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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7234
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.3.3
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13 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 6.8-6.10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6.8. וּמִנִּי שִׂים טְעֵם לְמָא דִי־תַעַבְדוּן עִם־שָׂבֵי יְהוּדָיֵא אִלֵּךְ לְמִבְנֵא בֵּית־אֱלָהָא דֵךְ וּמִנִּכְסֵי מַלְכָּא דִּי מִדַּת עֲבַר נַהֲרָה אָסְפַּרְנָא נִפְקְתָא תֶּהֱוֵא מִתְיַהֲבָא לְגֻבְרַיָּא אִלֵּךְ דִּי־לָא לְבַטָּלָא׃ 6.9. וּמָה חַשְׁחָן וּבְנֵי תוֹרִין וְדִכְרִין וְאִמְּרִין לַעֲלָוָן לֶאֱלָהּ שְׁמַיָּא חִנְטִין מְלַח חֲמַר וּמְשַׁח כְּמֵאמַר כָּהֲנַיָּא דִי־בִירוּשְׁלֶם לֶהֱוֵא מִתְיְהֵב לְהֹם יוֹם בְּיוֹם דִּי־לָא שָׁלוּ׃ 6.8. Moreover I make a decree concerning what ye shall do to these elders of the Jews for the building of this house of God; that of the king’s goods, even of the tribute beyond the River, expenses be given with all diligence unto these men, that they be not hindered." 6.9. And that which they have need of, both young bullocks, and rams, and lambs, for burnt-offerings to the God of heaven, wheat, salt, wine, and oil, according to the word of the priests that are at Jerusalem, let it be given them day by day without fail;" 6.10. that they may offer sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the king, and of his sons."
2. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 10.32-10.33 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

10.32. וְעַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ הַמְבִיאִים אֶת־הַמַּקָּחוֹת וְכָל־שֶׁבֶר בְּיוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת לִמְכּוֹר לֹא־נִקַּח מֵהֶם בַּשַּׁבָּת וּבְיוֹם קֹדֶשׁ וְנִטֹּשׁ אֶת־הַשָּׁנָה הַשְּׁבִיעִית וּמַשָּׁא כָל־יָד׃ 10.33. וְהֶעֱמַדְנוּ עָלֵינוּ מִצְוֺת לָתֵת עָלֵינוּ שְׁלִשִׁית הַשֶּׁקֶל בַּשָּׁנָה לַעֲבֹדַת בֵּית אֱלֹהֵינוּ׃ 10.32. and if the peoples of the land bring ware or any victuals on the sabbath day to sell, that we would not buy of them on the sabbath, or on a holy day; and that we would forego the seventh year, and the exaction of every debt." 10.33. Also we made ordices for us, to charge ourselves yearly with the third part of a shekel for the service of the house of our God;"
3. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 11.28, 11.31-11.36 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

11.28. וְיָשֹׁב אַרְצוֹ בִּרְכוּשׁ גָּדוֹל וּלְבָבוֹ עַל־בְּרִית קֹדֶשׁ וְעָשָׂה וְשָׁב לְאַרְצוֹ׃ 11.31. וּזְרֹעִים מִמֶּנּוּ יַעֲמֹדוּ וְחִלְּלוּ הַמִּקְדָּשׁ הַמָּעוֹז וְהֵסִירוּ הַתָּמִיד וְנָתְנוּ הַשִּׁקּוּץ מְשׁוֹמֵם׃ 11.32. וּמַרְשִׁיעֵי בְרִית יַחֲנִיף בַּחֲלַקּוֹת וְעַם יֹדְעֵי אֱלֹהָיו יַחֲזִקוּ וְעָשׂוּ׃ 11.33. וּמַשְׂכִּילֵי עָם יָבִינוּ לָרַבִּים וְנִכְשְׁלוּ בְּחֶרֶב וּבְלֶהָבָה בִּשְׁבִי וּבְבִזָּה יָמִים׃ 11.34. וּבְהִכָּשְׁלָם יֵעָזְרוּ עֵזֶר מְעָט וְנִלְווּ עֲלֵיהֶם רַבִּים בַּחֲלַקְלַקּוֹת׃ 11.35. וּמִן־הַמַּשְׂכִּילִים יִכָּשְׁלוּ לִצְרוֹף בָּהֶם וּלְבָרֵר וְלַלְבֵּן עַד־עֵת קֵץ כִּי־עוֹד לַמּוֹעֵד׃ 11.36. וְעָשָׂה כִרְצוֹנוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ וְיִתְרוֹמֵם וְיִתְגַּדֵּל עַל־כָּל־אֵל וְעַל אֵל אֵלִים יְדַבֵּר נִפְלָאוֹת וְהִצְלִיחַ עַד־כָּלָה זַעַם כִּי נֶחֱרָצָה נֶעֱשָׂתָה׃ 11.28. And he shall return to his own land with great substance; and his heart shall be against the holy covet; and he shall do his pleasure, and return to his own land." 11.31. And arms shall stand on his part, and they shall profane the sanctuary, even the stronghold, and shall take away the continual burnt-offering, and they shall set up the detestable thing that causeth appalment." 11.32. And such as do wickedly against the covet shall be corrupt by blandishments; but the people that know their God shall show strength, and prevail." 11.33. And they that are wise among the people shall cause the many to understand; yet they shall stumble by the sword and by flame, by captivity and by spoil, many days." 11.34. Now when they shall stumble, they shall be helped with a little help; but many shall join themselves unto them with blandishments." 11.35. And some of them that are wise shall stumble, to refine among them, and to purify, and to make white, even to the time of the end; for it is yet for the time appointed." 11.36. And the king shall do according to his will; and he shall exalt himself, and magnify himself above every god, and shall speak strange things against the God of gods; and he shall prosper till the indignation be accomplished; for that which is determined shall be done."
4. Polybius, Histories, 15.25-15.34, 15.26.1-15.26.8, 15.32.4, 15.33.9, 16.39 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

