mishna teaches that one plays no fewer bthan nine harpsand one may add up to an infinite number, band the cymbalwas played baloneand none may be added to it. The Gemara asks: bFrom where is this matterderived? bRav Asi says thatit is as bthe verse states: “And Asaph with the cymbals, sounding aloud”(I Chronicles 16:5), which indicates that only one Levite played the cymbals. The Gemara asks: The word bcymbalsis in the plural, indicating that bthere were two;why, then, does the mishna say that there is only one cymbal? The Gemara answers: bSincetwo cymbals bperform one act and one person plays themby banging them together, the mishna bcalls them oneinstrument., strongMISHNA: /strong In the Temple, there are bno fewer than twelve Levites standing on the platformadjacent to the altar and singing, band one may addLevites on the platform bup to an infinitenumber. bA minorLevite may benter the Temple courtyard for service only at a time when the Levites are engaging in song,so that he may accompany them. bAndminors bwould not engage inplaying ba lyre and inplaying ba harp; rather,they would engage binsinging with bthe mouth, in order to provide flavor to the musicwith their pure, high voices., bRabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says:Minors bare not tallied in theminimum btotalof twelve Levites, band they do not ascend to the platform; rather, they would stand on the ground and their headswould reach to bbetween the legs of the Levites, and they were called cadets [ itzoarei /i] of the Levites. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The mishna states that a minimum of twelve Levites would stand on the platform and sing. The Gemara asks: bTo whatdoes bthisnumber bcorrespond? Rav Pappa says:It bcorresponds tothe minimum number of instruments that were played: bNine harps and two lyres and one cymbal.This number is also alluded to in the Bible, bas it is stated:“Instructed in singing unto the Lord… bhe and his brethren and sons were twelve”(I Chronicles 25:7–9).,§ The mishna teaches: bA minorLevite may benter the Temple courtyard for service only at a time when the Levitesare engaging in song. The Gemara asks: bFrom where is this matterderived? bRabbi Yoḥa says: As the verse states: “Then stood Jeshua with his sons and his brethren, and Kadmiel and his sons, the sons of Judah, together, to make music for the workmen in the House of God”(Ezra 3:9). This verse shows that in making music it is preferable to have one’s sons, i.e., minors, as accompaniment.,The mishna teaches: The minors bwould not engage inplaying ba lyre and inplaying ba harp; rather, insinging with bthe mouthin order to provide flavor to the music with their pure, high voices. The Gemara notes: bThat is to say that a lyre and a harp aretwo bdistinctinstruments. bLet us say that the mishna is not in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Yehuda, as it is taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Yehuda says: The harpused bin the Temple wasan instrument bof seven strings, as it is stated: “In your presence is fullness [ isova /i] of joy,in your right hand sweetness for evermore” (Psalms 16:11). bDo not readthe word as “ bfullness [ isova /i]” butas bseven [ isheva /i].This indicates that the “sweet harp” (see Psalms 81:3) played in the presence of God, i.e., in the Temple, has seven strings.,Rabbi Yehuda continues: bAndthe harp that will be played bin the days of the Messiahwill have beightstrings, bas it is stated: “For the Leader, on the eighth:A Psalm of David” (Psalms 12:1). This indicates that the psalms that will be recited in the time of the Messiah, son of David, will be played bon the eighth stringthat will be added to the harp.,And the harp that will be played bin the World-to-Comewill have btenstrings, bas it is stated:“A Psalm, a song. For the Shabbat… bWith an instrument of ten strings and with the lyre, with a solemn sound upon the harp”(Psalms 92:1–4). This indicates that in the World-to-Come, which is comparable to Shabbat, songs of praise to God will be played on a ten-stringed instrument, identified here as both a lyre and a harp., bAndsimilarly, another verse bstates: “Give thanks unto the Lord with the harp; sing praises unto Him with the lyre of ten strings. Sing unto Him a new song”(Psalms 33:2–3), which is referring to the new song that will be sung only in the World-to-Come. This proof in support of Rabbi Yehuda’s claim that the harp used in the World-to-Come will have ten strings is from a verse that is referring to a ten-stringed lyre, which shows that according to Rabbi Yehuda, the lyre and harp are the same instrument. Therefore, his opinion apparently contradicts the mishna.,The Gemara answers: bYoumay beven saythe mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Yehuda,as even he agrees that the harp and lyre are essentially two different instruments. But bin the World-to-Come, since the stringsof the harp bwill be increased, its sound will be increased likethat of bthe lyre,and therefore bhe callsthe harp ba lyre. /b,The