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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7234
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.158-14.159


Βραδὺν δ' ὁρῶν καὶ νωθῆ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν Φασάηλον μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτατον τῶν παίδων ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τῶν πέριξ στρατηγὸν ἀποδείκνυσιν, τῷ δὲ μετ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδῃ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἐπέτρεψεν νέῳ παντάπασιν ὄντι: πεντεκαίδεκα γὰρ ἐγεγόνει μόνα ἔτη.2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age.


βλάπτει δὲ οὐδὲν αὐτὸν ἡ νεότης, ἀλλ' ὢν τὸ φρόνημα γενναῖος ὁ νεανίας ἀφορμὴν εὑρίσκει παραχρῆμα εἰς ἐπίδειξιν τῆς ἀρετῆς. καταλαβὼν γὰρ ̓Εζεκίαν τὸν ἀρχιλῃστὴν τὰ προσεχῆ τῆς Συρίας κατατρέχοντα σὺν μεγάλῳ στίφει, τοῦτον συλλαβὼν κτείνει καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ λῃστῶν.But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him;


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1. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 14.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

14.5. But he found an opportunity that furthered his mad purpose when he was invited by Demetrius to a meeting of the council and was asked about the disposition and intentions of the Jews. He answered:
2. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.103, 12.331, 13.322, 13.324-13.355, 13.357-13.364, 13.373, 13.395-13.397, 13.404, 14.159-14.184, 14.190-14.191, 14.274, 14.385, 14.394-14.395, 14.411-14.417, 14.450, 15.182, 15.243, 15.266-15.267, 15.274-15.275, 15.277, 15.281, 15.288, 15.328, 15.365, 16.4, 16.150-16.159, 16.402, 17.150, 17.173-17.181, 17.188-17.189, 17.191, 17.271-17.288, 17.304, 17.317-17.318, 18.36-18.37, 18.128, 18.252, 19.294, 19.330-19.334, 19.360-19.363, 20.159, 20.200-20.202, 20.216 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.103. Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work. 12.331. And as these epistles were reading, there came other messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten together. 13.322. when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God’s representing to him the countece of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus; 13.324. 2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato’s Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus. 13.325. Now while Antiochus Philometor, and Antiochus who was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against another, and destroying one another’s armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from them; 13.326. but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato’s Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais; 13.327. nor indeed had the kings such a friendship for them, as that they should hope for any advantage from them. Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves deficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off the fight by laziness, and by lying still as long as they can. 13.328. The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. 13.329. And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible. 13.331. for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible. 13.332. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. 13.333. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern. 13.334. 4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; 13.335. and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; 13.336. but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; 13.337. and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy’s intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the Sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey. 13.338. 5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp near to the enemy. 13.339. He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy’s soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy’s soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards; 13.341. in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were giving way; 13.342. but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy’s soldiers acted quite otherwise; 13.343. for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; 13.344. for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country. 13.345. 6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as sacrifices. 13.346. This commandment was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were cannibals, and eat men’s flesh, and might on that account be still more terrified at them upon such a sight. 13.347. And both Strabo and Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere. 13.348. 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; 13.349. but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Aias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos. 13.351. but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra’s generals, happened to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy. 13.352. 2. When Cleopatra heard of her son’s attempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza 13.353. in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. 13.354. But Aias’s counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that “she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; for,” said he, “I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies.” 13.355. This desire of Aias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 13.357. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. 13.358. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. 13.359. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. 13.361. but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander 13.362. who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; 13.363. and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; 13.364. but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo’s temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege. 13.373. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. 13.395. 4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; 13.396. in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; 13.397. in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed. 13.404. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.” So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one. 14.159. But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; 14.161. Now Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority therein. 14.162. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus. 14.163. 3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus’s own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; 14.164. for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus’s gift to them. 14.165. Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, “How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? 14.166. But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; 14.167. for Herod, Antipater’s son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority from thee.” 14.168. 4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. 14.169. Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] 14.171. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. 14.172. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, “O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment: 14.173. but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. 14.174. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.” 14.175. Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas 14.176. for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things will be related by us in their proper places. 14.177. 5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape. 14.178. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons. 14.179. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all. 14.181. but his father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: 14.182. they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance. 14.183. So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing of itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it. 14.184. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it—and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this time. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.274. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 14.385. Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly. 14.394. 1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back Herod. 14.395. Now for Ventidius, he was employed in composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; 14.411. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and Galilee, and Samaria. 14.412. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things. 14.413. 4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, and took certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus; 14.414. and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus’s garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of provisions. 14.415. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela; 14.416. and on the fortieth day after, he came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that ran away. 14.417. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters; 15.182. His character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, who suffered the administration of affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety. 15.266. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. 15.267. 1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now neglected; 15.274. These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. 15.275. It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: 15.277. 2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under; and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their country. 15.281. but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; 15.288. for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy and pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for those common customs of their country, which all the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. 15.328. But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples,— 15.365. 4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure; 16.4. But this law, thus enacted, in order to introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece of insolence of Herod, when he did not act as a king, but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and without any regard to his subjects, did he venture to introduce such a punishment. 16.4. which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. 16.4. yet cannot their father be thought worthy of excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse; 16.151. but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; 16.152. insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same; 16.153. for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; 16.154. and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer of it; 16.155. and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains. 16.156. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored. 16.157. Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like presented to himself. 16.158. But now the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king’s ambition with statues or temples, or any other such performances; 16.159. And this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod’s crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him. 16.402. but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of so great a crime in his older age; 17.173. and he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs. 17.174. He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded ground for accusations; 17.175. and when they were come, he ordered them to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them: “I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king’s death.” 17.176. For that he was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had dedicated to God 17.177. that it therefore was their business to resolve to afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their consent in what he desires, he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never had any king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only. 17.178. He desired therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this is done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody shot with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that he shall not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying, they will make him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges them to do; and that he shall have the honor of a memorable mourning at his funeral. 17.179. So he deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due from them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and begged of them that they would not hinder him of this honorable mourning at his funeral. So they promised him not to transgress his commands. 17.181. ince he took care, when he was departing out of this life, that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies. 17.189. He also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his son, but own brother to Archelaus by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that was coined. 17.191. When he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonus to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by the Romans, thirty-seven. A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above the consideration of what was right; 17.271. 5. There was also Judas, the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great difficulty been caught by Herod. This Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was left there; 17.272. and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries. 17.273. 6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head 17.274. while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many other of the king’s houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey; 17.275. and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon 17.276. and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. 17.277. The royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of their affairs. 17.278. 7. But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design. 17.279. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were very numerous. 17.281. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king’s forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king’s forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod’s government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them. 17.282. But in process of time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot soldiers; 17.283. but the rest of them were affrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king’s troops that were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief. 17.284. Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected at the other’s misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his promise and oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good while afterward. 17.286. 9. As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus’s writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he took the two other legions, (for there were three legions in all belonging to Syria,) and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea. 17.288. and when he had now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais; 17.304. 2. Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making many innovations among them besides, according to his own inclinations; 17.317. 4. When Caesar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed to be king of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his part virtuously. 17.318. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents 18.36. 3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. 18.36. By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it 18.37. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. 18.37. But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also. 18.128. for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: 18.252. and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. 19.294. on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury, that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen down: 19.331. Accordingly, he loved to live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice. 19.332. 4. However, there was a certain man of the Jewish nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. His name was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the king was absent at Caesarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily, and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only to native Jews. 19.333. But the general of Agrippa’s army informed him that Simon had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him; and as he was sitting in the theater, he bid him sit down by him, and said to him with a low and gentle voice, “What is there done in this place that is contrary to the law?” 19.334. But he had nothing to say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled to him than one could have imagined, as esteeming mildness a better quality in a king than anger, and knowing that moderation is more becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him. 19.361. And when Caesar was informed that Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Caesarea had abused him, he was sorry for the first news, and was displeased with the ingratitude of those cities. 19.362. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently to succeed his father in the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him in it by his oath. But those freed-men and friends of his, who had the greatest authority with him, dissuaded him from it, and said that it was a dangerous experiment to permit so large a kingdom to come under the government of so very young a man, and one hardly yet arrived at the years of discretion, who would not be able to take sufficient care of its administration; while the weight of a kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought what they said to be reasonable. 19.363. Accordingly he sent Cuspins Fadus to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom, and paid that respect to the deceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had been at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he determined, in the first place, to send orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste for those abuses they had offered to him that was deceased, and their madness towards his daughters that were still alive; 20.159. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae, and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it. 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; 20.202. nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent. 20.216. 6. Now as many of the Levites, which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing.
3. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.66, 1.169-1.170, 1.203-1.205, 1.208-1.211, 1.282-1.283, 1.291, 1.303-1.307, 1.434, 1.534, 1.537, 1.571, 1.620-1.644, 1.659-1.660, 1.666, 1.668, 2.84, 2.215, 2.252 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.66. And as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel. 1.66. He then called for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them:—“I know well enough that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death; however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands. Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it, whether they will or no.” 1.169. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. 1.203. And at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, with equal authority into Galilee. 1.204. 5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; 1.205. which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod’s commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. 1.208. 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.211. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod. 1.282. 4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; 1.283. and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire goodwill he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. 1.291. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him. 1.303. 1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus. 1.304. 2. But when Herod had reached Sepphoris, in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. 1.305. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards with the rest of his forces. Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: 1.306. when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod’s left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. 1.307. 3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan]; and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. 1.434. and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to Herod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was overfond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod’s provocation was this:—not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod. 1.534. 1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod’s cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had discovered the king’s grand secrets to him, who was the king’s enemy; 1.537. o he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment. 1.571. 2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras’s wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions. 1.621. When this and the other witnesses were introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his father’s feet, he said, “Father, I beseech thee, do notcondemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent.” 1.622. 2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus:—“I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; 1.623. for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: 1.624. but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my dominions. 1.625. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty of; for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness did I do to them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to whom I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal authority while I am alive, and whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three hundred talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father’s deliverer. 1.626. Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me? 1.627. Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to entrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about, lest anyone should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me fromfear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guardian of my body! 1.628. And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons.” 1.629. 3. Upon Herod’s saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the meantime Antipater lifted up his head (for he lay on the ground before his father’s feet) and cried out aloud 1.631. or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror to others. 1.632. Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowest on me, thou madest me an object of envy. 1.633. O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater. Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee. 1.634. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune on either of them: 1.635. but this method of trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture.” 1.636. Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true. 1.637. 4. And now it was that, at the king’s command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and (said he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? 1.638. He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other accusations, and the proofs of them, he left off. 1.639. 5. Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay in silence, and said no more but this:—“God is my witness that I am entirely innocent.” So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot. 1.641. 6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus’s domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maidservant of Julia [Caesar’s wife], whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia’s papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her goodwill to him. 1.642. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. 1.643. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him:—“As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised, when all is accomplished.” 1.644. 7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king’s mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater’s account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes; 1.659. 6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. 1.666. Now, before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the amphitheater at Jericho 1.668. and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. 2.84. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; 2.215. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias. 2.252. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator.
4. New Testament, Acts, 5.27-5.40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5.27. When they had brought them, they set them before the council. The high priest questioned them 5.28. saying, "Didn't we strictly charge you not to teach in this name? Behold, you have filled Jerusalem with your teaching, and intend to bring this man's blood on us. 5.29. But Peter and the apostles answered, "We must obey God rather than men. 5.30. The God of our fathers raised up Jesus, whom you killed, hanging him on a tree. 5.31. God exalted him with his right hand to be a Prince and a Savior, to give repentance to Israel, and remission of sins. 5.32. We are His witnesses of these things; and so also is the Holy Spirit, whom God has given to those who obey him. 5.33. But they, when they heard this, were cut to the heart, and determined to kill them. 5.34. But one stood up in the council, a Pharisee named Gamaliel, a teacher of the law, honored by all the people, and commanded to take the apostles out a little while. 5.35. He said to them, "You men of Israel, be careful concerning these men, what you are about to do. 5.36. For before these days Theudas rose up, making himself out to be somebody; to whom a number of men, about four hundred, joined themselves: who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were dispersed, and came to nothing. 5.37. After this man, Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the enrollment, and drew away some people after him. He also perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered abroad. 5.38. Now I tell you, refrain from these men, and leave them alone. For if this counsel or this work is of men, it will be overthrown. 5.39. But if it is of God, you will not be able to overthrow it, and you would be found even to be fighting against God! 5.40. They agreed with him. Summoning the apostles, they beat them and charged them not to speak in the name of Jesus, and let them go.
5. New Testament, John, 11.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11.47. The chief priests therefore and the Pharisees gathered a council, and said, "What are we doing? For this man does many signs.
6. New Testament, Luke, 22.66 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

22.66. As soon as it was day, the assembly of the elders of the people was gathered together, both chief priests and scribes, and they led him away into their council, saying
7. New Testament, Mark, 14.55 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

