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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7234
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.261


δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς ἀποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσιν πρὸς τοῦτ' ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως τε τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι.Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.”


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

51 results
1. Septuagint, Baruch, 1.10-1.11, 1.13-1.14 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 104.14-104.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

104.14. מַצְמִיחַ חָצִיר לַבְּהֵמָה וְעֵשֶׂב לַעֲבֹדַת הָאָדָם לְהוֹצִיא לֶחֶם מִן־הָאָרֶץ׃ 104.15. וְיַיִן יְשַׂמַּח לְבַב־אֱנוֹשׁ לְהַצְהִיל פָּנִים מִשָּׁמֶן וְלֶחֶם לְבַב־אֱנוֹשׁ יִסְעָד׃ 104.14. Who causeth the grass to spring up for the cattle, And herb for the service of man; To bring forth bread out of the earth," 104.15. And wine that maketh glad the heart of man, Making the face brighter than oil, And bread that stayeth man's heart."
3. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

4. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 28.66-28.69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

28. maioribus nostris fuit ut, cum in privatis rebus suisque sumptibus minimo contenti tenuissimo cultu viverent, in imperio atque in publica dignitate omnia ad gloriam splendoremque revocarent. quaeritur enim in re domestica continentiae laus, in publica dignitatis. quod si etiam praesidi causa classem habuit, quis erit tam iniquus qui reprehendat? ' nulli erant praedones.' quid ? nullos fore quis praestare poterat? ' minuis,' inquit, 'gloriam Pompei.' immo tu auges molestiam.
5. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, 1.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Dead Sea Scrolls, Hodayot, 2.7-2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

7. Dead Sea Scrolls, Hodayot, 2.7-2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

8. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 15.15, 15.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

15.15. Then Numenius and his companions arrived from Rome, with letters to the kings and countries, in which the following was written: 15.23. and to all the countries, and to Sampsames, and to the Spartans, and to Delos, and to Myndos, and to Sicyon, and to Caria, and to Samos, and to Pamphylia, and to Lycia, and to Halicarnassus, and to Rhodes, and to Phaselis, and to Cos, and to Side, and to Aradus and Gortyna and Cnidus and Cyprus and Cyrene.
9. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 7.19-7.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

7.19. And when they had landed in peace with appropriate thanksgiving, there too in like manner they decided to observe these days as a joyous festival during the time of their stay.
10. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 2.127 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

2.127. And would you still sit down in your synagogues, collecting your ordinary assemblies, and reading your sacred volumes in security, and explaining whatever is not quite clear, and devoting all your time and leisure with long discussions to the philosophy of your ancestors?
11. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.77, 3.171 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1.77. For it is commanded that all men shall every year bring their first fruits to the temple, from twenty years old and upwards; and this contribution is called their ransom. On which account they bring in the first fruits with exceeding cheerfulness, being joyful and delighted, inasmuch as simultaneously with their making the offering they are sure to find either a relaxation from slavery, or a relief from disease, and to receive in all respects a most sure freedom and safety for the future. 3.171. Therefore let no woman busy herself about those things which are beyond the province of oeconomy, but let her cultivate solitude, and not be seen to be going about like a woman who walks the streets in the sight of other men, except when it is necessary for her to go to the temple, if she has any proper regard for herself; and even then let her not go at noon when the market is full, but after the greater part of the people have returned home; like a well-born woman, a real and true citizen, performing her vows and her sacrifices in tranquillity, so as to avert evils and to receive blessings.
12. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 31-33, 40, 64-82, 30 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

30. Therefore, during six days, each of these individuals, retiring into solitude by himself, philosophises by himself in one of the places called monasteries, never going outside the threshold of the outer court, and indeed never even looking out. But on the seventh day they all come together as if to meet in a sacred assembly, and they sit down in order according to their ages with all becoming gravity, keeping their hands inside their garments, having their right hand between their chest and their dress, and the left hand down by their side, close to their flank;
13. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.215-2.216 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

2.215. for it was invariably the custom, as it was desirable on other days also, but especially on the seventh day, as I have already explained, to discuss matters of philosophy; the ruler of the people beginning the explanation, and teaching the multitude what they ought to do and to say, and the populace listening so as to improve in virtue, and being made better both in their moral character and in their conduct through life; 2.216. in accordance with which custom, even to this day, the Jews hold philosophical discussions on the seventh day, disputing about their national philosophy, and devoting that day to the knowledge and consideration of the subjects of natural philosophy; for as for their houses of prayer in the different cities, what are they, but schools of wisdom, and courage, and temperance, and justice, and piety, and holiness, and every virtue, by which human and divine things are appreciated, and placed upon a proper footing?
14. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 7.13, 11.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

7.13. and, in fact, they do constantly assemble together, and they do sit down one with another, the multitude in general in silence, except when it is customary to say any words of good omen, by way of assent to what is being read. And then some priest who is present, or some one of the elders, reads the sacred laws to them, and interprets each of them separately till eventide; and then when separate they depart, having gained some skill in the sacred laws, and having made great advancers towards piety.
15. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 156-158, 216, 245, 281, 291, 311-316, 155 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

155. How then did he look upon the great division of Rome which is on the other side of the river Tiber, which he was well aware was occupied and inhabited by the Jews? And they were mostly Roman citizens, having been emancipated; for, having been brought as captives into Italy, they were manumitted by those who had bought them for slaves, without ever having been compelled to alter any of their hereditary or national observances.
16. Philo of Alexandria, That God Is Unchangeable, 8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

8. For it is foolishness to imagine, that it is unlawful to enter into temples, unless a man has first washed his body and made that look bright, but that one may attempt to sacrifice and to pray with a mind still polluted and disordered. And yet temples are made of stones and timber, mere lifeless materials, and it is not possible for the body, if it is devoid of life by its own nature, to touch things devoid of life, without using ablutions and purifying ceremonies of holiness; and shall any one endure to approach God without being purified as to his soul, shall any one while impure come near to the purest of all beings, and this too without having any intention of repenting?
17. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 86 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