mishna teaches that bRabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says:The minors bare not tallied in theminimum btotalof twelve Levites…and they were called cadets [ itzoarei /i] of the Levites. The Sages btaughtin a ibaraita /i: bAnd they were called the helpers [ isoadei /i] of the Levites.The Gemara asks: bAnd the itannaof ourmishna, why is he referring to them as itzoarei /i? The Gemara answers: bSince theseminors had bhigh voices and thoseadults had bdeep voices,and btheseminors would bsing in a high voice [ imekateti /i], and thoseadults could bnot sing insuch ba high voice, they were called itzoarei /i,as they caused the adult Levites anguish [ itza’ar /i] due to the fact that they could not produce the same pleasant sounds as the minors.,, strongMISHNA: /strong bThere are ihalakhot bwith regard to valuations that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; andthere are ihalakhot bwith regard to an ancestral field that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; andthere are ihalakhot bwith regard to a forewarned ox that killeda Canaanite bslave that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent;and there are ihalakhot bwith regard to a rapist, and a seducer, and a defamer that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent. /b, bThere are ihalakhot bwith regard to valuations that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; how so? Bothin the case of one bwho tooka vow of bvaluationto donate the fixed value bof themost battractive among the Jewish people andin the case of one who took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value of bthemost bunsightly among the Jewish people, he givesthe fixed payment of bfifty isela /i,shekels, to the Temple treasury (see Leviticus 27:3). bAnd ifone bsaid: Itis incumbent bupon meto donate the bassessmentof another to the Temple treasury, bhe gives the pricefor that person if sold as a slave, a sum that can be more or less than fifty shekels., strongGEMARA: /strong The mishna states: bThere are ihalakhot bwith regard to valuations that are lenient andothers bthat are stringent; how so? Bothin the case of one bwho tooka vow of bvaluationto donate the fixed value of the most attractive among the Jewish people bandin the case of one who took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value of the most unsightly among the Jewish people, he gives the fixed payment of fifty iselato the Temple treasury. The Gemara infers from this that if the vow of valuation referred bto a Jew, yes,he pays the fixed value; but if one took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value bof gentiles,he does bnotpay the fixed value.,The Gemara asks: If so, blet us say that the mishna is not in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Meir, as we learnedin a mishna (5b): With regard to ba gentile, Rabbi Meir says: He is valuatedin a case where a Jew says: It is incumbent upon me to donate the fixed value of this gentile; bbuta gentile bdoes not takea vow of bvaluationto donate his fixed value or the value of others.,The Gemara answers: bYoucan beven saythat the mishna is in accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Meir,as it can be claimed that bthe same is true,i.e. bthat evenif one took a vow of valuation to donate the fixed value of ba gentile,he balsopays the fixed amount. bBut /b
7. Babylonian Talmud, Hulin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

24b. (דברי הימים ב ה, יג) ויהי כאחד למחצצרים ולמשוררים להשמיע קול אחד:,עד שיזקין עד כמה אמר רבי אלעא אמר ר' חנינא עד שירתת,תנן התם בעל קרי שטבל ולא הטיל מים לכשיטיל טמא ר' יוסי אומר בחולה ובזקן טמא בילד ובבריא טהור,ילד עד כמה אמר רבי אלעא אמר רבי חנינא כל שעומד על רגלו אחת וחולץ מנעלו ונועל מנעלו אמרו עליו על רבי חנינא שהיה בן שמונים שנה והיה עומד על רגלו אחת וחולץ מנעלו ונועל מנעלו אמר רבי חנינא חמין ושמן שסכתני אמי בילדותי הן עמדו לי בעת זקנותי,ת"ר נתמלא זקנו ראוי ליעשות שליח ציבור ולירד לפני התיבה ולישא את כפיו מאימתי כשר לעבודה משיביא שתי שערות רבי אומר אומר אני עד שיהא בן עשרים,א"ר חסדא מ"ט דרבי דכתיב (עזרא ג, ח) ויעמידו [את] הלוים מבן עשרים שנה ומעלה לנצח על מלאכת בית ה' ואידך לנצח שאני,והא האי קרא בלוים כתיב כדר' יהושע בן לוי דאמר רבי יהושע בן לוי בעשרים וארבעה מקומות נקראו כהנים לוים וזה אחד מהן (יחזקאל מד, טו) והכהנים הלוים בני צדוק,ת"ר (ויקרא כא, יז) איש מזרעך לדורותם מכאן אמר רבי אלעזר קטן פסול לעבודה ואפי' תם מאימתי כשר לעבודה משיביא שתי שערות אבל אחיו הכהנים אין מניחין אותו לעבוד עד שיהא בן כ',איכא דאמרי הא רבי היא ואפי' פסול דרבנן לית ליה ואיכא דאמרי רבי אית ליה פסול מדרבנן והא רבנן היא ולכתחלה הוא דלא אבל דיעבד עבודתו כשרה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big טהור בכלי חרש טמא בכל הכלים טהור בכל הכלים טמא בכלי חרש:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר אויר כלי חרש טמא וגבו טהור אויר כל הכלים טהור וגבן טמא נמצא טהור בכלי חרש טמא בכל הכלים טהור בכל הכלים טמא בכלי חרש,מנהני מילי דת"ר תוכו ואע"פ שלא נגע,אתה אומר אע"פ שלא נגע או אינו אלא אם כן נגע רבי יונתן בן אבטולמוס אומר נאמר (ויקרא יא, לג) תוכו לטמא ונאמר תוכו ליטמא מה תוכו האמור לטמא