14.55. Now the chief priests and the whole council sought witnesses against Jesus to put him to death, and found none.
8. New Testament, Matthew, 26.59 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

26.59. Now the chief priests, the elders, and the whole council sought false testimony against Jesus, that they might put him to death;
9. Palestinian Talmud, Berachot, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

10. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

29a. והשקיף בה שתים ושלש שעות ולא העלוהו,אמאי לא העלוהו והאמר רב יהודה אמר רב טעה בכל הברכות כלן אין מעלין אותו בברכת הצדוקים מעלין אותו חיישינן שמא מין הוא,שאני שמואל הקטן דאיהו תקנה,וניחוש דלמא הדר ביה אמר אביי גמירי טבא לא הוי בישא,ולא והכתיב (יחזקאל יח, כד) ובשוב צדיק מצדקתו ועשה עול ההוא רשע מעיקרו אבל צדיק מעיקרו לא,ולא והא תנן אל תאמין בעצמך עד יום מותך שהרי יוחנן כ"ג שמש בכהונה גדולה שמנים שנה ולבסוף נעשה צדוקי,אמר אביי הוא ינאי הוא יוחנן רבא אמר ינאי לחוד ויוחנן לחוד ינאי רשע מעיקרו ויוחנן צדיק מעיקרו הניחא לאביי אלא לרבא קשיא,אמר לך רבא צדיק מעיקרו נמי דלמא הדר ביה אי הכי אמאי לא אסקוהו,שאני שמואל הקטן דאתחיל בה דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב ואיתימא רבי יהושע בן לוי לא שנו אלא שלא התחיל בה אבל התחיל בה גומרה:,הני שבע דשבתא כנגד מי א"ר חלפתא בן שאול כנגד שבעה קולות שאמר דוד על המים,הני תשע דר"ה כנגד מי א"ר יצחק דמן קרטיגנין כנגד תשעה אזכרות שאמרה חנה בתפלתה דאמר מר בראש השנה נפקדה שרה רחל וחנה,הני עשרים וארבע דתעניתא כנגד מי א"ר חלבו כנגד כ"ד רננות שאמר שלמה בשעה שהכניס ארון לבית קדשי הקדשים אי הכי כל יומא נמי נמרינהו אימת אמרינהו שלמה ביומא דרחמי אנן נמי ביומא דרחמי אמרי להו:,רבי יהושע אומר מעין שמנה עשרה: מאי מעין שמנה עשרה רב אמר מעין כל ברכה וברכה ושמואל אמר הביננו ה' אלהינו לדעת דרכיך ומול את לבבנו ליראתך ותסלח לנו להיות גאולים ורחקנו ממכאובינו ודשננו בנאות ארצך ונפוצותינו מארבע תקבץ והתועים על דעתך ישפטו ועל הרשעים תניף ידיך וישמחו צדיקים בבנין עירך ובתקון היכלך ובצמיחת קרן לדוד עבדך ובעריכת נר לבן ישי משיחך טרם נקרא אתה תענה ברוך אתה ה' שומע תפלה,לייט עלה אביי אמאן דמצלי הביננו,אמר רב נחמן אמר שמואל כל השנה כולה מתפלל אדם הביננו חוץ ממוצאי שבת וממוצאי ימים טובים מפני שצריך לומר הבדלה בחונן הדעת,מתקיף לה רבה בר שמואל ונימרה ברכה רביעית בפני עצמה מי לא תנן ר"ע אומר אומרה ברכה רביעית בפני עצמה ר' אליעזר אומר בהודאה,אטו כל השנה כולה מי עבדינן כר' עקיבא דהשתא נמי נעביד כל השנה כולה מאי טעמא לא עבדינן כר"ע תמני סרי תקון תשסרי לא תקון הכא נמי שבע תקון תמני לא תקון,מתקיף לה מר זוטרא ונכללה מכלל הביננו ה' אלהינו המבדיל בין קדש לחול קשיא:,אמר רב ביבי בר אביי כל השנה כולה מתפלל אדם הביננו חוץ מימות הגשמים מפני שצריך לומר שאלה בברכת השנים מתקיף לה מר זוטרא ונכללה מכלל ודשננו בנאות ארצך ותן טל ומטר,אתי לאטרודי אי הכי הבדלה בחונן הדעת נמי אתי לאטרודי,אמרי התם כיון דאתיא בתחלת צלותא לא מטריד הכא כיון דאתיא באמצע צלותא מטריד,מתקיף לה רב אשי ונימרה בשומע תפלה דא"ר תנחום אמר רב אסי טעה ולא הזכיר גבורות גשמים בתחיית המתים מחזירין אותו שאלה בברכת השנים אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה בשומע תפלה והבדלה בחונן הדעת אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה על הכוס טעה שאני:,גופא א"ר תנחום אמר רב אסי טעה ולא הזכיר גבורות גשמים בתחיית המתים מחזירין אותו שאלה בברכת השנים אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה בשומע תפלה והבדלה בחונן הדעת אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה על הכוס,מיתיבי טעה ולא הזכיר גבורות גשמים בתחיית המתים מחזירין אותו שאלה בברכת השנים מחזירין אותו והבדלה בחונן הדעת אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה על הכוס,ל"ק הא ביחיד הא בצבור,בצבור מ"ט לא משום דשמעה משליח צבור אי הכי האי מפני שיכול לאומרה בשומע תפלה מפני ששומע משליח צבור מיבעי ליה,אלא אידי ואידי ביחיד ול"ק הא דאדכר קודם שומע תפלה 29a. band scrutinized it,in an attempt to remember the blessing for btwo or three hours, and they did not remove himfrom serving as prayer leader.,The Gemara asks: bWhy did they not remove him? Didn’t Rav Yehuda saythat bRav said:One who was serving as the prayer leader before the congregation and berred inreciting bany of the blessings, they do not remove himfrom serving as the prayer leader. However, one who erred while reciting bthe blessing of the heretics they remove him,as bwe suspect that perhaps he is a hereticand intentionally omitted the blessing to avoid cursing himself. Why, then, did they not remove Shmuel HaKatan?,The Gemara answers: bShmuel HaKatan is different because he institutedthis blessing and there is no suspicion of him.,The Gemara continues: bLet us suspectthat bperhaps he reconsideredand, although he had been righteous, he had a change of heart? bAbaye said: We learnedthrough tradition that a bgoodperson bdoes not become wicked. /b,The Gemara challenges this: bAnddoes he bnotbecome wicked? bIsn’t itexplicitly bwritten: “And when the righteous one returns from his righteousness and does wickedlike all of the abominations that the wicked one has done, will he live? All of the righteous deeds that he has done will not be remembered given the treachery that he has carried out, and in his sin that he has transgressed, for these he shall die” (Ezekiel 18:24)? Abaye responds: bThatverse refers to a righteous individual who was binitially wickedand repented, but ultimately returned to his evil ways. bHowever, one who is initially righteousdoes bnotbecome wicked.,The Gemara asks: bAnddoes he bnotbecome wicked? bDidn’t we learnin a mishna: bDo not be sure of yourself until the day you die, as Yoḥa the High Priest served in the High Priesthood for eighty years and ultimately became a Sadducee.Even one who is outstanding in his righteousness can become a heretic., bAbaye responded: He is Yannai he is Yoḥa.In other words, from its inception, the entire Hasmonean dynasty had the same positive attitude toward the Sadducees, and there was no distinction between Yoḥa Hyrcanus and Alexander Yannai. Yoḥa the High Priest had Sadducee leanings from the outset. bRava said: Yannai is distinct and Yoḥa is distinct.They did not share the same position in this regard. bYannai was wicked from the outset and Yoḥa was righteous from the outset.If so, bit works out well according to Abaye’sopinion; bhowever, according to Rava’sopinion, bit is difficult.How could Yoḥa, a righteous individual, have changed and turned wicked?,The Gemara responds: bRavacould have bsaid to you:There is balsoroom for concern bthat one who is righteous from the outset will perhaps reconsiderand turn wicked, as was the case with Yoḥa the High Priest. bIf so,the original question is difficult: bWhy did they not removeShmuel HaKatan from serving as the prayer leader?,The Gemara answers: The case of bShmuel HaKatan is different, as he beganreciting the blessing of the heretics and while reciting it he became confused and forgot the end of the blessing. Consequently, he was not suspected of heretical leanings. Indeed, bRav Yehuda saidthat bRav, and some saythat bRabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, said: They only taughtthat one who errs while reciting the blessing of the heretics is removed in a case bwhere he did not beginreciting bit. Butif he bbeganreciting bit,then we allow him to collect his thoughts band finishreciting bit. /b,To this point, the Gemara discussed allusions to the nineteen blessings that constitute the weekday iAmidaprayer. The Gemara asks: bCorresponding to whatwere bthese sevenblessings bofthe bShabbat iAmidaprayer instituted? The Gemara answers: bRabbi Ḥalafta ben Shaul said: Corresponding to the seven “voices” which David mentioned on the waters;in other words, the seven times that “the voice of God” is mentioned in Psalms 29, which served as the source for the weekday prayer.,The Gemara asks further: bCorresponding to whatwere bthese nineblessings bofthe bRosh HaShanaadditional prayer instituted? bRabbi Yitzḥak of Kartignin said:They bcorrespond to the nine mentions of God’s name that Hannah said in her prayer(I Samuel 2:10). The connection between Hannah’s prayer and Rosh HaShana is based on what bthe Master said: On Rosh HaShana, Sarah, Rachel, and Hannah were rememberedand the divine decree that they would conceive their sons was issued.,The Gemara continues: bCorresponding to whatwere bthese twenty-fourblessings bofthe iAmidaprayer of bthe fastdays instituted? bRabbi Ḥelbo said:They bcorrespond to the twenty-four “songs” that Solomon said when he brought the ark into the Holy of Holiesduring the dedication of the Temple, as there are twenty-four expressions of song, prayer, and supplication there (I Kings 8). The Gemara asks: bIf so, then let us say thesetwenty-four blessing bevery day.The Gemara answers: bWhen did Solomon say them? On a day ofsupplication for bmercy. We, too, say them on a day ofsupplication for bmercy. /b,We learned in the mishna that bRabbi Yehoshua saysthat each day one recites ban abridgedversion of the prayer of beighteen blessings.The Gemara asks: bWhatis the babridgedversion of the prayer of beighteen blessings?There are different opinions. bRav said:One recites ban abridgedversion bof each and every blessing. Shmuel said:An abridged version of the prayer of eighteen blessings refers to a blessing composed specifically to be recited in place of the thirteen middle blessings. It contains references to each of the thirteen middle blessings. The formula for that blessing is: bGrant us understanding, Lord our God, to know Your ways, and sensitize our hearts so that we may revere You, and forgive us so that we may be redeemed, and keep us far from our suffering, and satisfy us with the pastures of Your land, and gather our scatteredpeople bfrom the fourcorners of the earth, band those who go astray shall be judged according to Your will, and raise Your hand against the wicked, and may the righteous rejoice in the rebuilding of Your city, and the restoration of Your Sanctuary, and in the flourishing of Your servant David, and in establishing a light for Your Messiah, son of Yishai. Before we call, may You answer. Blessed are You, Lord, Who listens to prayer.” /b,Although Shmuel mentioned this abridged prayer, bAbaye would curse anyone who recitedthe prayer: bGrant us understanding,as he held that one may recite it only in exigent circumstances (Rabbi Ḥael, iMe’iri /i).,The Gemara further restricts the occasions when one may recite the abridged prayer. bRav Naḥman saidthat bShmuel said: One may recite: Grant us understanding throughout the entire year, except forin the evening prayer at bthe conclusion of Shabbat and at the conclusion of Festivals, because he must recitethe prayer of bdistinction [ ihavdala /i] inthe blessing: bWho graciously grants knowledge. /b, bRabba bar Shmuel strongly objects to this:After reciting the three initial blessings, blet us say ihavdala bas an independent fourth blessing,and afterwards recite the prayer of bGrant us understanding.This is feasible. bDidn’t we learnin a mishna that bRabbi Akiva says: He says ihavdala bas an independent fourth blessing? Rabbi Eliezer says:He says ihavdala binthe blessing of bthanksgiving. /b,The Gemara responds: bDo we practice in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Akiva throughout the entire yearregarding this issue, bthat we will also practicethis way bnow? Throughout the entire year, what is the reason that we do not practice in accordance withthe opinion of bRabbi Akiva?Because bthey instituted eighteenblessings, bthey did not institute nineteen. Here too, they instituted sevenblessings, bthey did not institute eight.Therefore, the possibility to recite ihavdalaas an independent fourth blessing is rejected., bMar Zutra strongly objects to this: Let us include ihavdalain the bframeworkof the abridged blessing: bGrant us understanding, Lord our God, Who distinguishes between sacred and profane.No response was offered to this objection, and it remains bdifficult. /b, bRav Beivai bar Abaye said:There is an additional restriction that applies to the abridged prayer. bOne may recite Grant us understanding throughout the entire year, except during the rainy season, because he must recite the requestfor rain bin the blessing of the years. Mar Zutra strongly objects to this: Let us includethe request for rain in the bframeworkof the abridged blessing: bAnd satisfy us with the pastures of Your land, and grant dew and rain. /b,The Gemara responds: That is unfeasible, as he will bbecome confusedby introducing a new element to the standard formula of the blessing. The Gemara asks: bIf so, byintroducing ihavdalainthe framework of the abridged blessing in the section alluding to the blessing, bWho graciously grants knowledge,he will balso become confused.Why did the Gemara fail to respond to Mar Zutra’s strong objection with regard to ihavdalain that manner?,The Gemara answers: bThey saythat these cases are different: bThere,regarding ihavdala /i, bsincethe introduction of the new element bcomes at the beginning of the prayer, he will notbecome bconfused. Here, sincethe request for rain bcomes in the middle of the prayer, he willbecome bconfused. /b, bRav Ashi strongly objects to this:If so, blet us saythe request for rain binthe framework of the abridged blessing in the section alluding to the blessing bWho listens to prayer. As Rabbi Tanḥum saidthat bRav Asi said: One who erred and did not mention the might of the rainsin the blessing on bthe revival of the dead, we require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. However, one who erred and failed to recite bthe requestfor rain binthe ninth blessing of the iAmida /i, bthe blessing of the years, we do not require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it bbecause he can recite it inthe blessing bWho listens to prayer. Andone who erred and failed to recite ihavdalainthe blessing bWho graciously grants knowledge, we do not require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, bas he can recite ihavdala bover the cupof wine. One can ask for rain in the blessing Who listens to prayer, and, consequently, can introduce it at the end of the abridged blessing without becoming confused. The Gemara responds: bOne who erred is different,and only then does he have the option to ask for rain in the blessing Who listens to prayer. iAb initio /i, the request for rain may not be inserted there.,The statement that Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rav Asi said was incidental to the previous discussion. The Gemara attempts to understand bthe matter itself. Rabbi Tanḥum saidthat bRav Asi said: One who erred and did not mention the might of the rainsin the blessing on bthe revival of the dead, we require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. However, one who erred and failed to recite bthe requestfor rain bin the blessing of the years, we do not require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it bbecause he can recite it inthe blessing bWho listens to prayer. Andone who erred and failed to recite ihavdalainthe blessing bWho graciously grants knowledge, we do not require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, bas he can recite ihavdala bover the cupof wine.,The Gemara braised an objectionbased on what was taught in the iTosefta /i: bOne who erred and did not mention the might of the rainsin the blessing on bthe revival of the dead, we require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. One who erred and failed to recite bthe requestfor rain bin the blessing of the years, we require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. However, one who erred and failed to recite ihavdalainthe blessing bWho graciously grants knowledge, we do not require him to returnto the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, bas he can recite ihavdala bover the cupof wine. The iToseftacontradicts the statement of Rabbi Tanḥum with regard to one who erred and failed to recite the request for rain in the blessing of the years.,The Gemara responds: bThis is not difficult. Thiscase, where we require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, refers to a situation where he is praying bas an individual.While bthatcase, where we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, refers to a situation where he is praying baspart of ba congregation. /b,The Gemara raises a difficulty: When praying baspart of ba congregation, what is the reasonthat he need bnotneed return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it? bBecausehe can fulfill his obligation bwhen he hears it from the communal prayer leaderin the repetition of the iAmidaprayer. bIf so,Rabbi Tanḥum’s formulation is imprecise. bThatwhich he said that he need not return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it bbecause he can recite it inthe blessing: bWho listens to prayer, should have been: Because he hears it from the communal prayer leader.This proves that the attempt to rebuff the challenge from the iToseftato Rabbi Tanḥum was incorrect.,Rather, both bthisstatement of Rabbi Tanḥum band thatstatement in the iToseftarefer to one praying bas an individual, and it is,nevertheless, bnot difficult. Thiscase, where we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, refers to a case where bhe recallshis error bbeforehe reaches the blessing: bWho listens to prayer,in which case he can ask for rain in that blessing.
11. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