86. then there is one magazine among them all; their expenses are all in common; their garments belong to them all in common; their food is common, since they all eat in messes; for there is no other people among which you can find a common use of the same house, a common adoption of one mode of living, and a common use of the same table more thoroughly established in fact than among this tribe: and is not this very natural? For whatever they, after having been working during the day, receive for their wages, that they do not retain as their own, but bring it into the common stock, and give any advantage that is to be derived from it to all who desire to avail themselves of it;
18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.228, 12.10, 12.125-12.126, 12.148-12.152, 14.110-14.113, 14.185-14.260, 14.262-14.280, 14.283-14.316, 14.320, 14.323, 16.28, 16.44-16.45, 16.160-16.178, 18.82, 19.278-19.312 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11.228. But Esther sent the very same eunuch back to Mordecai [to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather the Jews that were there together to a congregation, and to fast and abstain from all sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him know that] she with her maidens would do the same: and then she promised that she would go to the king, though it were against the law, and that if she must die for it, she would not refuse it. 12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them 12.126. they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. 12.148. “King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting. /p“If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. 12.149. Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to remove two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto the castles and places that lie most convenient; 12.151. And when thou shalt have brought them to the places forementioned, thou shalt give everyone of their families a place for building their houses, and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for the plantation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years; 12.152. and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for the maintece of their servants, until they receive breadcorn out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready about our affairs. 14.111. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: 14.112. “Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.” 14.113. Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates. 14.185. 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them 14.186. And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; 14.187. for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations 14.188. while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 14.189. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198. that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.201. and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202. 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205. and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206. and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208. and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. 14.211. 7. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. 14.212. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.” 14.213. 8. “Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215. for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.217. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219. 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.221. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.228. 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls 14.229. in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutet of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; 14.231. 14. The decree of the Delians. “The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutet lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order 14.232. that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also. 14.233. 15. “Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.” 14.234. 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.236. 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: “We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good 14.237. he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” /p19. “In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus were consuls; 14.238. and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutet of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe 14.239. Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Meder, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. 14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation 14.242. wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.243. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.” 14.244. 21. “Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting. 14.245. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246. I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.247. 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. “When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace 14.248. and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater 14.249. and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; 14.251. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. 14.252. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity 14.253. and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree. 14.254. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us 14.255. as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records.” 14.256. 23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. “When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the —— day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: 14.257. Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; 14.258. we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.259. 24. The decree of the Sardians. “This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellowcitizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate 14.262. 25. The decree of the Ephesians. “When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. 14.263. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.” 14.265. 26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; 14.266. for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; 14.267. for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans. 14.268. 1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; 14.269. to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. 14.271. 2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; 14.272. and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.273. but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. 14.274. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 14.275. whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. 14.276. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him. 14.277. 3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the preservation of Hyrcanus’s government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. 14.278. However, Malichus, being one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him 14.279. and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him. 14.283. And thus died Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father’s death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the country; 14.284. o he accepted of Malichus’s defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences. 14.285. 5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon Malichus was affrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves. 14.286. But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and entered the city in the night time, and affrighted Malichus; yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice; 14.287. but Herod and his friends though, it proper not openly to contradict Malichus’s hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them. 14.288. 6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his father’s death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design of his. 14.289. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there; 14.291. But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus, with their daggers. 14.292. So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew Malichus; 14.293. and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater. 14.294. 7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms; 14.295. but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother’s assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; 14.296. for Malichus’s brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also. 14.297. 1. Now Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. 14.298. Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. 14.299. When he had despatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head; 14.301. 2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors that met him from all parts. 14.302. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: 14.303. but Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against his accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. 14.304. But still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. 14.305. Antony thought the Jews’ desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same purpose. 14.306. 3. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. 14.307. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. 14.308. I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. 14.309. But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose that it was that the sun turned away his light from us, as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. 14.311. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. 14.312. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. 14.313. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.” 14.314. 4. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries. 14.315. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; 14.316. for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings. 14.323. 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation. 16.28. and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. 16.28. but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria. 16.44. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. 16.45. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; 16.161. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us. 16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar. 16.166. 3. “Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.” These were the decrees of Caesar. 16.167. 4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; 16.168. and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the Sabbath day.” 16.169. 5. “Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers 16.171. 6. “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.” 16.172. 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. 16.173. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.” 16.174. 8. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; 16.175. and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. 16.176. As for our customs there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; 16.177. but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; 16.178. on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my history. 18.82. He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. 19.278. 2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. 19.279. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: 19.281. Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; 19.282. and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges 19.283. even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; 19.284. but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: 19.285. I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.” 19.286. 3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: 19.287. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: 19.288. Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners 19.289. but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. 19.291. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.” 19.292. 1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. 19.293. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now he returned in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required; 19.294. on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury, that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: 19.295. for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. 19.296. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again. 19.297. 2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Aus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. 19.298. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his brethren, and with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias, who were three, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians, as we have related in a former book. 19.299. 3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. 19.301. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. 19.302. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: 19.303. “Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: 19.304. Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same 19.305. but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar’s statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar,— 19.306. to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after the emperor’s edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves,— 19.307. I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus’s edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. 19.308. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to hunt after who encourage such doings; 19.309. while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. 19.311. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs.” 19.312. 4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards against the Jews.
19. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.128-2.133, 2.285-2.291, 5.201-5.205, 7.148-7.150, 7.162, 7.433-7.434 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.128. 5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sunrising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple 2.131. but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; 2.132. then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; 2.133. which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them. 2.285. Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; 2.286. but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; 2.287. but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. 2.288. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 2.289. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. 2.291. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. 5.201. 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. 5.202. Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. 5.203. However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. 5.204. Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger; 5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. 7.148. and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; 7.149. for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; 7.162. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there. 7.433. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. 7.434. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place;
20. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.31-1.36, 1.209, 2.10-2.11, 2.65, 2.79 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.31. for he who is partaker of the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the same nation, without having any regard to money, or any other dignities; but he is to make a scrutiny, and take his wife’s genealogy from the ancient tables, and procure many witnesses to it; 1.31. that the rest commended what he had said with one consent, and did what they had resolved on, and so travelled over the desert. But that the difficulties of the journey being over, they came to a country inhabited, and that there they abused the men, and plundered and burnt their temples, and then came into that land which is called Judea, and there they built a city, and dwelt therein 1.32. and this is our practice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any body of men of our nation do live; and even there, an exact catalogue of our priests’ marriages is kept; 1.32. But why should a man say any more to a person who tells such impudent lies! However, since this book is arisen to a competent length, I will make another beginning, and endeavor to add what still remains to perfect my design in the following book. 1.33. I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also; 1.34. but if any war falls out, such as have fallen out, a great many of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that have happened in our own times 1.35. those priests that survive them compose new tables of genealogy out of the old records, and examine the circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had conversation with some foreigners; 1.36. but what is the strongest argument of our exact management in this matter is what I am now going to say, that we have the names of our high priests, from father to son, set down in our records, for the interval of two thousand years; and if any one of these have been transgressors of these rules, they are prohibited to present themselves at the altar, or to be partakers of any other of our purifications; 1.209. “There are a people called Jews, who dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day; on which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life, but spread out their hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening. 2.11. that, he also set up pillars instead of gnomons, under which was represented a cavity like that of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their tops fell down upon that cavity, that it might go round about the like course as the sun itself goes round in the other.” 2.11. Now, if he knew the purity of our temple, he hath entirely omitted to take notice of it; but he forges a story about the seizing of a Grecian, about ineffable food, and the most delicious preparation of dainties; and pretends that strangers could go into a place whereinto the noblest men among the Jews are not allowed to enter, unless they be priests. 2.65. 6. But besides this, Apion objects to us thus:—“If the Jews (says he) be citizens of Alexandria, why do they not worship the same gods with the Alexandrians?” To which I give this answer: Since you are yourselves Egyptians, why do you fight out one against another, and have implacable wars about your religion? 2.79. 7. However, I cannot but admire those other authors who furnished this man with such his materials; I mean Posidonius and Apollonius [the son of] Molo, who while they accuse us for not worshipping the same gods whom others worship, they think themselves not guilty of impiety when they tell lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful stories about our temple; whereas it is a most shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on any occasion, and much more so to forge them about our temple, which was so famous over all the world, and was preserved so sacred by us;
21. Josephus Flavius, Life, 11-12, 277, 279-280, 293, 295, 6, 10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