15.25. 1.  Sosibius, the pretended guardian of Ptolemy, appears to have been a dexterous instrument of evil who remained long in power and did much mischief in the kingdom.,2.  He first of all compassed the death of Lysimachus, who was Ptolemy's son by Arsinoë the daughter of Lysimachus, next that of Magas, son of Ptolemy and Berenice, daughter of Magas, thirdly that of Berenice, mother of Ptolemy Philopator, fourthly that of Cleomenes of Sparta, and fifthly that of Arsinoë, the daughter of Berenice. Ambition and Fate of Agathocles,3.  After four or five days, erecting a tribune in the largest colonnade of the palace, they summoned a meeting of the bodyguard and household troops as well as of the officers of the infantry and cavalry.,4.  When all these had collected, Agathocles and Sosibius mounted the tribune, and in the first place acknowledged the death of the king and queen and enjoined the populace to go into mourning as was their usual practice.,5.  After this they crowned the boy and proclaimed him king, and then read a forged will, in which it was written that the king appointed Agathocles and Sosibius guardians of his son.,6.  They begged the officers to remain well disposed and maintain the boy on his throne; and afterwards brought in two silver urns, the one said to contain the bones of the king and the other those of Arsinoë.,7.  As a fact, the one did contain the king's bones, but the other was full of spices. Hereupon they at once celebrated the funeral, and now the real circumstances of Arsinoë's fate became manifest to all.,8.  For on her death being made known, everyone began to inquire how she had perished. As there was no other cause assigned when the true report began to reach people's ears, though doubt still subsisted, the truth was impressed on the minds of all, and the people were much stirred in consequence.,9.  As for the king, no one cared, but concerning Arsinoë, when some recalled her orphanhood and others the insults and outrages inflicted on her during her whole life, and finally her unhappy death, the people fell into such a state of distraction and affliction that the town was full of groans, tears, and ceaseless lamentation,,10.  a testimony, in the opinion of those who judged correctly, not so much of affection for Arsinoë as of hatred of Agathocles.,11.  The latter, after depositing the urns in the royal vaults, ordered the public mourning to cease, and as a first step granted two months' pay to the troops, feeling sure of taking the edge off their hatred by appealing to the soldiers' spirit of avarice, and in the next place imposed on them the oath they were accustomed to take on the proclamation of a new king.,12.  He also sent away Philammon who had carried out the murder of Arsinoë, making him libyarch in the Cyrenaica, and he placed the child in the care of Oethe and Agathoclea.,13.  After this he dispatched Pelops, son of Pelops, to Asia, to King Antiochus to beg him to remain on friendly terms and not to transgress his treaty with the young king's father, and sent Ptolemy, son of Sosibius, to Philip to arrange for the proposed match and to beg for his help if Antiochus attempted any serious violation of his obligations.,14.  He also appointed Ptolemy, the son of Agesarchus, ambassador to Rome, with the idea not of his hurrying to his post, but of his remaining in Greece when he reached that country and met his friends and relatives there,,15.  the object of Agathocles being to remove all men of distinction from Egypt.,16.  He also sent Scopas, the Aetolian, to Greece to hire mercenaries, providing him with a large sum of money to advance to them.,17.  Two reasons underlay this plan; for in the first place, he wished to use the troops he hired for the war against Antiochus, and next to send away the existing force of mercenaries to the country forts in Egypt and to the foreign settlements, and then with these new arrivals to fill up and remodel the household troops and the guards of the court, and of the rest of the city, thinking that the men he himself had enlisted and whom he paid, as they had no political sympathies regarding past events of which they were ignorant, as they reposed their hopes of preservation and advancement on himself, would readily support him and join heartily in executing all his behests.,19.  All this happened before the negotiations with Philip, as I have stated, but as the negotiations fell to be dealt with first owing to the order of my narrative, it was necessary for me to manage matters so as to give an account of the interviews and speeches of the ambassadors before mentioning their appointment and dispatch.,20.  Agathocles, as soon as he had removed all the most notable men and checked to a great extent by the advance of pay the disaffection among the troops, turned to his old courses.,21.  He filled up the vacant places of the royal "friends" by appointing from the body servants and other attendants those most remarkable for their effrontery and recklessness.,22.  