55b. ומה טעם אמרו נודעה אינה מכפרת שלא יאמרו מזבח אוכל גזילות,בשלמא לעולא היינו דקתני חטאת אלא לרב יהודה מאי איריא חטאת אפי' עולה נמי,לא מיבעיא קאמר לא מיבעיא עולה דכליל היא אלא אפי' חטאת נמי דחלב ודם הוא דסליק לגבי מזבח ואידך כהנים אכלי ליה אפי' הכי גזור שלא יאמרו מזבח אוכל גזילות,תנן על חטאת הגזולה שלא נודעה לרבים שהיא מכפרת מפני תיקון המזבח בשלמא לעולא ניחא אלא לרב יהודה איפכא מיבעי ליה,הכי נמי קאמר לא נודעה מכפרת נודעה אינה מכפרת מפני תיקון המזבח,מתיב רבא גנב והקדיש ואחר כך טבח ומכר משלם תשלומי כפל ואינו משלם תשלומי ארבעה וחמשה ותני עלה בחוץ כי האי גוונא ענוש כרת ואי אמרת יאוש כדי לא קני כרת מאי עבידתיה,אמר רב שיזבי כרת מדבריהם אחיכו עליה כרת מדבריהם מי איכא אמר להו רבא גברא רבה אמר מילתא לא תחוכו עלה כרת שעל ידי דבריהן באתה לו אוקמוה רבנן ברשותיה כי היכי דליחייב עלה,אמר רבא הא וודאי קא מיבעיא לי כי אוקמוה רבנן ברשותיה משעת גניבה או משעת הקדישה למאי נפקא מינה לגיזותיה וולדותיה מאי הדר אמר רבא מסתברא משעת הקדישה שלא יהא חוטא נשכר:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big לא היה סיקריקון ביהודה בהרוגי מלחמה מהרוגי המלחמה ואילך יש בה סיקריקון כיצד לקח מסיקריקון וחזר ולקח מבעל הבית מקחו בטל מבעל הבית וחזר ולקח מסיקריקון מקחו קיים,לקח מן האיש וחזר ולקח מן האשה מקחו בטל מן האשה וחזר ולקח מן האיש מקחו קיים זו משנה ראשונה,ב"ד של אחריהם אמרו הלוקח מסיקריקון נותן לבעלים רביע אימתי בזמן שאין בידן ליקח אבל יש בידן ליקח הן קודמין לכל אדם,רבי הושיב בית דין ונמנו שאם שהתה בפני סיקריקון שנים עשר חדש כל הקודם ליקח זכה אבל נותן לבעלים רביע:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big השתא בהרוגי המלחמה לא היה בה סיקריקון מהרוגי מלחמה ואילך יש בה סיקריקון,אמר רב יהודה לא דנו בה דין סיקריקון קאמר דאמר רבי אסי ג' גזירות גזרו גזרתא קמייתא כל דלא קטיל ליקטלוהו מציעתא כל דקטיל לייתי ארבע זוזי בתרייתא כל דקטיל ליקטלוהו הלכך קמייתא ומציעתא כיון דקטלי אגב אונסיה גמר ומקני,בתרייתא אמרי האידנא לישקול למחר תבענא ליה בדינא:,אמר רבי יוחנן מאי דכתיב (משלי כח, יד) אשרי אדם מפחד תמיד ומקשה לבו יפול ברעה אקמצא ובר קמצא חרוב ירושלים אתרנגולא ותרנגולתא חרוב טור מלכא אשקא דריספק חרוב ביתר,אקמצא ובר קמצא חרוב ירושלים דההוא גברא דרחמיה קמצא ובעל דבביה בר קמצא עבד סעודתא אמר ליה לשמעיה זיל אייתי לי קמצא אזל אייתי ליה בר קמצא,אתא אשכחיה דהוה יתיב אמר ליה מכדי ההוא גברא בעל דבבא דההוא גברא הוא מאי בעית הכא קום פוק אמר ליה הואיל ואתאי שבקן ויהיבנא לך דמי מה דאכילנא ושתינא 55b. bAnd what is the reasonthat the Sages bsaidthat if bit is knownthat the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, bit does not effect atonement?It is so that people bnot saythat bthe altar consumes stolen property. /b,The Gemara attempts to clarify the two explanations. bGranted,according to the opinion of bUlla,that the concern stems from the fact that the priests will be distraught, bthis is the reason thatthe itanna bteachesthe ihalakhawith regard to ba sin-offering:The priests partake of the meat of a sin-offering. If they find out that they ate an animal that was forbidden to them, i.e., an offering slaughtered counter to ihalakha /i, they are likely to become distraught. bBut according tothe opinion of bRav Yehuda,that the concern is about the honor of the altar, bwhydoes the mishna mention bspecificallythe case of ba sin-offering;shouldn’t the same concern apply to ba burnt-offering, as well,as it too is burned on the alter?,The Gemara answers: The mishna bis speakingutilizing the style of: bIt is not necessary,and the mishna should be understood as follows: bIt is not necessaryto teach the ihalakhain the case of ba burnt-offering, which is entirelyconsumed on the altar. In that case, people will certainly say that the altar consumes stolen property. bBut evenin the case of ba sin-offering, whereonly bthe fat and the blood go upto be consumed bon the altar and the rest is consumed by the priests, even so they issued a decreeand said that the stolen sin-offering does not effect atonement, bsothat people bshould not saythat bthe altar consumes stolen property. /b,The Gemara further clarifies the two understandings: bWe learnedin the mishna: Rabbi Yoḥa ben Gudgeda testified babout a sin-offering thathad been obtained bthrough robberybut bthat is not publicly knownto have been obtained in that manner, and said bthat it effects atonementfor the robber who sacrifices it, bfor the benefit of the altar. Granted, according tothe opinion of bUlla,it bworks out well,as he understands that the Sages instituted that if it was not publicly known that the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, it does effect atonement. bBut according tothe opinion of bRav Yehuda, it should havestated just bthe opposite,namely, that if it was publicly known that the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, it does not effect atonement.,The Gemara answers: bThat is also whatthe mishna bis saying:If bit is not knownthat the sin-offering was obtained through robbery, bit effects atonement,but if this bis known, it does not effect atonement, for the benefit of the altar. /b, bRava raises an objectionfrom what was learned in a mishna ( iBava Kamma74a): If bone stolean animal band consecratedit, band afterward he slaughtered or soldit, bhe pays double paymentlike a thief (see Exodus 22:3), bbut he does not pay fourfold or fivefold payment,as one must ordinarily pay when he slaughters or sells an ox or a sheep that he stole from another person (Exodus 21:37). bAnd it is taughtin a ibaraita bwith regard tothis mishna: If one slaughtered an animal boutsidethe Temple bin a case like this,he is bpunishable by ikaret /ifor having sacrificed an offering outside the Temple. bAnd if you saythat the owner’s bdespairof recovering an item that was stolen from him bdoes not by itselfenable the thief to bacquirethe stolen item, bwhat is the relevance ofmentioning ikaret /i?The punishment of ikaretshould not apply, as the thief cannot consecrate an animal that does not belong to him., bRav Sheizevi said:This means that he is liable to receive ikaretby rabbinic law.Those who heard this blaughed at him. Is theresuch a thing as ikaretby rabbinic law? Rava said to them: A great man has spoken, do not laugh at him.What Rav Sheizevi means is ikaretthat comes to him through the wordsof the Sages, who declared that the thief’s consecration is valid. It is bthe Sageswho bplacedthe animal bin his possession, so that he would become liable for it. /b, bRava said:Although I agree with Rav Sheizevi, bthismatter bis certainly a dilemma for me. When the Sages placedthe animal bin his possession,did they do so bfrom the time of the theft or from the time of the consecration? What is the differencebetween these possibilities? There is a difference bwith regard to its wool and with regard to its offspring.If the animal was placed in his possession from the time of the theft, the wool that it grows and the offspring that it births are his, and he is not required to return them to the animal’s owner. But if the animal becomes his only when he consecrates it, he is required to return them. bWhatis the ihalakha /i? bRava then said,in answer to his own question: bIt stands to reasonthat the Sages placed the animal in his possession bfrom the time of the consecration.This is bso that the sinner not profitfrom his crime. Otherwise, the thief would benefit from the rabbinic decree that was instituted to increase his liability., strongMISHNA: /strong The law of bSicarii [ iSikarikon /i] did notapply bin Judea in thetime that bpeople were being killed in the war. Fromthe time that bpeople were being killed in the war and onward,the law of bSicarii didapply bthere. Whatis this law of Sicarii? If bonefirst bpurchasedland bfrom a Sicarius,who extorted the field from its prior owners with threats, bandafterward the buyer breturned and purchasedthe same field a second time bfrom theprior blandowner, his purchase is void.The prior owner of the field can say that he did not actually mean to sell him the field. By contrast, if he first acquired the field bfrom theprior bowner andafterward bhe returned and purchasedthe same field bfrom a Sicarius, his purchase stands. /b,Similarly, if bonefirst bpurchased from the husbandthe rights to use a field belonging to his wife, bandafterward bhe returned and purchasedthe same field bfrom the wife,so that if the husband were to predecease or divorce her, the purchaser would then own it fully, bhis purchase is void.The woman can claim that she did not wish to quarrel with her husband and to object to the transaction but that in truth she did not agree to the sale. By contrast, if he first acquired the field bfrom the wife, andafterward bhe returned and purchasedthe same field bfrom the husband, his purchase stands. Thisis the binitialversion of this bmishna. /b,Later, bthe court of thosewho came bafterthe Sages who composed that mishna bsaid:With regard to bone who purchaseda field bfrom a Sicarius, he must give theprior bowner one-fourthof the field’s value. bWhendoes this apply? bAt a time whenthe prior owner bis unable to purchasethe field himself. bBut if he is able to purchaseit himself, bhe precedes anyoneelse., bRabbiYehuda HaNasi later bconvened a court, and they countedtheir votes and determined bthat ifthe field bremained before,i.e., in the possession of, bthe Sicariusfor btwelve months, whoever first purchasesthe field bacquires possessionof it, bbut he must give theprior bowner one-fourthof the field’s value., strongGEMARA: /strong The Gemara challenges the mishna’s assertion that the law of Sicarii did not apply in Judea in the time that people were being killed in the war: bNowif binthe time that bpeople were being killed in the war, there were no Sicariistealing land, is it possible that bfromthe time that bpeople were being killed in the war and onward there were Sicarii? /b, bRav Yehuda said:The mishna bis sayingthat in the time that people were being killed in the war bthey did not apply the law of Sicarii,but rather they would confirm the purchases of land made from the Sicarii. The reason for this is in accordance with what bRabbi Asi said:The gentile authorities bissued three decreesduring and in the aftermath of the war that ended in the destruction of the Temple. The bfirst decreewas that banyone who does not killa Jew bshouldhimself bbe killed.The bseconddecree was that banyone who killsa Jew bshould pay four dinarsas a fine. The blastdecree was that banyone who killsa Jew bshouldhimself bbe killed. Therefore,during the time of the bfirst and seconddecrees, the time when people were being killed in the war, bsincethe gentile bwould killJews, then the owner of the field, bowing to the dangerposed to his life, bwould fully transfer ownershipof his field to the Sicarius.,Then, during the time of bthe lastdecree, after the time when people were being killed in the war, anybody whose field was stolen by a Sicarius would bsayto himself: bNow let him takethe field; btomorrow I will claim it from him in court.Although the gentile had the advantage and could force the owner to give him the field, the assumption is that the owner did not fully transfer possession of the field to him, as he thought that he would still be able to recover it in court.,§ Apropos the war that led to the destruction of the Second Temple, the Gemara examines several aspects of the destruction of that Temple in greater detail: bRabbi Yoḥa said: Whatis the meaning of that bwhich is written: “Happy is the man who fears always, but he who hardens his heart shall fall into mischief”(Proverbs 28:14)? bJerusalem was destroyed on account of Kamtza and bar Kamtza.The place known as bthe King’s Mountain was destroyed on account of a rooster and a hen.The city of bBeitar was destroyed on account of a shaft from a chariot [ irispak /i]. /b,The Gemara explains: bJerusalem was destroyed on account of Kamtza and bar Kamtza.This is basthere was ba certain man whose friendwas named bKamtza and whose enemywas named bbar Kamtza. Heonce bmadea large bfeastand bsaid to his servant: Go bring memy friend bKamtza.The servant bwentand mistakenly bbrought himhis enemy bbar Kamtza. /b,The man who was hosting the feast bcame and foundbar Kamtza bsittingat the feast. The host bsaid tobar Kamtza. bThat man is the enemy [ iba’al devava /i] of that man,that is, you are my enemy. bWhatthen bdo you want here? Ariseand bleave.Bar Kamtza bsaid to him: Since I havealready bcome, let me stay and I will give you moneyfor bwhatever I eat and drink.Just do not embarrass me by sending me out.
12. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