22. Juvenal, Satires, 6.544, 14.96-14.106 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

23. Mishnah, Makkot, 3.12 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

3.12. How do they lash him? His two hands are tied to a pillar on either side of it and the minister of the synagogue grabs his clothing, if they are torn, they are torn; if they are ripped open, they are ripped open, until he exposes the offender’s chest. And a stone is placed behind the offender, the minister of the synagogue stands on it, a strap of cowhide in his hands, doubled over into two, and redoubled, and two straps that rise and fall attached to it."
24. Mishnah, Yoma, 1.3, 3.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.3. They delivered to him elders from the elders of the court and they read before him [throughout the seven days] from the order of the day. And they say to him, “Sir, high priest, you read it yourself with your own mouth, lest you have forgotten or lest you have never learned.” On the eve of Yom HaKippurim in the morning they place him at the eastern gate and pass before him oxen, rams and sheep, so that he may recognize and become familiar with the service." 3.10. Ben Katin made twelve spigots for the laver, for there had been before only two. He also made a mechanism for the laver, in order that its water should not become unfit by remaining overnight. King Monbaz had all the handles of all the vessels used on Yom HaKippurim made of gold. His mother Helena made a golden candelabrum over the opening of the Hekhal. She also made a golden tablet, on which the portion concerning the suspected adulteress was inscribed. For Nicanor miracles happened to his doors. And they were all mentioned for praise."
25. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 11.24 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

26. New Testament, Acts, 13.15, 16.13, 22.19 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13.15. After the reading of the law and the prophets, the rulers of the synagogue sent to them, saying, "Brothers, if you have any word of exhortation for the people, speak. 16.13. On the Sabbath day we went forth outside of the city by a riverside, where we supposed there was a place of prayer, and we sat down, and spoke to the women who had come together. 22.19. I said, 'Lord, they themselves know that I imprisoned and beat in every synagogue those who believed in you.
27. New Testament, Hebrews, 3.8, 3.10, 3.12, 3.15, 4.7, 4.12, 10.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.8. Don't harden your hearts, as in the provocation, Like as in the day of the trial in the wilderness 3.10. Therefore I was displeased with that generation, And said, 'They always err in their heart, But they didn't know my ways;' 3.12. Beware, brothers, lest perhaps there be in any one of you an evil heart of unbelief, in falling away from the living God; 3.15. while it is said, "Today if you will hear his voice, Don't harden your hearts, as in the rebellion. 4.7. he again defines a certain day, today, saying through David so long a time afterward (just as has been said), "Today if you will hear his voice, Don't harden your hearts. 4.12. For the word of God is living, and active, and sharper than any two-edged sword, and piercing even to the dividing of soul and spirit, of both joints and marrow, and is able to discern the thoughts and intentions of the heart. 10.22. let's draw near with a true heart in fullness of faith, having our hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience, and having our body washed with pure water
28. New Testament, Luke, 4.20-4.21, 12.11, 21.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

4.20. He closed the book, gave it back to the attendant, and sat down. The eyes of all in the synagogue were fastened on him. 4.21. He began to tell them, "Today, this Scripture has been fulfilled in your hearing. 12.11. When they bring you before the synagogues, the rulers, and the authorities, don't be anxious how or what you will answer, or what you will say; 21.12. But before all these things, they will lay their hands on you and will persecute you, delivering you up to synagogues and prisons, bringing you before kings and governors for my name's sake.
29. New Testament, Mark, 6.1-6.2, 13.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

6.1. He went out from there. He came into his own country, and his disciples followed him. 6.2. When the Sabbath had come, he began to teach in the synagogue, and many hearing him were astonished, saying, "Where did this man get these things?" and, "What is the wisdom that is given to this man, that such mighty works come about by his hands? 13.9. But watch yourselves, for they will deliver you up to councils. You will be beaten in synagogues. You will stand before rulers and kings for my sake, for a testimony to them.
30. New Testament, Matthew, 10.17-10.18, 23.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10.17. But beware of men: for they will deliver you up to councils, and in their synagogues they will scourge you. 10.18. Yes, and you will be brought before governors and kings for my sake, for a testimony to them and to the Gentiles. 23.34. Therefore, behold, I send to you prophets, wise men, and scribes. Some of them you will kill and crucify; and some of them you will scourge in your synagogues, and persecute from city to city;
31. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 13.46 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

32. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, 38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

33. Plutarch, Table Talk, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

34. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 3.7.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.7.21.  The vices of the children bring hatred on their parents; founders of cities are detested for concentrating a race which is a curse to others, as for example the founder of the Jewish superstition; the laws of Gracchus are hated, and we abhor any loathsome example of vice that has been handed down to posterity, such as the criminal form of lust which a Persian is said to have been the first to practise on a woman of Samos.
35. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 3.7.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.7.21.  The vices of the children bring hatred on their parents; founders of cities are detested for concentrating a race which is a curse to others, as for example the founder of the Jewish superstition; the laws of Gracchus are hated, and we abhor any loathsome example of vice that has been handed down to posterity, such as the criminal form of lust which a Persian is said to have been the first to practise on a woman of Samos.
36. Suetonius, Nero, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

37. Tacitus, Annals, 13.32.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

38. Tacitus, Histories, 5.4.1, 5.5.1, 5.8.2, 15.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

39. Tosefta, Sukkah, 4.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4.5. And the Levites with their harps and lyres and cymbals and all manner of musical instruments without number were there, saying, “Behold, bless ye the Lord, all ye servants of the Lord.” Some were saying, Lift up your hands to the sanctuary, and bless ye the Lord. When they parted they said to one another, The Lord bless thee out of Zion, and see thou the good of Jerusalem all the days of thy life. You should see your children's children. The herald cried out: they sounded a plain note, a tremolo, and a plain note. Rabbi Yehudah said: They did not sound less than seven nor more than thirteen times at the opening of the Temple gates. He who blew at their opening did not do so at their closing. Three times they sounded before the altar. He who blew before the altar did not do so on the tenth step, and he who blew on the tenth step did not do so before the altar."
40. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96-10.97, 10.96.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

41. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96-10.97, 10.96.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

42. Babylonian Talmud, Ketuvot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

5a. משום חשבונות,אמר ליה אביי וחשבונות של מצוה מי אסירי והא רב חסדא ורב המנונא דאמרי תרוייהו חשבונות של מצוה מותר לחשבן בשבת וא"ר אלעזר פוסקין צדקה לעניים בשבת ואמר ר' יעקב אמר ר' יוחנן הולכין לבתי כנסיות ולבתי מדרשות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת ואמר רבי יעקב בר אידי אמר רבי יוחנן מפקחין פיקוח נפש בשבת,ואמר רב שמואל בר נחמני אמר רבי יונתן הולכין לטרטייאות ולקרקייאות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת ותנא דבי מנשיא משדכין על התינוקת ליארס בשבת ועל התינוק ללמדו ספר וללמדו אומנות,אלא אמר רבי זירא גזירה שמא ישחוט בן עוף א"ל אביי אלא מעתה יום הכפורים שחל להיות בשני בשבת ידחה גזירה שמא ישחוט בן עוף התם דלנפשיה לא טריד הכא דלאחרים טריד אי נמי התם אית ליה רווחא הכא לית ליה רווחא,השתא דאתית להכי ערב שבת נמי גזירה שמא ישחוט בן עוף,איבעיא להו בתולה נשאת ברביעי ונבעלת ברביעי ולא חיישינן לאיקרורי דעתא או דלמא בתולה נשאת ברביעי ונבעלת בחמישי דחיישינן לאיקרורי דעתא,ת"ש דתני בר קפרא בתולה נשאת ברביעי ונבעלת בחמישי הואיל ונאמרה בו ברכה לדגים אלמנה נשאת בחמישי ונבעלת בששי הואיל ונאמרה בו ברכה לאדם טעמא משום ברכה אבל משום איקרורי דעתא לא חיישינן,אי הכי אלמנה נמי תיבעל בחמישי הואיל ונאמרה בו ברכה לדגים ברכה דאדם עדיפא ליה,ואי נמי משום שקדו דתניא מפני מה אמרו אלמנה נשאת בחמישי ונבעלת בששי שאם אתה אומר תיבעל בחמישי למחר משכים לאומנתו והולך לו שקדו חכמים על תקנת בנות ישראל שיהא שמח עמה שלשה ימים חמישי בשבת וערב שבת ושבת,מאי איכא בין ברכה לשקדו איכא בינייהו אדם בטל אי נמי יום טוב שחל להיות בערב שבת,דרש בר קפרא גדולים מעשה צדיקים יותר ממעשה שמים וארץ דאילו במעשה שמים וארץ כתיב (ישעיהו מח, יג) אף ידי יסדה ארץ וימיני טפחה שמים ואילו במעשה ידיהם של צדיקים כתיב (שמות טו, יז) מכון לשבתך פעלת ה' מקדש אדני כוננו ידיך,השיב בבלי אחד ור' חייא שמו (תהלים צה, ה) ויבשת ידיו יצרו ידו כתיב והכתיב יצרו א"ר נחמן בר יצחק יצרו אצבעותיו כדכתיב (תהלים ח, ד) כי אראה שמיך מעשה אצבעותיך ירח וכוכבים אשר כוננת,מיתיבי (תהלים יט, ב) השמים מספרים כבוד אל ומעשה ידיו מגיד הרקיע הכי קאמר מעשה ידיהם של צדיקים מי מגיד הרקיע ומאי ניהו מטר,דרש בר קפרא מאי דכתיב (דברים כג, יד) ויתד תהיה לך על אזנך אל תקרי אזנך אלא על אוזנך שאם ישמע אדם דבר שאינו הגון 5a. It is bdue to calculationsperformed on Shabbat to prepare for the wedding. He would thereby engage in weekday matters on Shabbat., bAbaye said to him: And are calculations for a mitzva prohibitedon Shabbat? bBut wasn’t it Rav Ḥisda and Rav Hamnuna who both said:With regard to bcalculations for a mitzva,it is bpermitted to reckon them on Shabbat? And Rabbi Elazar said: One may allocate charity to the poor on Shabbat. And Rabbi Ya’akov saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One goes to synagogues and study halls to supervise mattersaffecting the bmultitudes on Shabbat. And Rabbi Ya’akov bar Idi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One supervises matters of saving a life on Shabbat. /b, bAnd Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One goes to theaters [ itartiyyaot /i] and circuses [ ikarkiyyaot /i] to supervise mattersaffecting the bmultitudes on Shabbat,because the fate of the Jewish people or of individual Jews is often decided there and one’s presence could prevent calamity. bAndthe Sage bof the school of Menashya taught:One bmakes matches [ imeshadkhin /i]among the families concerned bfor a young girl to be betrothed on Shabbat, andsimilarly one may make arrangements bfor a young boy to teach him Torah and to teach him a craft.Apparently, calculations for a mitzva may be reckoned on Shabbat, including calculations for a wedding. Therefore, this cannot be the reason for the prohibition against marrying at the conclusion of Shabbat., bRather, Rabbi Zeira said: It is a decree lest one slaughter a young fowl onShabbat, due to his preoccupation with the preparations for that night’s wedding feast. bAbaye said to him: Ifthat is bso, Yom Kippur that occurs on Monday should be postponedwhen fixing the calendar, due to ba decree lest one slaughter a young fowlon Shabbat for the meal on Yom Kippur eve, which is a mitzva. The Gemara distinguishes between the cases. bThere,with regard to Yom Kippur eve, when one is preparing a meal bfor himself, he is not preoccupied,and he will not overlook the fact that it is Shabbat. bHere,in the case of a wedding, one is preparing a meal bfor othersand is bpreoccupied. Alternatively, there,on Yom Kippur eve, bhe has an intervalof time during which he can slaughter the bird, as the mitzva is to eat the meal on Yom Kippur eve the next day. bHere, he does not have an intervalof time, because the wedding and the feast take place at night at the conclusion of Shabbat.,The Gemara says: bNow that we have come to thisunderstanding of the prohibition against marrying at the conclusion of Shabbat, the prohibition not to engage in sexual intercourse on bShabbat evening, too,is not due to the intercourse. Rather, it is ba decree lest one slaughter a young fowlfor the wedding feast.,§ The Gemara braises a dilemma: Is a virgin married on Wednesday anddoes she bengage in intercourse onthat bWednesday, and we are not concernedlest bhis resolveto take his bride to court upon discovering that she was not a virgin bcoolovernight? Rather, he will certainly go to court the next morning. bOr perhaps, a virgin is married on Wednesday but engages in intercourse on Thursday, as we are concerned that his resolve will cool. /b, bCome and hearproof, bas bar Kappara taught: A virgin is married on Wednesday and engages in intercourse on Thursday, since the blessing to the fish:Be fruitful and multiply, bwas statedon the fifth day of Creation. bA widow is married on Thursday and engages in intercourse on Friday, since the blessingof procreation bwas stated to manon the sixth day of Creation. It may be inferred that bthe reason is due to the blessing, but with regard tothe possibility lest bhis resolve cool, we are not concerned. /b,The Gemara asks: bIf so, a widow should also engage in intercourse on Thursday, since the blessing to the fish was stated then.The Gemara answers: Since there is the option to postpone engaging in relations to the day on which bthe blessing of manwas stated, doing so bis preferable for him. /b, bAlternatively,that day was established as the day for a widow to engage in sexual relations bdue tothe fact that the Sages bwere assiduousin seeing to the well-being of Jewish women, bas it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bWhy didthe Sages bsay that a widow is married on Thursday and engages in intercourse on Friday?It is bbecause if you say that she should engage in intercourse on Thursday, on the next daythe groom will bgo toply bhis craft earlyand leave his wife alone. When a man marries a widow, there is no observance of the seven days of rejoicing, whose legal status is like that of a Festival, during which he does not go to work. Therefore, bthe Sages were assiduous in seeing to the well-being of Jewish womenand ensured bthatthe groom brejoice with herfor bthree days: Thursday,the day of the wedding; band Shabbat eve,the day when they engage in sexual relations; band Shabbat. /b, bWhatpractical difference bis there betweenthe two reasons given to engage in relations on Friday, i.e., the bblessingof procreation for man bandthe fact that the Sages bwere assiduous?The Gemara answers: bThere isa practical difference bbetween themin the case of ban idle person,who has no job, in which case the reason of blessing applies and the reason that the Sages were assiduous does not, as no matter what he will not go to work early. bAlternatively,there is a practical difference in the case of ba Festival that occurs on Shabbat eve.There too, the reason of blessing applies but the Sages’ assiduousness does not apply, as one does not work on a Festival.,§ The Gemara cites additional aggadic statements of bar Kappara. bBar Kappara taught: The handiwork of the righteous is greater than the creation of heaven and earth, as with regard to the creation of heaven and earth it is written: “My hand also has laid the foundation of the earth, and My right hand has spanned the heavens”(Isaiah 48:13). There, hand is written in the singular. bWhereas with regard to the handiwork of the righteous it is written: “The place which You have made for Yourself to dwell in, Lord, the Sanctuary, Lord, which your hands have established” (Exodus 15:17).The reference is to the Temple, which is the handiwork of man, and hand is written in the plural., bA certain Babylonian, and his name is Rabbi Ḥiyya, respondedwith a challenge. It is written with regard to creation of the earth: b“And His hands formed the dry land”(Psalms 95:5). The Gemara answers: b“His hand”is the way it bis written.Although the word is vocalized in the plural, it is written in the singular, without the letter iyod /i. bBut isn’t it written: “Formed,”in the plural? Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: The plural is referring to bHis fingers, as it is written: “When I see Your heavens, the work of Your fingers, the moon and stars, which You have established”(Psalms 8:4)., bThe Gemara raises an objection: “The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament proclaims the work of His hands”(Psalms 19:2). The heavens were created by His hands. The Gemara answers that bthisis what the verse bis saying: Who attests to the handiwork of the righteous,that they are performing the will of God? It is bthe heavens. And what isthe avenue through which the heavens do so? It is by means of brainthat falls due to the prayers of the righteous., bBar Kappara taught: What isthe meaning of that which bis written: And you shall have a peg among your weapons [ iazenekha /i]”(Deuteronomy 23:14)? bDo not readit as: bYour weapons [ iazenekha /i]. Rather,read it: bOn your ear [ ioznekha /i],meaning bthat if a person hears an inappropriate matter, /b
43. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

