1. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 2.34, 2.320, 4.230, 7.394, 14.415, 14.437, 15.5-15.7, 15.217, 15.264, 15.299-15.302, 15.304-15.316, 15.354, 15.357, 15.360, 15.362, 15.365, 15.391, 16.63-16.65, 16.179-16.183, 16.397, 16.401, 17.204-17.205, 17.318-17.321, 17.342-17.344, 20.49-20.53 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 2.34. But Reubel, coming in the night-time to the pit, resolved to save Joseph, without the privity of his brethren; and when, upon his calling to him, he made no answer, he was afraid that they had destroyed him after he was gone; of which he complained to his brethren; but when they had told him what they had done, Reubel left off his mourning. 2.34. 3. Now, while these Hebrews made no stay, but went on earnestly, as led by God’s presence with them, the Egyptians supposed at first that they were distracted, and were going rashly upon manifest destruction. But when they saw that they were going a great way without any harm, and that no obstacle or difficulty fell in their journey, they made haste to pursue them, hoping that the sea would be calm for them also. They put their horse foremost, and went down themselves into the sea. 7.394. Nay, after him, and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so artfully, that they did not appear to even those that entered into their monuments. But so much shall suffice us to have said concerning these matters. 14.415. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela; 14.437. The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of himself to beat Antigonus. 15.5. 2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends that were about him. 15.5. 3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass over, and both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the envy which at this time arose in him cause him to make haste to do what he was about, and provoke him to it; 15.6. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus’s party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them; 15.6. Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none abroad should believe that the child’s death was caused by any design of his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears also, and exhibited a real confusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on this occasion, when he saw the child’s countece so young and so beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own security. 15.7. and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. 15.7. But the women, as was natural, did not take this to be an instance of Herod’s strong affection for them, but of his severe usage of them, that they could not escape destruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when he was dead himself. And this saying [of Joseph] was a foundation for the women’s severe suspicions about him afterwards. 15.217. upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower. 15.264. but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government into his own hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms; 15.299. 1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again naturally in certain periods of time 15.301. and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men also after such a manner deprived those that survived of all their courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they were in. 15.302. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year. 15.304. nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern. 15.305. 2. In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. 15.306. However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers 15.307. but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded them what help they had. 15.308. And Herod taking care the people should understand that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them; 15.309. for, in the first place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, that the bakers should make their bread ready for them. 15.311. And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food. 15.312. Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities; 15.313. for there was nobody who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they stood in need of 15.314. insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand. 15.315. Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature 15.316. as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be. 15.354. 3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical. 15.357. And while they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; 15.362. And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him. 15.365. 4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure; 15.391. 3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. 16.63. So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. 16.64. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. 16.65. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness. 16.179. 1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David’s sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt; 16.181. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon; 16.182. where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly affrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. 16.183. And even Nicolaus his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book; 16.397. or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her; 16.401. for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; 17.204. Whereupon the multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of those that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made application to him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a clamor that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but others desired him to release those that were put into prison by Herod, who were many, and had been put there at several times; 17.205. others of them required that he would take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude to him, as looking upon that good-will to be a great step towards his preservation of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook himself to feast with his friends. 17.318. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents 17.319. while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude. 17.321. 5. And so much came to Herod’s sons from their father’s inheritance. But Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testament, which were Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae] of coined silver, Caesar made her a present of a royal habitation at Askelo; in all, her revenues amounted to sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house was within Archelaus’s government. 17.342. 2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus’s government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. 17.343. Whereupon Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus’s steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us: 17.344. o the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him. 20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. |
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2. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.358, 2.4, 2.80, 2.84-2.86, 2.111-2.113 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
| 1.358. 4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus’s party, he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. 2.4. 2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the goodwill of the multitude; after which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. 2.4. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.4. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city 2.84. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; 2.85. that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people who were out of their bounds; 2.86. that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes: 2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury. 2.112. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended; 2.113. and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essenes, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial. |
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6. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
| 11a. דלא סיימוה קמיה,תניא אמרו עליו על בנימין הצדיק שהיה ממונה על קופה של צדקה פעם אחת באתה אשה לפניו בשני בצורת אמרה לו רבי פרנסני אמר לה העבודה שאין בקופה של צדקה כלום אמרה לו רבי אם אין אתה מפרנסני הרי אשה ושבעה בניה מתים עמד ופרנסה משלו לימים חלה ונטה למות אמרו מלאכי השרת לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע אתה אמרת כל המקיים נפש אחת מישראל כאילו קיים עולם מלא ובנימין הצדיק שהחיה אשה ושבעה בניה ימות בשנים מועטות הללו מיד קרעו לו גזר דינו תנא הוסיפו לו עשרים ושתים שנה על שנותיו,תנו רבנן מעשה במונבז המלך שבזבז אוצרותיו ואוצרות אבותיו בשני בצורת וחברו עליו אחיו ובית אביו ואמרו לו אבותיך גנזו והוסיפו על של אבותם ואתה מבזבזם אמר להם אבותי גנזו למטה ואני גנזתי למעלה שנאמר (תהלים פה, יב) אמת מארץ תצמח וצדק משמים נשקף אבותי גנזו במקום שהיד שולטת בו ואני גנזתי במקום שאין היד שולטת בו שנאמר (תהלים פט, טו) צדק ומשפט מכון כסאך,אבותי גנזו דבר שאין עושה פירות ואני גנזתי דבר שעושה פירות שנאמר (ישעיהו ג, י) אמרו צדיק כי טוב כי פרי מעלליהם יאכלו אבותי גנזו [אוצרות] ממון ואני גנזתי אוצרות נפשות שנאמר (משלי יא, ל) פרי צדיק עץ חיים ולוקח נפשות חכם אבותי גנזו לאחרים ואני גנזתי לעצמי שנאמר (דברים כד, יג) ולך תהיה צדקה אבותי גנזו לעולם הזה ואני גנזתי לעולם הבא שנאמר (ישעיהו נח, ח) והלך לפניך צדקך כבוד ה' יאספך:,ואם קנה בה בית דירה הרי הוא כאנשי העיר: מתניתין דלא כרשב"ג דתניא רבן שמעון ב"ג אומר אם קנה בה קרקע כל שהוא הרי הוא כאנשי העיר,והא תניא רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר אם קנה שם קרקע הראויה לבית דירה הרי הוא כאנשי העיר תרי תנאי ואליבא דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אין חולקין את החצר עד שיהא ארבע אמות לזה וארבע אמות לזה ולא את השדה עד שיהא בה תשעה קבין לזה ותשעה קבין לזה ר' יהודה אומר עד שיהא בה תשעת חציי קבין לזה ותשעת חציי קבין לזה ולא את הגינה עד שיהא בה חצי קב לזה וחצי קב לזה ר' עקיבא אומר בית רובע,ולא את הטרקלין ולא את המורן ולא את השובך ולא את הטלית ולא את המרחץ ולא את בית הבד ולא את בית השלחין עד שיהא בהן כדי לזה וכדי לזה זה הכלל כל שיחלק ושמו עליו חולקין ואם לאו אין חולקין,אימתי בזמן שאין שניהם רוצים אבל בזמן ששניהם רוצים אפי' פחות מכאן יחלוקו וכתבי הקדש אע"פ ששניהם