107b. בחברון מלך שבע שנים ובירושלים מלך שלשים ושלש שנים וכתיב (שמואל ב ה, ה) בחברון מלך על יהודה שבע שנים וששה חדשים וגו' והני ששה חדשים לא קחשיב ש"מ נצטרע,אמר לפניו רבש"ע מחול לי על אותו עון מחול לך (תהלים פו, יז) עשה עמי אות לטובה ויראו שונאי ויבושו כי אתה ה' עזרתני ונחמתני א"ל בחייך איני מודיע אבל אני מודיע בחיי שלמה בנך,בשעה שבנה שלמה את בית המקדש ביקש להכניס ארון לבית קדשי הקדשים דבקו שערים זה בזה אמר עשרים וארבעה רננות ולא נענה אמר (תהלים כד, ז) שאו שערים ראשיכם והנשאו פתחי עולם ויבא מלך הכבוד מי זה מלך הכבוד ה' עזוז וגבור ה' גבור מלחמה ונאמר (תהלים כד, ט) שאו שערים ראשיכם ושאו פתחי עולם ויבא מלך הכבוד וגו' ולא נענה,כיון שאמר (דברי הימים ב ו, מב) ה' אלהים אל תשב פני משיחך זכרה לחסדי דויד עבדך מיד נענה באותה שעה נהפכו פני שונאי דוד כשולי קדירה וידעו כל ישראל שמחל לו הקב"ה על אותו העון,גחזי דכתיב וילך אלישע דמשק להיכא אזל א"ר יוחנן שהלך להחזיר גחזי בתשובה ולא חזר אמר לו חזור בך אמר לו כך מקובלני ממך החוטא ומחטיא את הרבים אין מספיקין בידו לעשות תשובה,מאי עבד איכא דאמרי אבן שואבת תלה לחטאת ירבעם והעמידה בין שמים לארץ ואיכא דאמרי שם חקק בפיה והיתה מכרזת ואומרת אנכי ולא יהיה לך,וא"ד רבנן דחה מקמיה שנאמר (מלכים ב ו, א) ויאמרו בני הנביאים אל אלישע הנה [נא] המקום אשר אנחנו יושבים שם לפניך צר ממנו מכלל דעד השתא לא הוו (פיישי) [צר],תנו רבנן לעולם תהא שמאל דוחה וימין מקרבת לא כאלישע שדחפו לגחזי בשתי ידים [ולא כרבי יהושע בן פרחיה שדחפו ליש"ו בשתי ידים],גחזי דכתיב (מלכים ב ה, כג) ויאמר נעמן הואל וקח ככרים (ויפצר) [ויפרץ] בו ויצר ככרים כסף וגו' ויאמר אליו אלישע מאין גחזי ויאמר לא הלך עבדך אנה ואנה ויאמר אליו לא לבי הלך כאשר הפך איש מעל מרכבתו לקראתך העת לקחת את הכסף ולקחת בגדים וזיתים וכרמים וצאן ובקר ועבדים ושפחות ומי שקל כולי האי כסף ובגדים הוא דשקל,אמר רבי יצחק באותה שעה היה אלישע יושב ודורש בשמונה שרצים נעמן שר צבא מלך ארם היה מצורע אמרה ליה ההיא רביתא דאישתבאי מארעא ישראל אי אזלת לגבי אלישע מסי לך כי אתא א"ל זיל טבול בירדן א"ל אחוכי קא מחייכת בי אמרי ליה הנהו דהוו בהדיה מאי נפקא לך מינה זיל נסי אזל וטבל בירדנא ואיתסי אתא אייתי ליה כל הני דנקיט לא צבי לקבולי מיניה גחזי איפטר מקמיה אלישע אזל שקל מאי דשקל ואפקיד,כי אתא חזייה אלישע לצרעת דהוה פרחא עילויה רישיה א"ל רשע הגיע עת ליטול שכר שמנה שרצים וצרעת נעמן תדבק בך ובזרעך עד עולם ויצא מלפניו מצורע כשלג: (מלכים ב ז, ג) וארבעה אנשים היו מצורעים פתח השער אמר ר' יוחנן גחזי ושלשה בניו,[הוספה מחסרונות הש"ס: רבי יהושע בן פרחיה מאי הוא כדקטלינהו ינאי מלכא לרבנן אזל רבי יהושע בן פרחיה ויש"ו לאלכסנדריא של מצרים כי הוה שלמא שלח לי' שמעון בן שטח מני ירושלים עיר הקודש ליכי אלכסנדרי' של מצרים אחותי בעלי שרוי בתוכך ואנכי יושבת שוממה,קם אתא ואתרמי ליה ההוא אושפיזא עבדו ליה יקרא טובא אמר כמה יפה אכסניא זו אמר ליה רבי עיניה טרוטות אמר ליה רשע בכך אתה עוסק אפיק ארבע מאה שיפורי ושמתיה,אתא לקמיה כמה זמנין אמר ליה קבלן לא הוי קא משגח ביה יומא חד הוה קא קרי קריאת שמע אתא לקמיה סבר לקבולי אחוי ליה בידיה הוא סבר מידחא דחי ליה אזל זקף לבינתא והשתחוה לה אמר ליה הדר בך אמר ליה כך מקובלני ממך כל החוטא ומחטיא את הרבים אין מספיקין בידו לעשות תשובה ואמר מר יש"ו כישף והסית והדיח את ישראל:],תניא א"ר שמעון בן אלעזר יצר תינוק ואשה תהא שמאל דוחה וימין מקרבת,ת"ר ג' חלאים חלה אלישע אחד שגירה דובים בתינוקות ואחד שדחפו לגחזי בשתי ידים ואחד שמת בו [שנא' (מלכים ב יג, יד) ואלישע חלה את חליו וגו'],עד אברהם לא היה זקנה כל דחזי לאברהם אמר האי יצחק כל דחזי ליצחק אמר האי אברהם בעא אברהם רחמי דליהוי ליה זקנה שנאמר (בראשית כד, א) ואברהם זקן בא בימים עד יעקב לא הוה חולשא בעא רחמי והוה חולשא שנאמר (בראשית מח, א) ויאמר ליוסף הנה אביך חולה עד אלישע לא הוה איניש חליש דמיתפח ואתא אלישע ובעא רחמי ואיתפח שנא' (מלכים ב יג, יד) ואלישע חלה את חליו אשר ימות בו:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big דור המבול אין להם חלק לעוה"ב ואין עומדין בדין שנא' (בראשית ו, ג) לא ידון רוחי באדם לעולם לא דין ולא רוח דור הפלגה אין להם חלק לעולם הבא שנאמר (בראשית יא, ח) ויפץ ה' אותם משם על פני כל הארץ (וכתיב ומשם הפיצם) ויפץ ה' אותם בעוה"ז ומשם הפיצם ה' לעולם הבא אנשי סדום אין להם חלק לעולם הבא שנא' (בראשית יג, יג) ואנשי סדום רעים וחטאים לה' מאד רעים בעולם הזה וחטאים לעולם הבא אבל עומדין בדין,ר' נחמיה אומר אלו ואלו אין עומדין בדין שנאמר (תהלים א, ה) על כן לא יקומו 107b. bin Hebron he reigned seven years, and in Jerusalem he reigned thirty-three years”(I Kings 2:11). bAnd it is written: “In Hebron he reigned over Judah seven years and six monthsand in Jerusalem he reigned for thirty-three years over all Israel and Judah” (II Samuel 5:5). bAnd those six months,the prophet bdid not tallythem as part of the forty years of King David’s reign. bConclude from itthat there were six months that he was not considered king because he bwas afflicted with leprosy. /b,David bsaid before Himafter this: bMaster of the Universe, pardon me for this sin.God said to him: bIt is forgiven for you.David requested: b“Perform on my behalf a sign for good, that they that hate me may see it and be put to shame”(Psalms 86:17); show me a sign in my lifetime so that everyone will know that You have forgiven me. God bsaid to him: In your lifetime I will not makeit bknownthat you were forgiven, bbut I will makeit bknown in the lifetime of your son, Solomon. /b,The Gemara explains: bWhen Solomon built the Templeand bsought to bring the Ark into the Holy of Holies,the bgates clung togetherand could not be opened. Solomon buttered twenty-four songsof praise, bandhis prayer bwas not answered. He said: “Lift up your heads, you gates, and be you lifted up, you everlasting doors, that the King of glory may come in. Who is the King of glory? The Lord strong and mighty, the Lord mighty in battle”(Psalms 24:7–8). bAnd it is stated: “Lift up your heads, you gates, yea, lift them up, you everlasting doors, that the King of glory may come in.Who then is the King of glory? The Lord of hosts; He is the King of glory. Selah” (Psalms 24:9–10), band he was not answered. /b, bOnce he said: “O Lord God, turn not away the face of Your anointed; remember the good deeds of David Your servant”(II Chronicles 6:42), bhe was immediately answered,and the gates opened (II Chronicles 7:1). bAt that moment, the faces of all of David’s enemies turneddark blike thecharred bbottom of a pot. And all of the Jewish people knew that the Holy One, Blessed be He, had forgiven him for that sin,as it was only by David’s merit that Solomon’s prayer was answered.,§ The mishna states that bGehazi,the attendant of Elisha, has no share in the World-to-Come. The Gemara explains that this is bas it is written: And Elisha went to Damascus(see II Kings 8:7). bWhere did he go,and for what purpose? bRabbi Yoḥa says: He went to cause Gehazi to repent, but he did not repent.Elisha bsaid to him: Repent.Gehazi bsaid to him: Thisis the tradition that bI received from you: Whoever sins and causes the masses to sin is not given the opportunity to repent. /b, bWhat did he dothat caused the masses to sin? bThere arethose bwho saythat bhe hung a magnetic rock on Jeroboam’s sin,i.e., on the golden calf that Jeroboam established as an idol, so that bhe suspended it between heaven and earth,i.e., he caused it to hover above the ground. This seemingly miraculous occurrence caused the people to worship it even more devoutly than before. bAnd there arethose bwho say: He engravedthe sacred bnameof God bon its mouth, and it would declare and say: “I amthe Lord your God” (Exodus 20:2), band: “You shall not haveother gods” (Exodus 20:3). The idol would quote the two prohibitions from the Ten Commandments that prohibit idol worship, causing the people to worship it even more devoutly than before., bAnd there arethose bwho say:Gehazi bpushed the Sagesaway bfromcoming bbefore him,i.e., he prevented them from learning from Elisha, bas it is stated: “And the sons of the prophets said to Elisha, behold this place where we are staying before you is too cramped for us”(II Kings 6:1). It may be derived bby inference that until now they were not numerousand the place was not bcrampedfor them, as Gehazi would turn people away., bThe Sages taught: Always have the lefthand bdrivesinners baway and the right drawthem bnear,so that the sinner will not totally despair of atonement. This is bunlike Elisha, who pushed away Gehazi with his two handsand caused him to lose his share in the World-to-Come, band unlike Yehoshua ben Peraḥya, who pushed away Jesus the Nazarene with his two hands. /b,Elisha drove bGehaziaway, bas it is written: “And Naaman said: Be content, take two talents. And he urged him, and bound two talents of silverin two bags, with two changes of garments” (II Kings 5:23). Naaman offered Gehazi payment for the help Elisha had given him. The verse states: b“And Elisha said to him: Where from, Gehazi? And he said: Your servant went nowhere at all. And he said to him: Went not my heart with you, when the man turned back from his chariot to meet you? Is it the time to receive silver and to receive garments, and olive groves, and vineyards, and sheep and cattle, and menservants and maidservants?”(II Kings 5:25–26). The Gemara asks: bAnd didGehazi btake all that? It ismerely bsilver and garments that he took. /b, bRabbi Yitzḥak says:This was the incident involving Gehazi: bAt that moment, Elisha was sitting and teachingthe ihalakhotof the beightimpure bcreeping animals.Now bNaaman, the general of the army of Aram, was a leper. A certain young Jewish woman who had been taken captive from Eretz Yisrael said to him: If you go to Elisha, he will heal you. WhenNaaman bcameto him, Elisha bsaid to him: Go immerse in the Jordan.Naaman bsaid to him: Are you mocking meby suggesting that this will cure me? bThosecompanions bwho were withNaaman bsaid to him: What is the difference to you? Go, tryit. Naaman bwent and immersed in the Jordan and was healed.Naaman bcameand bbrought toElisha ball thoseitems bthat he hadtaken with him from Aram, and Elisha bdid not agree to receivethem bfrom him. Gehazi took leave from before Elishaand bwentand btookfrom Naaman bwhat he took, andhe bdepositedthem., bWhenGehazi bcame, Elisha saw the leprosy that had grown onGehazi’s bhead.Elisha bsaid to him: Wicked one! The time has arrived to takeyour breward forstudying the matter of bthe eight creeping animals.Since the silver Gehazi received was his reward for studying the matter of the eight creeping animals, Elisha enumerated eight items that Gehazi sought to purchase with the silver that he took. Then Elisha said to Gehazi: b“The leprosy of Naaman shall cleave to you and to your seed forever. And he went out of his presence a leper as white as snow”(II Kings 5:27). With regard to the verse: b“And there were four men afflicted with leprosy at the entrance of the gate”(II Kings 7:3), bRabbi Yoḥa says:These were bGehazi and his three sons,as he and his descendants were cursed.,§ bWhat isthe incident involving bYehoshua ben Peraḥya?The Gemara relates: bWhen King Yannai was killing the Sages, Yehoshua ben Peraḥya and Jesus,his student, bwent to Alexandria of Egypt. When there was peacebetween King Yannai and the Sages, bShimon ben Shataḥ senta message btoYehoshua ben Peraḥya: bFrom me, Jerusalem, the holy city, to you, Alexandria of Egypt: My sister, my husband is located among you and I sit desolate.The head of the Sages of Israel is out of the country and Jerusalem requires his return.,Yehoshua ben Peraḥya understood the message, barose, came, and happenedto arrive at ba certain innon the way to Jerusalem. bThey treated him with great honor.Yehoshua ben Peraḥya bsaid: How beautiful is this inn.Jesus, his student, bsaid to him:But bmy teacher, the eyes ofthe innkeeper’s wife bare narrow [ iterutot /i].Yehoshua ben Peraḥya bsaid to him: Wicked one!Do byou involve yourself with regard to thatmatter, the appearance of a married woman? bHe produced four hundred ishofarotand ostracized him. /b,Jesus bcame beforeYehoshua ben Peraḥya bseveral timesand bsaid to him: Accept our,i.e., my, repentance. Yehoshua ben Peraḥya btook no notice of him. One dayYehoshua ben Peraḥya bwas reciting iShema /iand Jesus bcame before himwith the same request. Yehoshua ben Peraḥya bintended to accept hisrequest, and bsignaled him with his handto wait until he completed his prayer. Jesus did not understand the signal and bthought: He is driving me away. He wentand bstood a brickupright to serve as an idol band he bowed to it.Yehoshua ben Peraḥya then bsaid toJesus: bRepent.Jesus bsaid to him: Thisis the tradition that bI received from you: Whoever sins and causes the masses to sin is not given the opportunity to repent. And the Master says: Jesus performed sorcery, incitedJews to engage in idolatry, band led Israel astray.Had Yehoshua ben Peraḥya not caused him to despair of atonement, he would not have taken the path of evil., bIt is taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Shimon ben Elazar says:With regard to the evil binclination,to ba child, andto ba woman, have the lefthand bdrivethem baway and the right drawthem bnear.Total rejection of the evil inclination will lead to inaction, unlike channeling its power in a positive direction. One should not draw them too near, lest they lead him to sin, but one should not drive his wife or his child away completely, lest he cause them to abandon the path of righteousness., bThe Sages taught: Elisha fell ill with three illnesses: Oneillness was due to the fact bthat he incited bears toattack and eat bchildren(see II Kings 2:24–25); band onewas due to the fact bthat he pushed Gehazi away with two handsand caused him to despair of atonement; band onewas the illness bfrom which he died, as it is stated: “And Elisha was fallen ill of his illnessfrom which he was to die” (II Kings 13:14), indicating that he had previously suffered other illnesses.,Apropos the death of Elisha, the Gemara says: bUntilthe time of bAbraham there was no aging,and the old and the young looked the same. bAnyone who saw Abraham said: That is Isaac,and banyone who saw Isaac said: That is Abraham. Abraham prayed for mercy, that he would undergo aging, as it is stated: “And Abraham was old, well stricken in age”(Genesis 24:1). There is no mention of aging before that verse. bUntilthe time of bJacob there was no weakness,i.e., illness. Jacob bprayed for mercy and there was weakness, as it is stated: “And one said to Joseph: Behold, your father is ill”(Genesis 48:1). bUntilthe time of bElisha, there was no ill person who recovered, and Elisha came and prayed for mercy and recovered, as it is stated: “And Elisha was fallen ill of his illness from which he was to die”(II Kings 13:14). That is the first mention of a person who was ill and who did not die from that illness.,mishna The members of bthe generation of the flood have no share in the World-to-Come and will not stand in judgmentat the end of days, bas it is stated: “My soul shall not abide [ iyadon /i] in man forever”(Genesis 6:3); bneitherwill they stand in bjudgment [ idin /i] norshall their bsoulsbe restored to them. The members of bthe generation of the dispersion have no share in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And the Lord scattered them from there upon the face of all the earth”(Genesis 11:8), band it is written: “And from there did the Lord scatter themupon the face of all the earth” (Genesis 11:9). b“And the Lord scattered them”indicates bin this world; “and from there did the Lord scatter them”indicates bfor the World-to-Come. The people of Sodom have no share in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And the men of Sodom were wicked and sinners before the Lord exceedingly”(Genesis 13:13). b“Wicked”indicates bin this world; “and sinners”indicates bfor the World-to-Come. But they will stand in judgmentand they will be sentenced to eternal contempt., bRabbi Neḥemya says:Both bthese,the people of Sodom, band those,the members of the generation of the flood, bwill not stand in judgment, as it is stated: “Therefore the wicked shall not stand /b
13. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