אע"פ שלא נגע אף תוכו האמור ליטמא אע"פ שלא נגע,והתם מנלן אמר רבי יונתן התורה העידה על כלי חרס 24b. b“It came to pass, when the trumpeters and singers were as one, to make one sound to be heard”(II Chronicles 5:13). This indicates that the Levites must be capable of singing in one voice, and one who is unable to do so is unfit for service.,The ibaraitateaches that the priest is eligible for service buntil he ages.The Gemara asks: bUntil when,i.e., what is the definition of aging in this context? bRabbi Ela saysthat bRabbi Ḥanina says: Untilhis hands and feet begin to btremble. /b, bWe learnedin a mishna bthere( iMikvaot8:4): With regard to bone who experienced a seminal emission whothen bimmersedin a ritual bath band did not urinatebefore immersing, bwhen he urinates he is ritually impure,because residue of the semen remain in his body and was discharged with the urine, rendering him impure. bRabbi Yosei says: Inthe case of ban illperson band an elderlyperson, he is britually impure; inthe case of ba youngperson band a healthyperson, he is britually pure,as the semen was presumably discharged in its entirety at the outset., bUntil whenis one considered ba youngperson? bRabbi Ela saysthat bRabbi Ḥanina says: Anyone whois able to bstand on one of his legs and remove his shoe or put on his shoeis considered young. bThey said about Rabbi Ḥanina that he was eighty years old and would stand on one of his legs and remove his shoe or put on his shoe. Rabbi Ḥanina says:The bhot water and oil that my mother smeared on me in my youth benefited me in my old age. /b, bThe Sages taught:If bone’s beardis bfullygrown, bhe is fit to be appointed an emissary of the communityfor various matters, band to descend before the arkas a prayer leader, band to lift his handsfor the Priestly Benediction. bFrom whenis a priest bfit forTemple bservice?It is bfromthe time he reaches puberty and bgrows twopubic bhairs. RabbiYehuda HaNasi bsays: I saythat he is not fit for Temple service buntil he is twentyyears of bage. /b, bRav Ḥisda said: What is the reasonfor the opinion bof RabbiYehuda HaNasi? The reason is bas it is written: “And appointed the Levites, from twenty years old and upward, to oversee of the work of the House of the Lord”(Ezra 3:8). bAndwhat does bthe other itannahold? He holds that bto oversee is differentand requires an older priest.,The Gemara asks: bButwhat proof can be cited from this verse with regard to priests; bisn’t that verse written with regard to Levites?The Gemara answers: It is understood bin accordance withthe statement bof Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: In twenty-four placesin the Bible the bpriests are called Levites. And this is one of thoseverses: b“And the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok”(Ezekiel 44:15). The verse in Ezra is another one of the verses., bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraitawith regard to the verse: b“Any man of your descendants throughout their generationsthat has a blemish shall not approach to offer the bread of his God” (Leviticus 21:17); bfrom here Rabbi Elazar says: A minorpriest is bunfit forTemple bservice, evenif he is bunblemished,as he is not a man. bFrom whenis bhe fit for service? Fromthe time he reaches puberty and bgrows twopubic bhairs. But his brethren the priests do not allow him to perform the service until he is twentyyears of bage. /b, bThere arethose bwho say: This isthe opinion of bRabbiYehuda HaNasi, band he isof the opinion that there is bno disqualificationfor one between puberty and twenty years of age beven by rabbinic law.The other priests simply do not allow priests of that age to perform the Temple service iab initio /i. bAnd there arethose bwho say: RabbiYehuda HaNasi bis ofthe opinion that there is bdisqualification by rabbinic lawin that case, band thisstatement in the ibaraita bisthe opinion of bthe Rabbis, andthey hold that bit is iab initiothatone may bnotperform the service, bbut after the fact, his service is valid. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong That which is britually pure in an earthenware vesselis britually impure in all theother types of bvessels;that which is britually pure in all theother types of bvesselsis britually impure in an earthenware vessel. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraitaexplaining the mishna: If a primary source of ritual impurity fell into the bairspace of an earthenware vesselthe vessel is britually impure, andif it fell on bits outer side,the vessel is britually pure.If a primary source of ritual impurity fell into the bairspace of all theother types of bvessels,the vessels are britually pure, andif it fell on btheir outer side,they are britually impure. It is foundthat that which is britually pure in an earthenware vesselis britually impure in all theother bvessels,and that which is britually pure in all theother bvesselsis britually impure in an earthenware vessel. /b,The Gemara asks: bFrom where are these mattersderived? It is bas the Sages taughtin a ibaraitabased on the