רוצים לא יחלוקו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big א"ר אסי א"ר יוחנן ארבע אמות שאמרו חוץ משל פתחים תניא נמי הכי אין חולקים את החצר עד שיהא בה שמונה אמות לזה ושמונה אמות לזה והא אנן תנן ארבע אמות לזה וארבע אמות לזה אלא ש"מ כדרבי אסי שמע מינה,ואיכא דרמי להו מירמא תנן אין חולקין את החצר עד שיהא בה ארבע אמות לזה וארבע אמות לזה והתניא שמונה אמות לזה ושמונה אמות לזה א"ר אסי אמר ר' יוחנן ארבע אמות שאמרו חוץ משל פתחים,אמר רב הונא חצר מתחלקת לפי פתחיה ורב חסדא אמר נותנין ארבע אמות לכל פתח ופתח והשאר חולקין בשוה,תניא כוותיה דרב חסדא פתחים שבחצר יש להן ארבע אמות היה לזה פתח אחד ולזה שני פתחים זה שיש לו פתח אחד נוטל ארבע אמות וזה שיש לו שני פתחים נוטל שמונה אמות והשאר חולקין בשוה היה לזה פתח רחב שמונה אמות נוטל שמונה אמות כנגד הפתח וארבע אמות בחצר ארבע אמות בחצר מאי עבידתייהו אמר אביי הכי קאמר נוטל שמונה אמות באורך החצר וארבע אמות ברוחב החצר,אמר אמימר האי פירא דסופלי יש לו ארבע אמות לכל רוח ורוח ולא אמרן אלא דלא מייחד ליה פתחא | 11a. those who reported the story to him bdid not conclude it before him;consequently, Rav Ami was not informed that Rava had indeed given the money to the gentile poor.,§ bIt is taughtin a ibaraita /i: The following bwas said about Binyamin the righteous, who was appointedsupervisor bover the charity fund. Once, a woman came before him during years of droughtand bsaid to him: My master, sustain me. He said to her:I swear bby the Temple service that there is nothingleft bin the charity fund. She said to him: My master, if you do not sustain me, a woman and her seven sons will die. He arose and sustained her with his ownfunds. bAfter some time, he fell deathly ill. The ministering angels said to the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, You saidthat banyone who preserves a single life in Israel isregarded bas if he has preserved an entire world. Shouldthen bBinyamin the righteous, who saved a woman and her seven sons, die after these few years,still in his youth? bThey immediately tore up his sentence.A Sage btaught: They added twenty-two years to his life. /b, bThe Sages taught:There was ban incident involving King Munbaz, who liberally gave away his treasures and the treasures of his ancestors in the years of drought,distributing the money to the poor. bHis brothers and his father’s household joined together against himto protest against his actions, band they said to him: Your ancestors stored upmoney in their treasuries band added tothe treasures bof their ancestors, and you are liberally distributingit all to the poor. King Munbaz bsaid to them:Not so, bmy ancestors stored up below, whereas I am storing above, as it is stated: “Truth will spring out of the earth and righteousness will look down from heaven”(Psalms 85:12), meaning that the righteous deeds that one has performed are stored up in heaven. bMy ancestors stored uptreasures bin a place where thehuman bhand can reach,and so their treasures could have been robbed, bwhereas I am storing uptreasures bin a place where thehuman bhand cannot reach,and so they are secure, bas it is stated: “Righteousness and justice are the foundation of Your throne”(Psalms 89:15)., bMy ancestors stored up something that does not generate profit,as money sitting in a treasury does not increase, bwhereas I am storing up something that generates profit, as it is stated: “Say of the righteous, that it shall be well with them, for they shall eat the fruit of their doings”(Isaiah 3:10). bMy ancestors stored up treasures of money, whereas I am storing up treasures of souls, as it is stated: “The fruit of the righteous is a tree of life, and he that wins souls is wise”(Proverbs 11:30). bMy ancestors stored up for others,for their sons and heirs, when they themselves would pass from this world, bwhereas I am storing up for myself, as it is stated: “And it shall be as righteousness to you”(Deuteronomy 24:13). bMy ancestors stored up for this world, whereas I am storing up for the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And your righteousness shall go before you, the glory of the Lord shall be your rearguard”(Isaiah 58:8).,§ The Gemara resumes its analysis of the mishna, which taught that one must reside in a place for twelve months in order to be considered a resident for the purposes of issues such as paying taxes. But if he bboughthimself ba residence inthe city, bhe isimmediately considered blikeone of bthe people of the city.The Gemara comments: bThe mishna is not in accordance withthe opinion of bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel, as it is taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: If he bought any amount of land inthe city, and not necessarily a residence, bhe isimmediately considered blikeone of bthe people of the city. /b,The Gemara asks: bBut isn’t it taughtotherwise in a different ibaraita /i: bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: Ifone bbought land that is suitable for a residence, he isimmediately considered blikeone of bthe people of the city.This contradicts the first ibaraita /i. The Gemara answers: This is a dispute between btwo itanna’imandthey disagree bwith regard tothe opinion bof Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong The court bdoes not divide a courtyardat