47a. רב ושמואל חד אמר נס וחד אמר נס בתוך נס מאן דאמר נס יער הוה דובים לא הוו מ"ד נס בתוך נס לא יער הוה ולא דובים הוו וליהוי דובים ולא ליהוי יער דבעיתי,אמר רבי חנינא בשביל ארבעים ושנים קרבנות שהקריב בלק מלך מואב הובקעו מישראל ארבעים ושנים ילדים איני,והאמר רב יהודה אמר רב לעולם יעסוק אדם בתורה ובמצות ואע"פ שלא לשמה שמתוך שלא לשמה בא לשמה שבשכר ארבעים ושנים קרבנות שהקריב בלק מלך מואב זכה ויצתה ממנו רות שיצא ממנו שלמה שכתוב ביה (מלכים א ג, ד) אלף עולות יעלה שלמה ואמר רבי יוסי בן חוני רות בתו של עגלון בנו של בלק היתה תאותו מיהא לקללה הוי,(מלכים ב ב, יט) ויאמרו אנשי העיר אל אלישע הנה נא מושב העיר טוב כאשר אדוני רואה וגו' וכי מאחר דמים רעים וארץ משכלת אלא מה טובתה אמר רבי חנין חן מקום על יושביו אמר רבי יוחנן שלשה חינות הן חן מקום על יושביו חן אשה על בעלה חן מקח על מקחו,תנו רבנן שלשה חלאין חלה אלישע אחד שגירה דובים בתינוקות ואחד שדחפו לגחזי בשתי ידים ואחד שמת בו שנאמר (מלכים ב יג, יד) ואלישע חלה את חליו אשר ימות בו,תנו רבנן לעולם תהא שמאל דוחה וימין מקרבת לא כאלישע שדחפו לגחזי בשתי ידיו ולא כיהושע בן פרחיה שדחפו [להנוצרי] (לאחד מתלמידיו) בשתי ידיו,אלישע מאי היא דכתיב (מלכים ב ה, כג) ויאמר נעמן הואל קח ככרים וכתיב ויאמר אליו לא לבי הלך כאשר הפך איש מעל מרכבתו לקראתך העת לקחת את הכסף ולקחת בגדים וזיתים וכרמים וצאן ובקר ועבדים ושפחות,ומי שקיל כולי האי כסף ובגדים הוא דשקיל אמר ר' יצחק באותה שעה היה אלישע עוסק בשמנה שרצים אמר לו רשע הגיע עת ליטול שכר שמנה שרצים וצרעת נעמן תדבק בך ובזרעך לעולם (מלכים ב ז, ג) וארבעה אנשים היו מצורעים אמר רבי יוחנן זה גחזי ושלשת בניו,(מלכים ב ח, ז) וילך אלישע דמשק למה הלך אמר ר' יוחנן שהלך להחזירו לגחזי בתשובה ולא חזר אמר לו חזור בך אמר לו כך מקובלני ממך כל מי שחטא והחטיא את הרבים אין מספיקין בידו לעשות תשובה,מאי עבד איכא דאמרי אבן שואבת תלה לו לחטאת ירבעם והעמידו בין שמים לארץ ואיכא דאמרי שם חקק לה אפומה והיתה אומרת אנכי ולא יהיה לך,ואיכא דאמרי רבנן דחה מקמיה דכתיב (מלכים ב ו, א) ויאמרו בני הנביאים אל אלישע הנה נא המקום אשר אנחנו יושבים שם לפניך צר ממנו מכלל דעד האידנא לא הוה דחיק,יהושע בן פרחיה מאי היא כדהוה קא קטיל ינאי מלכא לרבנן שמעון בן שטח אטמינהו אחתיה ר' יהושע בן פרחיה אזל ערק לאלכסנדריא של מצרים כי הוה שלמא שלח ליה שמעון בן שטח מני ירושלים עיר הקודש לך אלכסנדריא של מצרים אחותי בעלי שרוי בתוכך ואני יושבת שוממה אמר ש"מ הוה ליה שלמא,כי אתא אקלע לההוא אושפיזא קם קמייהו ביקרא שפיר עבדי ליה יקרא טובא יתיב וקא משתבח כמה נאה אכסניא זו א"ל (אחד מתלמידיו) רבי עיניה טרוטות א"ל רשע בכך אתה עוסק אפיק ארבע מאה שפורי ושמתיה כל יומא אתא לקמיה ולא קבליה,יומא חד הוה קרי קרית שמע אתא לקמיה הוה בדעתיה לקבוליה אחוי ליה בידיה סבר מדחא דחי ליה אזל זקף לבינתא פלחא אמר ליה חזור בך א"ל כך מקובלני ממך כל החוטא ומחטיא את הרבים אין מספיקין בידו לעשות תשובה דאמר מר [יש"ו] כישף והסית והדיח והחטיא את ישראל,תניא רבי שמעון בן אלעזר אומר יצר תינוק ואשה תהא שמאל דוחה וימין מקרבת, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big נמצא ההורג עד שלא נערפה העגלה תצא ותרעה בעדר משנערפה העגלה תקבר במקומה שעל ספק באתה מתחילתה כיפרה ספיקה והלכה לה נערפה העגלה ואחר כך נמצא ההורג הרי זה יהרג,עד אחד אומר ראיתי את ההורג ועד אחד אומר לא ראית אשה אומרת ראיתי ואשה אומרת לא ראית היו עורפין עד אחד אומר ראיתי ושנים אומרים לא ראית היו עורפין שנים אומרים ראינו ואחד אומר להן לא ראיתם לא היו עורפין,משרבו הרוצחנין בטלה עגלה ערופה משבא אליעזר בן דינאי ותחינה בן פרישה היה נקרא חזרו לקרותו בן הרצחן,משרבו המנאפים פסקו המים המרים ורבי יוחנן בן זכאי הפסיקן שנאמר (הושע ד, יד) לא אפקוד על בנותיכם כי תזנינה ועל כלותיכם כי תנאפנה כי הם וגו',משמת יוסי בן יועזר איש צרידה ויוסי בן יהודה איש ירושלים בטלו האשכלות שנאמר (מיכה ז, א) אין אשכול לאכול בכורה אותה נפשי יוחנן כהן גדול העביר הודיית המעשר אף הוא בטל את המעוררין ואת הנוקפין 47a. bRav and Shmuelhad a dispute with regard to this episode. bOne saysthere was ba miracle, and one saysthere bwas a miracle within a miracle.The Gemara explains: bThe one who saysthere was ba miracleclaims that bthere wasalready ba forestin that place but bthere were no bears,and the miracle was the appearance of bears. bThe one who saysit was ba miracle within a miracleclaims bthat neither was there a forest nor were there bearsin that area. The Gemara asks with regard to the second opinion: Why was a double miracle required? bAnd let there be bears and no forest;the forest served no role in the story, so why was it created? The Gemara explains: The forest was necessary, basbears bare frightenedto venture into open areas but will attack people in their natural habitat, a forest., bRabbi Ḥanina says: Due to forty-two offerings that Balak, king of Moab, broughtwhen he tried to have Balaam curse the Jewish people, bforty-two children were broken off from Israel,in that incident involving Elisha. The Gemara asks: bIs that so?Was that the reward for his offerings?, bBut didn’t Rav Yehuda saythat bRav says: A person should always engage in Torahstudy bandin performance of bmitzvot, evenif he does so bnot for their own sake, as throughsuch acts performed bnot for their own sake,one will bcometo perform them bfor their own sake.He proves the value of a mitzva done not for its own sake: bAs in reward for the forty-two offerings that Balak, king of Moab, brought, he merited that Ruth descended from him, from whomKing bSolomon descended, about whom it is writtenthat he brought many offerings: b“A thousand burnt-offerings did Solomon offer up”(I Kings 3:4). bAnd Rabbi Yosei ben Ḥonisimilarly bsays: Ruth was the daughter of Eglon, son of Balak.These Sages state that Balak’s reward was to have Ruth descend from him, not that a number of Jewish people perish. The Gemara answers: bHis desire, in any event, was to cursethe Jewish people, and his reward for sacrificing his offerings was that the curse was fulfilled in the incident involving Elisha, as well.,The Gemara returns to discussing the incident involving Elisha: b“And the men of the city said to Elisha: Behold, please, the situation of this city is pleasant, as my lord sees,but the water is bad and the land miscarries” (II Kings 2:19). The Gemara asks: bBut if the water is bad and the land causes women to miscarry, what is pleasantabout bit? Rabbi Ḥanin says: The grace of a place is upon its inhabitants,i.e., people are fond of their hometown despite its shortcomings. bRabbi Yoḥa says: There are three gracesthat have a similar impact: bThe grace of a place upon its inhabitants; the grace of a woman upon her husband,despite her faults; and bthe grace of a purchaseditem bupon its buyer,as one who has bought something views it in a positive light.,§ bThe Sages taught: Elisha fell ill three times. Onewas a punishment bfor incitingthe bbears toattack bthe children; and onewas a punishment bfor pushing Gehaziaway bwith both hands,without leaving him the option to return; band onewas the sickness bfrom which he died, asan expression of illness bis statedthree times in the verse about Elisha: b“And Elisha became sick [ iḥala /i] with his illness [ iḥolyo /i] from which he would die”(II Kings 13:14). The root iḥet /i, ilamed /i, iheh /i, which indicates illness, is used twice in this verse, and it is stated once that Elisha will die., bThe Sages taught: It should always bethe bleft,weaker, hand that bpushesanother away bandthe bright,stronger, hand that bdrawshim bnear.In other words, even when a student is rebuffed, he should be given the opportunity to return. This is bnot like Elisha, who pushed Gehaziaway bwith both hands, and not like Yehoshua ben Peraḥya, who pushed Jesus the Nazarene,one bof his students,away bwith both hands. /b,The Gemara specifies: bWhat wasthat incident with bElisha? As it is written: “And Naaman said: Pray, take talents”(II Kings 5:23). Naaman offered Gehazi payment for the help Elisha had given him, bandwhen the verse recounts Elisha’s words to Gehazi, it bis written: “And he said to him: Did not my heart go, when the man turned back from his chariot to meet you? Is it a time to take money, and to take garments, and olives, and vineyards, and sheep, and oxen, and servants, and maidservants?”(II Kings 5:26). Here Elisha criticizes Gehazi for taking the payment.,The Gemara clarifies the criticism: bAnd did he take all that?But bit wasonly bmoney and garments that he took. Rabbi Yitzḥak says: At that time, Elisha was engaged inthe study of the topic of the beightimpure bcreeping animals. He saidto Gehazi: bWicked one, it is timefor you bto receivenow, in this temporal world, bthe rewardfor studying the topic of the beightimpure bcreeping animals.This is why the verse lists eight items. The Gemara adds parenthetically that Elisha also said to Gehazi: b“And the leprosy of Naaman shall cleave to you and to your descendants forever”(II Kings 5:27), and that the verse later states: b“Now there were four leprous men”(II Kings 7:3), about whom bRabbi Yoḥa says: This isreferring to bGehazi and his three sons. /b,The verse states: b“And Elisha came to Damascus”(II Kings 8:7). The Gemara asks: bFor whatpurpose did bhe gothere? bRabbi Yoḥa says: He went to help Gehazi in repentance, butGehazi bwould notagree to brepentfrom his evil ways. Elisha bsaid to him: Return from yoursins. Gehazi bsaid to him: This isthe tradition that bI received from you: Whoever sins and caused the masses to sin is not given the opportunity to repent. /b,The Gemara asks: bWhat didGehazi bdothat caused the masses to sin? bThere arethose bwho saythat bhe hung a magnetic rock on Jeroboam’s calf,the golden calf that Jeroboam established as an idol, and used a magnet to pull the calf off the ground so that bhe suspended it between heaven and earth,i.e., caused it to hover above the ground. This seemingly miraculous occurrence caused the people to worship it even more devoutly. bAnd there arethose bwho say: He engravedthe sacred bname on its mouth, and it would say: “I amthe Lord your God” band: “You shall not haveother gods” (Exodus 20:2). The idol would quote the two prohibitions from the Ten Commandments against idol worship, causing people to worship it even more devoutly., bAnd there arethose bwho say:Gehazi bpushed the Sagesaway bfromcoming bbefore him,preventing them learning from Elisha, bas it is written,after the aforementioned incident: b“And the sons of the prophets said to Elisha, behold this place where we are staying before you is too cramped for us”(II Kings 6:1). This proves bby inference that until that timethe place bwas not cramped,as Gehazi would turn people away.,The Gemara returns to the incident in which bYehoshua ben Peraḥyaturned away Jesus the Nazarene: bWhat isthis incident? bWhen King Yannai was killing the Sages, Shimon ben Shataḥ was hidden by his sister,Yannai’s wife, while bRabbi Yehoshua ben Peraḥya wentand bfled to Alexandria of Egypt. When peace was madebetween Yannai and the Sages, bShimon ben Shataḥ sent himthe following letter: bFrom myself, Jerusalem the holy city, to you, Alexandria of Egypt. My sister, my husband dwells within you, and I am sitting desolate.Rabbi Yehoshua ben Peraḥya bsaid:I can blearn from it that there is peace,and I can return., bWhen he cameback to Eretz Yisrael, Rabbi Yehoshua barrived at a certain inn.The innkeeper bstood before him, honoring him considerably,and overall bthey accorded him great honor.Rabbi Yehoshua ben Peraḥya then bsat and was praisingthem by saying: bHow beautiful is this inn. Jesus the Nazarene,one of his students, bsaid to him: My teacher,but the beyesof the innkeeper’s wife bare narrow [ iterutot /i].Rabbi Yehoshua ben Peraḥya bsaid to him: Wicked one, is this what you are engaged in,gazing at women? bHe brought out four hundred ishofarotand excommunicated him. Every dayJesus bwould come before him, but he would not accept hiswish to return., bOne day,Rabbi Yehoshua ben Peraḥya bwas reciting iShema /iwhen Jesus bcame before him. He intended to accept himon this occasion, so bhe signaled to him with his handto wait. Jesus bthought he was rejecting himentirely. He therefore bwent and stood up a brickand bworshipped itas an idol. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Peraḥya bsaid to him: Return from yoursins. Jesus bsaid to him: This isthe tradition that bI received from you: Anyone who sins and causes the masses to sin is not given the opportunity to repent.The Gemara explains how he caused the masses to sin: bFor the Master said: Jesus the Nazarene performed sorcery, and he incitedthe masses, band subvertedthe masses, band caused the Jewish people to sin. /b, bIt is taughtin a ibaraitathat bRabbi Shimon ben Elazar says:With regard to the evil binclination,to ba child, andto ba woman, the lefthand bshould reject and the righthand should bwelcome.If one pushes too forcefully, the damage might be irreversible., strongMISHNA: /strong bIf the killer is found before the heifer’s neck was broken,the heifer bshall go out and graze among the herd.It is not considered sacred at all, and it may rejoin the other animals. If the killer is found bfromthe time bwhen the heifer’s neck was broken,even if the rest of the ritual has not yet been performed, it is prohibited to benefit from the animal, despite the killer having been found; it bshould be buried in its place.This is bbecausethe heifer binitially came for uncertainty,as the killer was unknown, and bit atonedfor bits uncertainty and left,i.e., it fulfilled its purpose of bringing atonement and is considered a heifer whose neck is broken in all regards. If bthe heifer’s neck was broken and afterward the killer was found, he is killed.The ritual does not atone for him.,If bone witness says: I saw the killer, and oneother bwitness says: You did not seehim; or if ba woman says: I saw, andanother bwoman says: You did not see, they would break the neckof the heifer, as without clear testimony about the identity of the killer the ritual is performed. Similarly, if bone witness says: I sawthe killer, band twowitnesses bsay: You did not see, they would break the neckof the heifer, as the pair is relied upon. If btwowitnesses bsay: We sawthe killer, band onewitness bsays to them: You did not see, they would not break the neckof the heifer, as there are two witnesses to the identity of the killer.,The mishna further states: bFromthe time bwhen murderers proliferated, theritual of the bheifer whose neck is broken was nullified.The ritual was performed only when the identity of the murderer was completely unknown. Once there were many known murderers, the conditions for the performance of the ritual were no longer present, as the probable identity of the murderer was known. bFromthe time bwhen Eliezer ben Dinai, who wasalso bcalled Teḥina ben Perisha, came, they renamed him: Son of a murderer.This is an example of a publicly known murderer.,The mishna teaches a similar occurrence: bFromthe time bwhen adulterers proliferated,the performance of the ritual of bthe bitter waters was nullified;they would not administer the bitter waters to the isota /i. bAndit was bRabbi Yoḥa ben Zakkaiwho bnullified it, asit bis stated: “I will not punish your daughters when they commit harlotry, nor your daughters-in-law when they commit adultery; for theyconsort with lewd women” (Hosea 4:14), meaning that when the husbands are adulterers, the wives are not punished for their own adultery., bFromthe time bwhen Yosei ben Yo’ezer of Tzereida and Yosei ben Yehuda of Jerusalem died, the clusters ceased,i.e., they were the last of the clusters, as explained in the Gemara, basit bis stated: “There is no cluster to eat; nor first-ripe fig that my soul desires”(Micah 7:1). The mishna continues in the same vein: bYoḥa the High Priest took away the declaration of the tithe.After his time, no one recited the passage about the elimination of tithes that had previously been said at the end of a three-year tithing cycle. bHe also nullifiedthe actions of bthe awakeners and the strikersat the Temple.
14. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