verse: “And every earthenware vessel into which [ itokho /i] any of them falls, whatever is in it [ itokho /i] shall be impure, and it you shall break” (Leviticus 11:33); if an impure item fell b“in it [ itokho /i],” and evenin a case bwherethe impure item bdid not come into contactwith the vessel, the vessel becomes impure.,The ibaraitacontinues: bDo you saythat it is impure beven ifthe impure item bdid not come into contactwith the vessel, borperhaps bit isimpure bonly if it did come into contactwith the vessel? bRabbi Yonatan ben Avtolemos says: iTokhois statedwith regard bto transmitting impurityto food in its airspace, as it is stated: “Whatever is in it [ itokho /i] shall be impure,” band itokhois statedwith regard bto becoming impure,as it is stated: “Into which [ itokho /i] any of them falls”; bjust asin the case of itokhothat is statedwith regard bto transmitting impurityto food in its airspace, the food is impure beven ifthe impure item bdid not come into contactwith the vessel, bso too,in the case of itokhothat is statedwith regard btothe vessel bbecoming impure,the vessel is impure beven ifthe impure item bdid not come into contactwith it.,The Gemara asks: bAnd there,with regard to rendering food impure in its airspace, bfrom where do wederive that the food becomes impure even if it did not come into contact with the impure vessel? bRabbi Yonatan said: The Torah testified about an earthenware vessel /b


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
africanus, julius Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
alexandra, daughter of hyrcanus ii Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141, 142
ananel, high priest Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141, 142
antipater, herods father Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 142
aristobulus (iii) Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141, 142
augustus Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 142
boethus Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
boethusians (baytosim) Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
claudius, roman emperor, expulsion of jews from rome by Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 429
cleopatra vii Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141, 142
customs Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
egypt, egyptian Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
eusebius, writings on herod the great (africanus) Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
genesis, legitimation of herods rule in Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
hananel Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great, aristobulus drowning of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great, essene endorsement and gifts Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great, legitimation of his rule Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herod the great Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141, 142
herodian dynasty, essenes and Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
herodians, use of term, and christian messianic supposition Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
high priest/high priesthood Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
hyrcanus ii Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 142
infant/infancy Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
jerusalem Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
jewish antiquities Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
josephus essenes, gifts and favours from herod Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
josephus essenes, judaism of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
josephus essenes, temple practices Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
m. antonius Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141, 142
mariamme i, herods wife Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141, 142
menahem (manaemos) the essene, prediction of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
messiah, prediction of coming, davidic line and Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
name/named/unnamed' Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
oniad authorship, genealogy (high priestly succession) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
onias community, death / murder Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
onias temple, identity of builder Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
parthians Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 142
ptolemies, ptolemaic Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
rabbis Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 94
rome, romans Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 142
sukkot Eckhardt, Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals (2011) 141
temple and essene practices, purity standards of Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128
theophilus Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 128