150a. מדוד והבא ואיכא דאמרי שאמרה מאד מאד הביא בלא מדה,(דניאל ד, לג) ורבו יתירה הוספת לי אמר רב יהודה אמר רב ירמיה בר אבא מלמד שרכב על ארי זכר וקשר תנין בראשו לקיים מה שנא' (ירמיהו כז, ו) וגם את חית השדה נתתי לו לעבדו:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big לא ישכור אדם פועלים בשבת ולא יאמר אדם לחבירו לשכור לו פועלים אין מחשיכין על התחום לשכור לו פועלים ולהביא פירות אבל מחשיך הוא לשמור ומביא פירות בידו כלל אמר אבא שאול כל שאני זכאי באמירתו רשאי אני להחשיך עליו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big (פשיטא) מ"ש הוא ומ"ש חבירו אמר רב פפא חבר נכרי מתקיף לה רב אשי אמירה לנכרי שבות,אלא אמר רב אשי אפילו תימא חבירו ישראל הא קמ"ל לא יאמר אדם לחבירו שכור לי פועלים אבל אומר אדם לחבירו הנראה שתעמוד עמי לערב ומתני' מני כרבי יהושע בן קרחה דתניא לא יאמר אדם לחבירו הנראה שתעמוד עמי לערב רבי יהושע בן קרחה אומר אומר אדם לחבירו הנראה שתעמוד עמי לערב,אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן הלכה כרבי יהושע בן קרחה ואמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן מ"ט דרבי יהושע בן קרחה דכתיב (ישעיהו נח, יג) ממצוא חפצך ודבר דבר דיבור אסור הרהור מותר,רמי ליה רב אחא בר רב הונא לרבא מי אמר ר' יוחנן דיבור אסור הרהור מותר אלמא הרהור לאו כדיבור דמי והאמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן בכל מקום מותר להרהר חוץ מבית המרחץ ומבית הכסא שאני התם דבעינן (דברים כג, טו) והיה מחניך קדוש וליכא,הכא נמי כתיב (דברים כג, טו) ולא יראה בך ערות דבר ההוא מיבעי ליה לכדרב יהודה דאמר רב יהודה עכו"ם ערום אסור לקרות קרית שמע כנגדו,מאי איריא עכו"ם אפי' ישראל נמי לא מיבעיא קאמר לא מיבעיא ישראל דאסור אבל עכו"ם כיון דכתיב ביה (יחזקאל כג, כ) אשר בשר חמורים בשרם אימא שפיר דמי קמ"ל,אימא הכי נמי אמר קרא (בראשית ט, כג) וערות אביהם לא ראו,ודיבור מי אסיר והא רב חסדא ורב המנונא דאמרי תרוייהו חשבונות של מצוה מותר לחשבן בשבת וא"ר אלעזר פוסקים צדקה לעניים בשבת וא"ר יעקב בר אידי אמר רבי יוחנן מפקחין פיקוח נפש ופיקוח רבים בשבת והולכין לבתי כנסיות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת,וא"ר שמואל בר נחמני א"ר יוחנן הולכין לטרטיאות ולקרקסאות ולבסילקאות לפקח על עסקי רבים בשבת ותנא דבי מנשה משדכין על התינוקות ליארס בשבת ועל התינוק ללמדו ספר וללמדו אומנות אמר קרא ממצוא חפצך ודבר דבר חפציך אסורים חפצי שמים מותרין,א"ר יהודה אמר שמואל חשבונות של [מלך] ושל מה בכך מותר לחשבן בשבת תנ"ה חשבונות שעברו ושעתידין להיו' אסור לחשבן של) מלך 150a. bMeasure and bringa lot of money, bhas ceased. And some saythat the meaning of the statement is that this nation bsaid: Bring very, very much, without measure. /b,The Gemara cites another verse pertaining to Nebuchadnezzar: b“And surpassing greatness was added unto me”(Daniel 4:33), about which bRav Yehuda saidthat bRav Yirmeya bar Abba said: This teaches thatNebuchadnezzar brode atop a male lion and tied a serpent to its head, fulfilling what was saidof him: b“And the beasts of the field I have also given him to serve him”(Jeremiah 27:6)., strongMISHNA: /strong bA person may not hire workers on Shabbatto work for him after Shabbat because even speaking about weekday matters is prohibited on Shabbat. Similarly, ba person may not tell anotheron Shabbat bto hire workers for him. One may noteven bwait for nightfall atthe edge of bthe Shabbat boundaryin order to leave the boundary immediately after Shabbat bto hire workers for himself or to bring producefrom his field. bBut he may wait for nightfallat the edge of the Shabbat boundary in order bto guardhis produce that is outside the Shabbat boundary, bandhe may then bbring produceback bin his hand,since he did not initially intend to wait at the edge of the boundary for this purpose. bAbba Shaul stated ageneral bprinciple:With regard to banything that I am permitted to discusson Shabbat, bI am permitted to wait for nightfallat the edge of the Shabbat boundary bfor its sake. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The beginning of the mishna taught that one may not hire workers on Shabbat, and one may not tell another to hire workers for him. The Gemara finds this puzzling and states: This is bobvious. What is the difference between him and another?Just as he is prohibited from hiring workers on Shabbat, others are also prohibited from doing so. bRav Pappa said: Anotheris referring to ba gentile. Rav Ashi strongly objects to this:This is itself a prohibition, for btelling a gentileto do something that is prohibited for a Jew on Shabbat violates a brabbinic prohibition. /b, bRather, Rav Ashi said: Even if you saythat it is referring to banother Jew,it can be said that the novel element of this ruling is not the statement itself but what can be derived from it. bThis is what it is teaching us: One may not say to anotherexplicitly on Shabbat: bHire workers for me, but one may say to another: Does it seem that you will join me this evening?This is permitted even though both of them understand that the questioner intends to hire the other person to work for him. bAndin accordance with bwhoseopinion is bthe mishna?It is bin accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa; as it was taughtin a ibaraita /i: bA person may not say to anotheron Shabbat: bDoes it seem that you will join me this evening? Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa says: A person may say to anotheron Shabbat: bDoes it seem that you will join me this evening? /b, bRabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said:The ihalakhais in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa. And Rabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: What is the reason for Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa’sruling? bAs it is writtenin the verse from which we derive the prohibition to speak on Shabbat about activities that one may not perform on that day: “And you shall honor it by not doing your ways, bnor pursuing your business, nor speaking of it”(Isaiah 58:13). We derive from this verse that bspeaking is prohibited,but merely bcontemplatingthese matters bis permitted. /b, bRav Aḥa bar Rav Huna raised a contradiction to Rava: Did Rabbi Yoḥareally bstateas a general principle that bspeaking is prohibited,but bcontemplating is permitted? Consequently,we can derive from here that bcontemplation is not tantamount to speech. But Rabba bar bar Ḥana saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: It is permitted to thinkabout Torah bin any place except for a bathhouse and a bathroom.This statement indicates that contemplation is tantamount to speech, as even thought is prohibited in these locations. The Gemara answers: bIt is different there, forwith regard to Torah bwe needto fulfill the verse: “For the Lord your God walks in the midst of your camp to deliver you and to give your enemies before you; btherefore, your camp shall be sacredso that He see no unseemly thing in you and turn away from you” (Deuteronomy 23:15); bandthe requirement to be sacred is bnotfulfilled if one thinks about Torah while in the bathhouse or bathroom.,The Gemara challenges this: But bhere, too,with regard to a bathhouse and a bathroom, bit is written: “So that He see no unseemly thing [ idavar /i] in you”(Deuteronomy 23:15). We can infer that this prohibits speech [ idibbur /i] but not contemplation. The Gemara answers: bThatverse is not referring to speech. bIt is needed forthe ruling of bRav Yehuda, for Rav Yehuda said: Opposite a naked gentile, it is prohibited to recite iShema /i,as this is included in the prohibition of unseemly things mentioned above.,The Gemara asks: bWhy didRav Yehuda bteachthis prohibition bparticularlywith regard to ba gentile? Evenin the presence of a naked bJew,reciting iShemais balsoprohibited. The Gemara answers: That ruling bis statedemploying the style of: bThere is no need.The Gemara explains: bThere is no needto state this ihalakhawith regard to ba Jew,as it is certainly bprohibitedto recite iShemain the presence of a naked Jew. bHowever,with regard to ba gentile, since it is written about him: “Whose flesh is as the flesh of donkeys”(Ezekiel 23:20), perhaps his flesh is not considered nakedness, and one may bsay that it seems welland permitted. Therefore, Rav Yehuda bteaches usthat it is also prohibited to recite iShemabefore a naked gentile.,The Gemara asks: Why not bsaythat bit is indeed so,that gentile flesh is not considered nakedness? The Gemara rejects this idea: bThe versealready bsaidwith regard to the sons of Noah: “And they walked backward and covered their father’s nakedness, and their faces were turned backward, band they did not see their father’s nakedness”(Genesis 9:23). The verse uses the term nakedness with regard to Noah, who was a gentile.,The Gemara addresses the basis of the ihalakhamentioned above: bAnd is it speakingabout proscribed activities bprohibitedon Shabbat? bBut Rav Ḥisda and Rav Hamnuna both said: It is permitted to make calculations pertaining to a mitzva on Shabbat, and Rabbi Elazar saidthat this means that bone may apportion charity for the poor on Shabbat. And Rabbi Ya’akov bar Idi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One may attend toactivities necessary for bsaving a life or for communal needs on Shabbat, and one may go to a synagogue to attend to communal affairs on Shabbat. /b, bAnd Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said: One may go to theaters [ itarteiot /i], and circus performances [ ikirkesaot /i], and courthouses [ ibasilkaot /i] to attend to communal affairs on Shabbat. Andone of the Sages in bthe school of Menashe taught: One maymake the necessary arrangements to bpair off childrenso that they will bbe betrothed on Shabbat, andone may likewise make arrangements bfor a childby finding someone bto teach himhow to read bbooks and to teach him a craft.If speaking about monetary matters is prohibited on Shabbat, how is it possible to participate in all these activities? The Gemara answers that although speaking about similar things is generally prohibited on Shabbat, it is permitted in these cases because bthe verse said: “Nor pursuing your business, nor speaking of it”(Isaiah 58:13), which indicates that byour businessmatters bare prohibitedto speak of on Shabbat, but bthe business of Heaven,matters which have religious significance, bis permittedto speak of., bRav Yehuda saidthat bShmuel said:With regard to bcalculations of: What is it to you, [ imallakh /i],calculations that are in no way relevant to the person making them, band of: Whatsignificance bdoes it have [ ima bekhakh /i],calculations that do not have any practical significance, it is bpermitted to make them on Shabbat.This bwas also taughtin the iTosefta /i: bCalculationswith regard to matters bthat have passedor bthat will be in the future may not be calculatedon Shabbat. However, with regard to calculations of: bWhat is it to you, /b
44. Augustine, The City of God, 4.31, 6.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