61a. קברי עובדי כוכבים אינן מטמאין באהל שנא' (יחזקאל לד, לא) ואתן צאני צאן מרעיתי אדם אתם אתם קרויין אדם ואין העובדי כוכבים קרויין אדם,מיתיבי (במדבר לא, מ) ונפש אדם ששה עשר אלף משום בהמה,(יונה ד, יא) אשר יש בה הרבה משתים עשרה רבוא אדם אשר לא ידע בין ימינו לשמאלו (ובהמה רבה) משום בהמה,(במדבר לא, יט) כל הורג נפש וכל נוגע בחלל תתחטאו דלמא איקטיל חד מישראל ורבנן לא נפקד ממנו איש ור' שמעון בן יוחי לא נפקד ממנו איש לעבירה,רבינא אמר נהי דמעטינהו קרא מאטמויי באהל דכתיב (במדבר יט, יד) אדם כי ימות באהל ממגע ומשא מי מעטינהו קרא:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אירס את האלמנה ונתמנה להיות כהן גדול יכנוס ומעשה ביהושע בן גמלא שקדש את מרתא בת ביתוס ומנהו המלך להיות כה"ג וכנסה שומרת יבם שנפלה לפני כהן הדיוט ונתמנה להיות כה"ג אע"פ שעשה בה מאמר הרי זה לא יכנוס:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר מנין שאם אירס את האלמנה ונתמנה להיות כהן גדול שיכנוס ת"ל (ויקרא כא, יד) יקח אשה א"ה שומרת יבם נמי אשה ולא יבמה:,מעשה ביהושע וכו': מנהו אין נתמנה לא אמר רב יוסף קטיר קחזינא הכא דאמר רב אסי תרקבא דדינרי עיילה ליה מרתא בת ביתוס לינאי מלכא עד דמוקי ליה ליהושע בן גמלא בכהני רברבי:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big כהן גדול שמת אחיו חולץ ולא מייבם:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big קא פסיק ותני לא שנא מן האירוסין ולא שנא מן הנשואין בשלמא מן הנשואין עשה ולא תעשה הוא ואין עשה דוחה ל"ת ועשה אלא מן האירוסין יבא עשה וידחה את לא תעשה,גזירה ביאה ראשונה אטו ביאה שניה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big כהן הדיוט לא ישא אילונית אלא א"כ יש לו אשה ובנים רבי יהודה אומר אע"פ שיש לו אשה ובנים לא ישא אילונית שהיא זונה האמורה בתורה וחכמים אומרים אין זונה אלא גיורת ומשוחררת ושנבעלה בעילת זנות:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big א"ל ריש גלותא לרב הונא מ"ט משום פריה ורביה אפריה ורביה כהנים הוא דמפקדי וישראל לא מפקדי אמר ליה משום דקא בעי למיתני סיפא רבי יהודה אומר אע"פ שיש לו אשה 61a. bThe graves of gentiles do not renderitems bimpure though a tent, as it is stated: “And you My sheep, the sheep of My pasture, are men [ iadam /i]”(Ezekiel 34:31), from which it is derived that byou,the Jewish people, bare called men [ iadam /i] but gentiles are not called men [ iadam /i].Since the Torah introduces the ihalakhaof ritual impurity of a tent with the words: “When a man [ iadam /i] dies in a tent” (Numbers 19:14), this ihalakhaapplies only to corpses of Jews but not those of gentiles.,The Gemara braises an objectionbased upon the verse with regard to captives taken during the war against Midian: b“And the persons [ inefesh adam /i] were sixteen thousand”(Numbers 31:40), which indicates that gentiles are also referred to as iadam /i. The Gemara answers: They are given this title bdue tothe need to distinguish the people taken captive from the banimalsthat were taken as spoils of war.,The Gemara raises another difficulty based upon a verse with regard to the city of Nineveh: b“Wherein are more than one hundred and twenty thousand men [ iadam /i] that cannot discern between their right hand and their left hand, and also much cattle”(Jonah 4:11). The Gemara answers: There, too, the gentiles are given this title bdue tothe need to distinguish them from the banimalsmentioned in the verse.,The Gemara continues to question Rabbi Shimon’s ruling based upon a verse pertaining to the war against Midian: b“Whoever has killed anyone, and whoever has touched any slain, purify yourselves”(Numbers 31:19). This indicates that gentile corpses convey ritual impurity. The Gemara answers: bPerhaps a Jew was killed,and the concern was for impurity caused by his corpse. bAnd the Rabbisreply that the verse attests: b“Not one man of us is missing”(Numbers 31:49). No Jewish soldiers fell in battle, and therefore the concern for impurity must have been due to the corpses of gentiles. bAnd Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥairesponds: The intent of that verse is that bnot one man of us is missingdue to btransgression,i.e., none of them sinned., bRavina saidthat the explanation above is unnecessary: bGranted, the verse excludedgentiles bfrom renderingitems bimpure through a tent, as it is written: “When a man [ iadam /i] dies in a tent”(Numbers 19:14); but bdid the verse exclude them fromrendering items impure via btouching and carrying?Since gentile corpses convey impurity in these ways, they could have rendered impure the Jews involved in the war with Midian, even according to Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai., strongMISHNA: /strong If a priest bbetrothed a widow and wassubsequently bappointed to be High Priest, he may marryher. bAndthere was ban incident with Yehoshua ben Gamla, who betrothed Marta bat Baitos,a widow, band the kingsubsequently bappointed him to be High Priest, andhe nevertheless bmarried her.Conversely, in the case of ba widow waiting for her iyavamwho happened before a common priest,i.e., the priest was her iyavam /i, band he wassubsequently bappointed to be High Priest,then beven if hehad already bperformed levirate betrothal with her, he may not marry her,because she is a widow., strongGEMARA: /strong bThe Sages taught: From whereis it derived bthat ifa priest bbetrothed a widow and wassubsequently bappointed to be High Priest, that he may marryher? bThe verse states: “Shall he take for a wife”(Leviticus 21:14), an inclusive phrase that indicates that he may marry her in this situation despite the general prohibition for a High Priest to marry a widow. The Gemara asks: bIf so, a widow waiting for her iyavam /ishould balsobe permitted to a High Priest. The Gemara answers: The word b“wife”indicates that this does bnotinclude ba iyevama /i,who was not initially his wife but his brother’s.,The mishna related ban incident with Yehoshuaben Gamla. The Gemara notes that the mishna states that the king bappointed him, yes,but bnotthat he bwasworthy of being bappointed. Rav Yosef said: I see a conspiracy here,as this was clearly not a proper appointment by the priests and the Sanhedrin but rather a political appointment, bas Rav Asi said: Marta bat Baitos broughta vessel the size of ba half- ise’a[ itarkav /i]full bof dinars to King Yannai until he appointed Yehoshua ben Gamla High Priest. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong bA High Priest whose brother diedwithout children bperforms iḥalitzaand he does not perform levirate marriage,as he may not marry a widow., strongGEMARA: /strong The Gemara comments: The mishna bteachesthis ihalakha bcategorically,indicating that bit is no differentif she is his brother’s widow bfrom betrothal, and it is no differentif she is his widow bfrom marriage.The Gemara analyzes this ihalakha /i: bGranted,she is forbidden to him if she was widowed bfrom marriage, as,if he were to marry her, bitwould be a violation of both the bpositive mitzvathat the High Priest marry a virgin bandthe bprohibitionfor him to marry a widow. bAnd a positive mitzva,i.e., levirate marriage, bdoes not override a prohibition and a positivemitzva together. bHowever,if she was a widow bfrom betrothaland is therefore still a virgin, bthe positive mitzvaof levirate marriage bshould come and override the prohibitionfor a High Priest to marry a widow.,The Gemara answers: By Torah law, levirate marriage is permitted in this case. However, there is a rabbinic bdecreeprohibiting their bfirstact of bintercourse due totheir bsecondact of bintercourse.After they have engaged in intercourse once, they have fulfilled the mitzva of levirate marriage, and any subsequent act of intercourse would constitute a violation of the prohibition without the fulfillment of a mitzva., strongMISHNA: /strong bA common priest may not marry a sexually underdeveloped woman [ iaylonit /i],who is incapable of bearing children, bunless healready bhas a wife and children. Rabbi Yehuda says: Evenif bhe has a wife and children, he may not marry a sexually underdeveloped woman, as she is the izona /iabout whom it is bstated in the Torahthat a priest may not marry her. Intercourse with her is considered a licentious act because she is incapable of bearing children. bAnd the Rabbis say: The onlywomen in the category of izona /i,who are therefore forbidden to a priest, are ba female convert, a freedmaidservant, bandany woman bwho engaged in licentious sexual intercoursewith a man she is prohibited from marrying., strongGEMARA: /strong bThe Exilarch said to Rav Huna: What is the reasonfor the ihalakhathat a priest may not marry a sexually underdeveloped woman? It is bbecausehe is obligated to fulfill the mitzva to bbe fruitful and multiply. Is itonly bpriests who were commanded to be fruitful and multiply, but Israelites were not commanded?Why does the mishna specify that a priest may not marry a sexually underdeveloped woman? Rav Huna bsaid to him:This ihalakhadoes in fact apply even to Israelites, and the itannamentions priests bbecause he wants to teachit in a way that would parallel bthe latter clauseof the mishna, which states that bRabbi Yehuda says: Evenif bhe has a wife /b
15. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