the request of one of the joint owners bunless there will bein it four by bfour cubits for this one andfour by bfour cubits for that one,i.e., this minimum area for each of the joint owners. bAndthe court does bnotdivide bajointly owned bfield unless there isspace bin itto plant bnine ikav /iof seed bfor this one and nine ikav /iof seed bfor that one. Rabbi Yehuda says:The court does not divide a field bunless there isspace bin itto plant bnine half- ikav /iof seed bfor this one and nine half- ikav /iof seed bfor that one. Andthe court does bnotdivide a jointly owned bgarden unless there isspace bin itto plant ba half- ikav /iof seed bfor this one and a half- ikav /iof seed bfor that one. Rabbi Akiva saysthat half that amount is sufficient, i.e., the barea required for sowing a quarter- ikavof seed [ ibeit rova /i]. /b,Similarly, the court does bnotdivide ba hall [ ihateraklin /i], a drawing room, a dovecote, a cloak, a bathhouse, an olive press, and an irrigated field unless there is enough for this oneto use the property in the usual manner band enough for that oneto use the property in the usual manner. bThis is the principle: Anythingfor bwhichwhen it bis divided,each of the parts is large enough to bretain the nameof the original item, the court bdividesit. bBut ifthe parts will bnotretain the original name, the court bdoes not divideit., bWhendoes this rule apply? It applies bwhenthe joint owners bdo not both wishto divide the item; when only one of the owners wishes to divide the property, he cannot force the other to do so. bBut when both of them wishto divide the item, bthey may divideit, bevenif each of the owners will receive bless thanthe amounts specified above. bButin the case of bsacred writings,i.e., a scroll of any of the twenty-four books of the Bible, that were inherited by two people, bthey may not dividethem, beven if both of them wishto do so, because it would be a show of disrespect to cut the scroll in half., strongGEMARA: /strong bRabbi Asi saysthat bRabbi Yoḥa says: The four cubitsof the courtyard bwhich they saideach of the joint owners must receive is bin addition tothe space in front of bthe entrancesto each of the houses that is assigned to the owner of the house for loading and unloading. bThatopinion bis also taughtin a ibaraita /i: The court bdoes not divide a courtyard unlessits area is sufficient so that bthere will be in it eight cubits for this one and eight cubits for that one.The Gemara asks: bBut didn’t we learnin the mishna that it suffices that there be bfour cubits for this one and four cubits for that one? Rather, conclude from itthat the ibaraitawas taught bin accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Asi.The Gemara affirms: bConclude from itthat it is so., bAnd there arethose bwho raisethe ibaraitaas a contradiction to what is taught in the mishna and use the previously mentioned point to reconcile the two texts. bWe learnedin the mishna: The court bdoes not divide a courtyardat the request of one of the joint owners bunless there will bein it four by bfour cubits for this one andfour by bfour cubits for that one. But isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: The court does not divide a courtyard unless there are beight cubits for this one and eight cubits for that one?About this bRabbi Asi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: The four cubitsof the courtyard bwhich they saideach of the joint owners must receive is bin addition tothe space in front of bthe entrancesto each of the houses.,Further with regard to the division of a courtyard, bRav Huna says: A courtyard is divided according to its entrances.Each of the owners receives a share of the courtyard in proportion to the number of entrances that his house has opening onto the courtyard. bAnd Rav Ḥisda says: Four cubits are allottedto each of the owners bfor each and every entrance, and the restof the courtyard bisthen bdivided equallybetween them.,The Gemara comments: bIt is taughtin a ibaraita bin accordance withthe opinion bof Rav Ḥisda:Each of bthe entrancesopening bto a courtyardis allotted bfour cubits.If bthis one has one entrance and that one has two entrances, the one who has one entrance takes four cubits, and the one who has two entrances takes eight cubits, and they divide the restof the courtyard bequallybetween them. If bthis one had an entrance eight cubits wide,he btakes eight cubits adjacent to the entrance and four cubits in the courtyard.The Gemara expresses surprise: bWhat arethese bfour cubits in the courtyard doing here?Doesn’t it all depend on the size of the courtyard? bAbaye said: Thisis what the ibaraita bis saying:For the entrance bhe takes eight cubits along the length of the courtyard and four cubits along the width of the courtyard.In other words, he takes a strip four cubits wide along the entire length of his entrance., bAmeimar says: A pit forholding banimal food [ ipeira desuflei /i] has four cubits on each and every sideso that there will be sufficient space for the animals to stand. The Gemara adds: bAnd we saidthis bonly whenthe pit bhas no special entranceto reach it, but rather it is accessed from all sides. |
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