4.31. What says Varro himself, whom we grieve to have found, although not by his own judgment, placing the scenic plays among things divine? When in many passages he is exhorting, like a religious man, to the worship of the gods, does he not in doing so admit that he does not in his own judgment believe those things which he relates that the Roman state has instituted; so that he does not hesitate to affirm that if he were founding a new state, he could enumerate the gods and their names better by the rule of nature? But being born into a nation already ancient, he says that he finds himself bound to accept the traditional names and surnames of the gods, and the histories connected with them, and that his purpose in investigating and publishing these details is to incline the people to worship the gods, and not to despise them. By which words this most acute man sufficiently indicates that he does not publish all things, because they would not only have been contemptible to himself, but would have seemed despicable even to the rabble, unless they had been passed over in silence. I should be thought to conjecture these things, unless he himself, in another passage, had openly said, in speaking of religious rites, that many things are true which it is not only not useful for the common people to know, but that it is expedient that the people should think otherwise, even though falsely, and therefore the Greeks have shut up the religious ceremonies and mysteries in silence, and within walls. In this he no doubt expresses the policy of the so-called wise men by whom states and peoples are ruled. Yet by this crafty device the malign demons are wonderfully delighted, who possess alike the deceivers and the deceived, and from whose tyranny nothing sets free save the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord. The same most acute and learned author also says, that those alone seem to him to have perceived what God is, who have believed Him to be the soul of the world, governing it by design and reason. And by this, it appears, that although he did not attain to the truth - for the true God is not a soul, but the maker and author of the soul - yet if he could have been free to go against the prejudices of custom, he could have confessed and counselled others that the one God ought to be worshipped, who governs the world by design and reason; so that on this subject only this point would remain to be debated with him, that he had called Him a soul, and not rather the creator of the soul. He says, also, that the ancient Romans, for more than a hundred and seventy years, worshipped the gods without an image. And if this custom, he says, could have remained till now, the gods would have been more purely worshipped. In favor of this opinion, he cites as a witness among others the Jewish nation; nor does he hesitate to conclude that passage by saying of those who first consecrated images for the people, that they have both taken away religious fear from their fellow citizens, and increased error, wisely thinking that the gods easily fall into contempt when exhibited under the stolidity of images. But as he does not say they have transmitted error, but that they have increased it, he therefore wishes it to be understood that there was error already when there were no images. Wherefore, when he says they alone have perceived what God is who have believed Him to be the governing soul of the world, and thinks that the rites of religion would have been more purely observed without images, who fails to see how near he has come to the truth? For if he had been able to do anything against so inveterate an error, he would certainly have given it as his opinion both that the one God should be worshipped, and that He should be worshipped without an image; and having so nearly discovered the truth, perhaps he might easily have been put in mind of the mutability of the soul, and might thus have perceived that the true God is that immutable nature which made the soul itself. Since these things are so, whatever ridicule such men have poured in their writings against the plurality of the gods, they have done so rather as compelled by the secret will of God to confess them, than as trying to persuade others. If, therefore, any testimonies are adduced by us from these writings, they are adduced for the confutation of those who are unwilling to consider from how great and maligt a power of the demons the singular sacrifice of the shedding of the most holy blood, and the gift of the imparted Spirit, can set us free. 6.11. Seneca, among the other superstitions of civil theology, also found fault with the sacred things of the Jews, and especially the sabbaths, affirming that they act uselessly in keeping those seventh days, whereby they lose through idleness about the seventh part of their life, and also many things which demand immediate attention are damaged. The Christians, however, who were already most hostile to the Jews, he did not dare to mention, either for praise or blame, lest, if he praised them, he should do so against the ancient custom of his country, or, perhaps, if he should blame them, he should do so against his own will. When he was speaking concerning those Jews, he said, When, meanwhile, the customs of that most accursed nation have gained such strength that they have been now received in all lands, the conquered have given laws to the conquerors. By these words he expresses his astonishment; and, not knowing what the providence of God was leading him to say, subjoins in plain words an opinion by which he showed what he thought about the meaning of those sacred institutions: For, he says, those, however, know the cause of their rites, while the greater part of the people know not why they perform theirs. But concerning the solemnities of the Jews, either why or how far they were instituted by divine authority, and afterwards, in due time, by the same authority taken away from the people of God, to whom the mystery of eternal life was revealed, we have both spoken elsewhere, especially when we were treating against the Manich ans, and also intend to speak in this work in a more suitable place.
45. Epiphanius, Panarion, 30.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