18a. ומאי ארבע או חמש לרבנן דאמרי נכנס נוטל שש ויוצא נוטל שש ושכר הגפת דלתות לא משתים עשרה בעי מיפלג בציר חדא מפלגא חמש שקיל,לר' יהודה דאמר נכנס נוטל שבע שתים בשכר הגפת דלתות ויוצא נוטל חמש מעשר בעי מיפלג בציר חדא מפלגא ושקיל ארבע,רבא אמר כולה רבי היא וסבר לה כר' יהודה ואלא מאי ארבע הא חמש בעי למשקל,לא קשיא הא דאיכא משמר המתעכב הא דליכא משמר המתעכב,אי איכא משמר המתעכב משמנה בעי למפלג ושקיל ארבע אי ליכא משמר המתעכב מעשר בעי למפלג ושקיל חמש,אי הכי מאי רבי אומר לעולם חמש קשיא, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big מסרו לו זקנים מזקני בית דין וקורין לפניו בסדר היום ואומרים לו אישי כהן גדול קרא אתה בפיך שמא שכחת או שמא לא למדת ערב יום כפורים שחרית מעמידין אותו בשער מזרח ומעבירין לפניו פרים ואילים וכבשים כדי שיהא מכיר ורגיל בעבודה כל שבעת הימים לא היו מונעין ממנו מאכל ומשתה ערב יוה"כ עם חשיכה לא היו מניחין אותו לאכול הרבה מפני שהמאכל מביא את השינה, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big בשלמא שמא שכח לחיי אלא שמא לא למד מי מוקמינן כי האי גוונא,והתניא (ויקרא כא, י) והכהן הגדול מאחיו שיהא גדול מאחיו בכח בנוי בחכמה ובעושר אחרים אומרים מנין שאם אין לו שאחיו הכהנים מגדלין אותו ת"ל והכהן הגדול מאחיו גדלהו משל אחיו,אמר רב יוסף לא קשיא כאן במקדש ראשון כאן במקדש שני דאמר ר' אסי תרקבא דדינרי עיילא ליה מרתא בת בייתוס לינאי מלכא על דאוקמיה ליהושע בן גמלא בכהני רברבי,ערב יום הכפורים שחרית וכו' תנא אף השעירים ותנא דידן מאי טעמא לא תנא שעירים כיון דעל חטא קא אתו חלשא דעתיה,אי הכי פר נמי על חטא הוא דאתי פר כיון דעליו ועל אחיו הכהנים הוא דאתי באחיו הכהנים אי איכא איניש דאית ביה מילתא מידע ידע ליה ומהדר ליה בתשובה בכולהו ישראל לא ידע,אמר רבינא היינו דאמרי אינשי אי בר אחתיך דיילא הוי חזי בשוקא קמיה לא תחליף,כל שבעת הימים לא היו מונעין וכו' תניא רבי יהודה בן נקוסא אומר מאכילין אותו סלתות וביצים כדי למסמסו אמרו לו כל שכן שאתה מביאו לידי חימום,תניא סומכוס אמר משום ר' מאיר אין מאכילין אותו לא אב"י ואמרי לה לא אבב"י ויש אומרים אף לא יין לבן לא אב"י לא אתרוג ולא ביצים ולא יין ישן ואמרי לה לא אבב"י לא אתרוג ולא ביצים ולא בשר שמן ולא יין ישן ויש אומרים אף לא יין לבן מפני שהיין לבן מביא את האדם לידי טומאה,תנו רבנן זב תולין לו במאכל וכל מיני מאכל אלעזר בן פנחס אומר משום רבי יהודה בן בתירא אין מאכילין אותו לא חגב"י ולא גב"ם ולא כל דברים המביאין לידי טומאה לא חגב"י לא חלב ולא גבינה ולא ביצה ולא יין ולא גב"ם מי גריסין של פול ובשר שמן ומרייס,ולא כל דברים המביאין לידי טומאה לאתויי מאי לאתויי הא דת"ר חמשה דברים מביאים את האדם לידי טומאה ואלו הן השום 18a. bAnd whatis the meaning of bfour or five;i.e., when does the High Priest take four loaves and when does he take five? According bto the Rabbis, who say:The priestly watch that is bincomingon Shabbat btakes sixof the loaves, bandthe boutgoingwatch btakes six, andthe incoming watch receives bnogreater portion as bpayment for closing the doors,it is bfrom twelveloaves that the High Priest bmust divideand take his share, but he receives bhalfof the loaves bless one,meaning that bhe takes five.According to the Rabbis, the High Priest receives less than half; however, since it is inappropriate to give him a piece of a loaf, less than half is five whole loaves.,According bto Rabbi Yehuda, who said:The priestly watch that is bincomingon Shabbat btakes sevenof the loaves, btwoof which bare payment for closing the doors;and the boutgoingwatch btakes fiveloaves, it is bfrom tenthat bhe must dividethe loaves. Those two of the twelve loaves are a separate payment and are not factored into the tally of those designated for distribution. bSubtract one from halfof that total, as subtracting less than one loaf would lead to a situation where the High Priest receives a piece of a loaf, which is inappropriate. bAndtherefore, the High Priest btakes four. /b, bRava saidthat the ibaraitashould be explained differently. The bentire ibaraita bisin accordance with the opinion of bRabbiYehuda HaNasi, band he holdsin accordance with the opinion of bRabbi Yehudathat only ten loaves are divided. bRather, whatthen is the meaning of the statement that the High Priest takes bfourloaves? According to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, bdoesn’t he need to take five? /b,The Gemara answers: This is bnot difficult. This ihalakhathat the High Priest takes four loaves is in a case bwhere there is a watch that is detained.When the start of a Festival occurs on a Sunday night and one of the priestly watches was forced to arrive before Shabbat to ensure that they would arrive in time for the Festival; or, alternatively, if the Festival ended on a Thursday and one of the priestly watches was detained until the conclusion of Shabbat and only then departed, that priestly watch takes two loaves. bThat ihalakhathat the High Priest takes five loaves is in a case bwhere there is not a watch that is detained,and the shewbread in divided only between the watch that concludes its service that Shabbat and the watch that begins its service that Shabbat., bIf there is a watch that is detained,that detained watch takes two loaves, and the outgoing watch takes two loaves as payment for closing the doors. Therefore, it is bfrom eightthat the High Priest bmust dividethe loaves, and he btakes four. If there is not a watch that is detained,it is bfrom tenthat bhe must dividethe loaves and the High Priest btakes five. /b,The Gemara asks: bIf so,that even the middle statement of the ibaraitais attributed to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi and it is referring to a watch that is detained, bwhatis the meaning of the last clause in the ibaraita /i: bRabbiYehuda HaNasi bsays:The High Priest balwaystakes bfiveloaves? That statement indicates that Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi disagrees with the middle clause, while according to Rava’s interpretation Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi concedes that in certain circumstances the High Priest takes only four loaves. The Gemara concludes: Indeed, it is bdifficultto reconcile Rava’s interpretation with the language of the ibaraita /i., strongMISHNA: /strong The Sages bprovidedthe High Priest bwith Eldersselected bfrom the Elders of the court, and theywould bread before him the orderof the service bof the dayof Yom Kippur. bAnd theywould bsay to him: My Master, High Priest. Readthe order of the service bwith your own mouth,as bperhaps you forgotthis reading bor perhaps you did not learnto read. bOn Yom Kippur evein the bmorning,the Elders bstand him atthe beastern gateof the courtyard band pass before him bulls and rams and sheep so that he will be familiarwith the animals bandgrow baccustomed to the service,as these were the animals sacrificed on Yom Kippur. Throughout ball the seven daysthat the High Priest was in the iParhedrinchamber, bthey would not withhold from himany bfood or drinkthat he desired. However, bon Yom Kippur eve at nightfall, they would not allow him to eat a great deal because food induces sleepand they did not allow him to sleep, as will be explained., strongGEMARA: /strong The Gemara wonders about the depiction in the mishna of the Elders questioning the High Priest as to whether he forgot this reading or perhaps did not learn to read. bGranted, perhaps he forgot,that is bfine,as it is conceivable that he is not accustomed to reading the Torah and might have forgotten this portion. bHowever,is it conceivable that bperhapsthe High Priest bdid not learnto read? bDo we appointa High Priest bof that sortwho never learned the Bible?, bBut wasn’t it taughtin a ibaraitathat it is stated: b“And the priest who is greater than his brethren”(Leviticus 21:10); this teaches bthat hemust bbe greater than hispriestly bbrethren in strength, in beauty, in wisdom, and in wealth. iAḥerimsay:Wealth is not a prerequisite for selecting a High Priest, but bfrom whereis it derived bthat if he does not haveproperty of his own bthat his brethren the priests elevate himand render him wealthy from their own property? bThe verse states: “And the priest who is greater [ ihaggadol /i] than his brethren”; elevate him [ igaddelehu /i] fromthe property bof his brethren.In any event, there is a consensus that wisdom is a prerequisite for his selection., bRav Yosef said:This is bnot difficult. There,the ibaraitathat lists wisdom among the attributes of the High Priest is referring to bthe First Temple,where this ihalakhawas observed and the High Priests possessed those attributes listed. bHere,the mishna is referring to bthe Second Temple,where this ihalakhawas not observed, so a situation where the High Priest was not well-versed in the Bible was conceivable. bAs Rav Asi said:The wealthy bMarta, daughter of Baitos, brought a half- ise’aof dinars in to King Yannai forthe fact bthat he appointed Yehoshua ben Gamla as High Priest.This is an example of the appointment of High Priests by means of bribery and gifts. Since that was the practice, a totally ignorant High Priest could have been appointed.,§ It was taught in the mishna: bOn Yom Kippur evein the bmorning,the elders pass different animals before the High Priest. A itanna btaughtin the iTosefta /i: bEven goatswere brought before him. The Gemara asks: bAnd the itanna /iof bourmishna, bwhat is the reasonthat bhe did not teachthat bgoatswere among the animals that passed before the High Priest? The Gemara answers: bSincegoats bcomeas atonement bfor sins,passing them before the High Priest will evoke transgressions and he will bbecome distraught. /b,The Gemara asks: bIf so, a bullshould not be passed before him, bas it too comesto atone bfor sin.The Gemara answers that there is a difference in the case of ba bull, sinceit is to atone bfor hissins band forthe sins of bhis brethren the priests that it comes; among his brethren the priests, if there is a person who has asinful bmatter,the High Priest bwould knowabout it bandlead bhim back tothe path of righteousness bthrough repentance.Therefore, passing a bull before the High Priest will not render him distraught, as it will merely remind him of his responsibility toward his priestly brethren. On the other hand, bwith regard to the entire Jewish people, he does not knowof their sinful matters and is unable to facilitate their repentance. Passing goats before the High Priest will evoke their sins as well as his inability to correct the situation, leaving him distraught.,Apropos the High Priest being privy to the sinful behavior of his fellow priests, bRavina saidthat bthisexplains the folk saying bthat people say: Ifthe beloved bson of yourbeloved bsister becomes a policeman [ idayyala /i], seeto it that bin the marketplace you do not pass before him.Be wary of him because he knows your sins.,§ We learned in the mishna: Throughout ball the seven daysthat the High Priest was in the iParhedrinchamber, bthey would not withholdfrom him any food or drink that he desired. bIt was taughtin a ibaraita /i: bRabbi Yehuda ben Nekosa says:On Yom Kippur eve bthey feed him fine flour and eggs in order to loosen hisbowels, so that he will not need to relieve himself on Yom Kippur. bThey said toRabbi Yehuda ben Nekosa: In feeding him those foods, ball the more so that you bring him to a state of arousal.Feeding him those foods is antithetical to the efforts to prevent the High Priest from becoming impure, as they are liable to cause him to experience a seminal emission., bIt was taughtin a ibaraitathat bSumakhos said in the name of Rabbi Meir: One does not feed himfoods represented by the acrostic: iAlef /i, ibeit /i, iyod /i; and some saythat one does bnotfeed him foods represented by the acrostic: iAlef /i, ibeit /i, ibeit /i, iyod /i; and some say neitherdoes one feed him bwhite wine.The Gemara elaborates: bNot ialef /i, ibeit /i, iyod /imeans bneither ietrog /i, nor eggs [ ibeitzim /i], nor old wine [ iyayin /i]. And some say: Not ialef /i, ibeit /i, ibeit /i, iyod /imeans bneither ietrog /i, nor eggs [ ibeitzim /i], nor fatty meat [ ibasar /i], nor old wine [ iyayin /i]. And some say neitherdoes one feed him bwhite wine because white wine bringsa bman tothe bimpurityof a seminal emission.,Similarly, bthe Sages taught:If a man experienced an emission that could render him ba izav /i, one attributesthe emission not to his being a izavbut perhaps to a different cause, e.g., bto food, or to all kinds of food,i.e., he may have eaten too much food, which could have caused the emission. bElazar ben Pineḥas says in the name of Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira:During the days that a izavis examining himself to determine whether or not he is impure, bone feeds him neitherfoods represented by the acrostic: iḤet /i, igimmel /i, ibeit /i, iyod /i, norfoods represented by the acrostic: iGimmel /i, ibeit /i, imem /i, nor anyfood bitems thatmight bbring him to impuritycaused by an emission. The Gemara explains: bNot iḥet /i, igimmel /i, ibeit /i, iyod /imeans bneither milk [ iḥalav /i], nor cheese [ igevina /i], nor egg [ ibeitza /i], nor wine [ iyayin /i]. And not igimmel /i, ibeit /i, imem /imeans bneither soup of pounded beans [ imei gerisin /i], nor fatty meat [ ibasar /i], norsmall bfishpickled bin brine [ imuryas /i]. /b,The Gemara asks about the phrase: bNor anyfood bitems thatmight bbring him to impurity; what does itcome bto include? Itcomes bto include that which the Sages taught: Fivefood bitems bringa bman toa state of bimpuritydue to emission. bAnd these are: Garlic, /b
16. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 301