He himself spent the greater part of the day and night in drinking and the debauchery which commonly accompanies it, sparing neither women in the flower of their age nor brides nor virgins, and all this he did with the most odious ostentation.,23.  So that as strong dislike against him was aroused on all sides, as no attempt was made to conciliate or help those aggrieved, but on the contrary there was a constant repetition of outrage, arrogance, and neglect,,24.  the former hatred of the populace for him began to fume again, and all recalled the calamities that these men had brought on the kingdom.,25.  But since they had no leader of any weight, through whom to vent their anger on Agathocles and Agathoclea, they kept quiet, their only remaining hope, to which they eagerly clung, being in Tlepolemus.,26.  While the king lived, Tlepolemus attended to his own affairs, but on the death of Ptolemy, after quieting the populace, he became again military governor of the district round Pelusium;,27.  and at first he consulted the king's interest in all he did, believing that there would be some council charged with the guardianship of the child and the general control of affairs.,28.  But when he saw that all the men worthy of this office had been got rid of, and that Agathocles ventured to assume the reins of government, he very soon changed his attitude, as he was conscious of the danger that menaced him owing to their long-standing enmity, and collecting his forces around him took measures for providing himself with money in order that he might not fall an easy prey to any of his foes.,29.  At the same time he did not despair of himself obtaining the guardianship of the child and the direction of affairs, thinking that he was, if his own judgement did not deceive him, more capable because he heard that both the troops under his own command and those in Alexandria placed in him their hopes of overthrowing the insolent domination of Agathocles.,30.  Such being his opinion of himself, the difference between them became speedily more acute, since both of them contributed to this end.,31.  For Tlepolemus, as he was desirous of attaching to himself the commanders, taxiarchs, and inferior officers, entertained them sedulously at banquets; and on those occasions, either flattered by those who wished to make themselves agreeable to him or on his own impulse, since he was young and they were talking over their wine, he would make remarks about the family of Agathocles, at first enigmatical, then of doubtful import, but finally quite outspoken and conveying the most venomous insults.,32.  For he used to toast the wall-dauber and the sackbut-girl and the lady-barber, and the young boy who was so complaisant at the drinking-bouts when he was cupbearer to the king in his childhood's days.,33.  As his guests always laughed with him and contributed something of their own to his jests, the matter soon reached the ears of Agathocles.,34.  Their enmity was now avowed, and Agathocles lost no time in bringing an accusation against Tlepolemus, charging him with disaffection to the king and stating that he was inviting Antiochus to assume the government.,35.  He was in no lack of specious grounds for this accusation, some resting on reports of actual facts which he distorted and some being pure inventions of his own.,36.  All this he did with the object of working up the populace against Tlepolemus, but it had the contrary result. For as they had for long rested their hopes on Tlepolemus, they were exceedingly glad to see the quarrel becoming more inflamed.,37.  The popular movement originated in the following manner. Nicon, who was a relative of Agathocles, had been appointed director of naval affairs during the lifetime of Ptolemy, and he now. . . . Agathocles also killed Deinon, son of Deinon, and this was, as the saying is, "the justest of his many iniquities." For at the time when dispatches reached Deinon proposing the murder of Arsinoë, it was perfectly in his power to report the criminal project and save the kingdom, but he chose to take the part of Philammon and became thus the cause of all the evils which followed. 15.26. 1.  Agathocles in the first place summoned a meeting of the Macedonians and appeared together with Agathoclea and the young king.,2.  At first he pretended that he could not say what he wished owing to the abundance of the tears that choked him, but after wiping his eyes many times with his chlamys and subduing the outburst, he took the child in his arms and exclaimed, "Take the child whom his father on his death-bed placed in the arms of this woman," pointing to his sister, "and confided to your faith, you soldiers of Macedon.,4.  Her affection indeed is of but little moment to ensure his safety, but his fate depends on you and your valour.,5.  For it has long been evident to those who judge correctly that Tlepolemus aspires to a position higher than it behoves him to covet, and now he has actually fixed the day and the hour at which he will assume the diadem.",6.  