46. Anon., Epistle To Diognetus, 4.1

47. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 101-120, 83-100

100. But in order that we might gain complete information, we ascended to the summit of the neighbouring citadel and looked around us. It is situated in a very lofty spot, and is fortified with many towers, which have been built up to the very top of immense stones, with the object, as we were informed, of
48. Anon., Ijo, 2.168, 2.205

49. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 1521, 316, 1520

50. Papyri, P.Polit.Jud., 8

51. Papyri, Cpj, 2.143



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
abusin el-meleq, papyrus from Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
acts, synagogues, synagogues, asia minor Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
acts, synagogues, synagogues, greece Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
acts, synagogues, synagogues, jerusalem Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
adjudication, synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
akmoneia Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99
alexandria Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99
annaeus seneca, l. (minor) Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183
antipater Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
aphrodisias, inscriptions Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
apollo Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 112, 113
arbel Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263
archisynagogue, synagogue/proseuche Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88, 141
archives, of jewish communities Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99
archives, of rome Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99
aristocrat/aristocracy (upper class) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
arsinoe-crocodilopolis Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
asia minor, inscriptions Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88, 113
asia minor, synagogues Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
asia minor Van der Horst, Studies in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (2014) 145, 159
aster, claudia Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
athens Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 112
augustus, his policy towards the jews Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 448
augustus Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 281
babylonia, babylonian jews Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
babylonia Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
banquet hall (andron) Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
benefactors Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99
berytus Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 107
bible (hebrew bible and/or new testament) Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
blessings, havurot Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
caesarea maritima Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263
caligula gaius casaer Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263
cemetery (tell el-yahoudieh) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
charity Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
christians Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70
chronology/chronological Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
circumcision Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 30
collegia (associations) in the roman empire Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 448
commemoration Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
communal meals Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 252; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 279, 281
community/communities (jewish), egyptian-jewish Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
community/communities (jewish) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 431
cornelius tacitus Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183
cult Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
cyme Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99
defense/defensive Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
delos Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99, 107, 112, 113; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263
diaspora, jewish Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
diaspora, judaism in the diaspora Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
diaspora Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25; Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431, 432
dinner, communal Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
dolabella (p. cornelius), and offerings and sacrifices Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 92
education, applications of, to address historical, religious or social issues Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
education, rabbinic Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
egyptian, jews/jewry Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 431, 432
elephantine temple Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
epigraphy (inscriptions) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
essenes Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 278, 281
ethnography, graeco-roman Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
eucheion Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
exclusion (of members) Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70
faith Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
favors, of caesar Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 92
festival Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
firstfruits Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 92
flogging, in synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
food laws Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70, 113; Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
foreigners, associations of Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70, 99, 107, 112, 113
geography/geographical Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 432
god Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
grace Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
grants, of freedom from billeting, etc. Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 92
halicarnassus Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 107, 112, 113
hasmonean Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
herod Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
hierapolis Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99
iconography of Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 278, 279, 281
jerusalem, second temple Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
jerusalem Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90; Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161; Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62; Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 281
jerusalem temple Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 431, 432
jesus of nazareth Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 278
jew, jewish (ioudaios) Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
jewish rights Van der Horst, Studies in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (2014) 145
jewish state, and caesar, exemptions of Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
jewish state, and caesar Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 92
jews, formal status in the roman empire of Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 448
jews, graeco-roman views of Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
jews, status in the city of rome of Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 448
josephus, on jewish state, decrees of caesar concerning Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
josephus, on jewish state, grants to, by caesar Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 92
josephus Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 278, 279, 281; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 628
joy Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
judaea Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
judaean/jewish Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
judaism, as religio-cultural system Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
judaism, late second temple Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
judaism Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90; Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161; Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
julius caesar, and jews, decrees of c. concerning jewish state Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 92
julius caesar, favors of Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32, 92
julius caesar, his policy towards the jews Isaac, The invention of racism in classical antiquity (2004) 448
jurisdiction (within associations) Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 112
laos Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 107, 113
latin language Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
law, dietary laws Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
legal regulations on associations, greek Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99, 112, 113
legal regulations on associations, roman Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99, 107
loyal/loyalty Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
lucius antonius Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99, 107
mark, synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
martyrdom, martyr, desire Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
martyrdom, martyr, trauma, traumatic experience Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
matthew, synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
meal Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
meals, communal meal Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70, 112, 113
meeting places Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 112, 113
mikdash adam (temple of man) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 431, 432
military Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 431, 432
mishnah, judaism Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
mishnah Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
molestation Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 92
moriah, mt., koinon Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 130
mosaic law Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
name/named/unnamed Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
naucratis Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
nero Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 628
new moon, communal gatherings Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
noah Rojas, The Remains of the Past and the Invention of Archaeology in Roman Anatolia: Interpreters, Traces, Horizons (2019) 208
nome Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
nysa Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 107
octavian, and jewish custom of collecting money Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 92
offering Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
onias community Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
onias temple, building of / foundation Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
onias temple, identity of builder Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
onias temple, importance Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
onias temple Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 432
onomastics Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
pagan, pagans, asia minor Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
pagan, pagans, communal meals Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
pagan, pagans, cyrene Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
pagan, pagans, relationship with jewish community Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
pagan, pagans Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
papyri/papyrology Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
papyrological evidence, jewish communal archive Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
papyrological evidence, proseuche/eucheion Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
parthian Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
parthian territory Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
paul, flogging in synagogue Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
paul, jerusalem Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
petronius arbiter, c. Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183
pharisees Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70
philippi, battle of Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
philippi Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 113
philo, of alexandria Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 278, 279, 281
phoenicians Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99, 107, 112, 113
phratries Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 112
pilgrimage Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
pilgrims/pilgrimage Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431
plinius secundus, c. (maior) Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183
pliny the younger Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 628
plutarch Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183
pompey Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113
pork Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 30
prayer, essenes, communal meals Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
prayers Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 278, 279
priest, priests, abusin el-meleq archives Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88
priests, and their influence Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 278
priests (non-jewish) Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 107
privileges, of octavian Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
proculus, tiberius claudius Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
proselytes Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
proseuche (prayer house), diaspora, black sea region Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
proseuche (prayer house), diaspora, egypt Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88, 140, 141
ptolemy i soter Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 279
purpose-built communal structures Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 278, 279, 281
puteoli Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
quadrupeds, camel Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 30
qumran, communal meals Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
qumran, essenes Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
qumran Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70; Maier and Waldner, Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time (2022) 25
qumran library Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 279
religion within a cultural system' Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90
roman, empire Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 628
roman, law Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 628
roman, period Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424
roman Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 431, 432
roman empire Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
rome Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
sabbateion Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
sabbath, edicts regarding Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 130
sabbath, rituals and practices Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 252
sabbath Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 113; Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 30
sabbath observance Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 278, 281
sacrifices, sardis Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
samaritans Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (2004) 124
sambathic association Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 88, 140
sanctuaries, public Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 112
sardeis Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 99, 107, 112, 113
sardis, edicts Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 113, 130, 141
sardis, jewish community Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
sardis, religion at Neusner Green and Avery-Peck, Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points (2022) 131
scribe Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
sebomenoi Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 140
septuagint, synagogue, septuagint, susannah Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
susannah (book) Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 143
synagogue, building Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 107
synagogue, modern concept Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 70
synagogue Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
synagogues Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 278, 279, 281
syria, relationship of, to judea Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 32
tacitus Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 628
temple, in diaspora Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 92
temple (jerusalem) Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 113
temple (worship) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
temple in jerusalem Goodman, Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays (2006) 62
temple of Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 279
temple tax (half-shekel) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 424, 431, 432
terentius varro, m. Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183
therapeutae, communal meals Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 141
therapeutae Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 278, 279, 281
thiasos Levine, The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years (2005) 130
tiberias Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 263, 278, 279
torah Damm, Religions and Education in Antiquity (2018) 90; Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
trajan Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 628
tullius cicero, m. Price, Finkelberg and Shahar, Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity (2021) 183
tyre Eckhardt, Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (2019) 107, 112
violence, cultural (symbolic) Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
violence, direct Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
violence, structural Dijkstra and Raschle, Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity (2020) 161
worship Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 432
– in roman empire Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36
– travel on Kattan Gribetz et al., Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context (2016) 36