301. Three days later Demetrius took the men and passing along the sea-wall, seven stadia long, to the island, crossed the bridge and made for the northern districts of Pharos. There he assembled them in a house, which had been built upon the sea-shore, of great beauty and in a secluded situation, and invited them to carry out the work of translation, since everything that they needed for the purpose


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
agrippa i Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 120; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
agrippa ii Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 120; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16, 19
alexander jannaeus Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
alexandria Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
antipas Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16, 19
antipas (herod) Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 120
aristobulus ii Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 120
augustus Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
babylonian talmud (bt), on king janneus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 123
babylonian talmud (bt), reliance on josephus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 12
babylonian talmud (bt) Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 12
boulē Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
dependence on josephus, parallels with josephus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 12
ezekias Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70
first jewish war Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16, 19
gabinius (syrian governor) Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
galilee Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70
gaulanitis Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
gennesareth, lake of Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
hasmonean dynasty Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
hasmonean state (kingdom) Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16, 19
hebrew, mishnaic (mh) Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 12
herod the great Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16, 19
herodian kingdoms Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16, 19
herodian kings and authorities Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
hyrcanus i, (john) Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
iconography of Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
janneus, rabbinic attitude to Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 12
janneus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 123
jerusalem, temple Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70
jerusalem Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70; Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
josephus, parallels with rabbinic literature Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 12
josephus Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
julius caesar Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
mattathias antigonus Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
nero Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
nicolaus of damascus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 12
philip the tetrarch Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
pompey Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 120; Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
priestly elites, at the jerusalem temple Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
procurators Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
promised land, concept of Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
ptolemais(-akko) Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
ptolemy ix soter/lathyros Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
samaria-sebaste Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
samaria Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
scythopolis Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
shiḥin (shikhin), kefar Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16
simeon ben shataḥ Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 123
synedrai Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 120
synedrion, versus jerusalems boulē and the sanhedrin Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
taxation' Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 116
temple of Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 19
tiberias Scales, Galilean Spaces of Identity: Judaism and Spatiality in Hasmonean and Herodian Galilee (2024) 16, 19
tyranny Jensen, Herod Antipas in Galilee: The Literary and Archaeological Sources on the Reign of Herod Antipas and Its Socio-Economic Impact on Galilee (2010) 70