And as to this he told them not to rely on his own word but on that of those who knew the truth and had just come from the very scene of action.,7.  After speaking thus he brought forward Critolaus, who told them that he had himself seen the altars being erected and the victims being prepared in presence of the populace for the ceremony of proclaiming the coronation.,8.  When the Macedonians heard this, not only did they feel no pity for Agathocles but paid absolutely no attention to his words, and showed such levity by hooting and murmuring to each other that he did not know himself how he got away from the meeting.,9.  The same kind of thing took place at the meetings of the other regiments.,10.  Meanwhile numbers of men kept on arriving by boat from the garrisons in upper Egypt, and all begged their relatives or friends to help them at the present crisis and not allow them to be thus outrageously tyrannized over by such unworthy persons.,11.  The chief incentive to the soldiery to wreak their vengeance on those in power was their knowledge that any delay was prejudicial to themselves, as Tlepolemus controlled the entire supply of provisions reaching Alexandria. 15.26.1.  Agathocles in the first place summoned a meeting of the Macedonians and appeared together with Agathoclea and the young king. 15.26.2.  At first he pretended that he could not say what he wished owing to the abundance of the tears that choked him, but after wiping his eyes many times with his chlamys and subduing the outburst, he took the child in his arms and exclaimed, "Take the child whom his father on his death-bed placed in the arms of this woman," pointing to his sister, "and confided to your faith, you soldiers of Macedon. 15.26.4.  Her affection indeed is of but little moment to ensure his safety, but his fate depends on you and your valour. 15.26.5.  For it has long been evident to those who judge correctly that Tlepolemus aspires to a position higher than it behoves him to covet, and now he has actually fixed the day and the hour at which he will assume the diadem. 15.26.6.  And as to this he told them not to rely on his own word but on that of those who knew the truth and had just come from the very scene of action. 15.26.7.  After speaking thus he brought forward Critolaus, who told them that he had himself seen the altars being erected and the victims being prepared in presence of the populace for the ceremony of proclaiming the coronation. 15.26.8.  When the Macedonians heard this, not only did they feel no pity for Agathocles but paid absolutely no attention to his words, and showed such levity by hooting and murmuring to each other that he did not know himself how he got away from the meeting. 15.27. 1.  There was also one thing done by Agathocles and his party which contributed to exasperate the populace and Tlepolemus.,2.  For they took Danaë, who was the latter's mother-in‑law, from the temple of Demeter, and dragged her unveiled through the middle of the town and committed her to prison, with the express object of exhibiting their hostility to him.,3.  This so irritated the people that they no longer spoke of the matter in private and secretly, but while some expressed their detestation of those in power by scribbling it all over the town at night, others even began to meet openly in groups in the day-time for this purpose.,4.  Agathocles, seeing what was happening and entertaining poor hopes of his own security, began to contemplate flight; but as owing to his own imprudence he had made no preparations for this purpose he desisted from the project,,5.  and his next step was to enrol conspirators ready to join in the venture, with a view to putting to death some of his enemies at once and arresting others, after which he could possess himself of tyrannical power.,6.  While he was engaged in this project an accusation was brought against a certain Moeragenes, one of the bodyguards, to the effect that he informed Tlepolemus of everything and worked for his cause owing to his relationship with Adaeus, then governor of Bubastus.,7.  Agathocles at once gave orders to Nicostratus, his secretary of state, to arrest Moeragenes and examine him diligently, menacing him with every kind of torture.,8.  Moeragenes was instantly arrested and conducted to a remote part of the palace, where he was at first questioned directly concerning these rumours,,9.  and on his denying every one of the charges was stripped. Some began to get the instruments of torture ready and others with the scourges in their hands were taking off their cloaks,,10.  when one of the servants ran up to Nicostratus and after whispering something into his ear made off in haste.,11.  Nicostratus immediately followed him without saying a word, but striking his thigh with his hand repeatedly. 15.28. 1.  It is difficult to describe the strange situation in which Moeragenes found himself.,2.  For some of the executioners stood there with the scourges almost raised to strike him and others were getting the instruments of torture ready before his eyes;,3.  but when Nicostratus departed all remained in mute astonishment, looking at each other, and each moment expecting Nicostratus to return;,4.  but after a little time had elapsed they gradually dispersed, and Moeragenes was left by himself. After that he was able, much to his surprise, to traverse the palace, and naked as he was rushed into a tent belonging to the Macedonian troops not far from the palace.,5.  Finding them by chance assembled there at breakfast he told his story and the extraordinary manner in which he had been delivered.,6.  They were disposed to discredit it, but afterwards seeing him naked they were compelled to believe him.,7.  Availing himself of this complete change of circumstances, Moeragenes begged the Macedonians with tears not only to help him to save himself, but to save the king also and chiefly themselves.,8.  He urged upon them that their destruction was inevitable if they did not avail themselves of the present opportunity, when the hatred of the populace was at its height and everyone was ready to take vengeance on Agathocles.,9.  This was just the time, he said, when the feeling was most thoroughly aroused and it only wanted someone to begin. 15.29. 1.  The Macedonians on hearing this were stimulated to action and finally took the advice of Moeragenes, first without delay visiting the Macedonian tents and then those of the other soldiers,,2.  which are all close together, and turned towards a single part of the city.,3.  As the people had long been disposed to revolt and required only some man of courage to appeal to them, once the movement began it spread like wildfire.,4.  Four hours had scarcely elapsed when men of all nationalities, both soldiers and civilians, had agreed to attack the government.,5.  Chance too co-operated much at this time to the accomplishment of their aim.,6.  For Agathocles, when a letter reached his hands, and some spies were brought before him, and when the letter proved to be the one addressed by Tlepolemus to the troops announcing that he was on the point of coming, and the spies reported that he had actually arrived,,7.  so entirely lost his head that, neglecting to take any action or to consider the news he had received, he went to carouse at his usual hour and conducted himself at the banquet in his usual manner.,8.  Oethe, who was in great distress, betook herself to the Thesmophoreum, that temple being open for an annual sacrifice.,9.  She first of all fell on her knees and with many gestures prayed fervently to the goddesses, and afterwards seated herself by the altar and held her peace.,10.  Most of the women, pleased to see her so dejected and distressed, remained silent, but the relatives of Polycrates and some other noble ladies, who were not yet aware of the danger, came up to her to console her.,11.  "Come not near me, you beasts," she cried aloud to them,"I know well that you bear us ill-will and that you pray to the goddesses that the worst may befall us,,12.  but yet I trust that, if it be the will of heaven, I shall yet make you taste the flesh of your own children.",13.  After saying this she bade her lictors drive them away from her and strike those who refused to leave.,14.  Availing themselves of this pretext all the ladies withdrew, holding up their hands to the goddesses and praying that she might be cursed with the fate that she threatened to bring on others. 15.30. 1.  The men had already decided on a revolution, but now that in each house the rage of the women was added to their own, the hatred of the usurper blazed up twice as violent.,2.  When day again gave place to night, the whole town was full of disturbance and torches and movement.,3.  For some collected in the stadium shouting, some were encouraging each other, others running in different directions took refuge in houses and places not likely to be suspected.,4.  The open spaces round the palace, the stadium, and the great square were now filled with a mixed multitude, including all the crowd of supernumerary performers in the theatre of Dionysus,,5.  and Agathocles, when he heard what was occurring, aroused himself from his drunken slumber, having broken up the banquet a short time previously, and taking all his relatives except Philo went to the king.,6.  After lamenting his ill-fortune to the boy in a few words he took him by the hand and went up to the gallery between the Maeander and the palaestra leading to the entrance to the theatre.,7.  After this, having made fast the first two doors, he retired to the third with a few of the bodyguard, the king, and his own relatives.,8.  The doors were of pen lattice-work and one could see through them, and they were each secured by two bolts.,9.  Meanwhile the populace were assembling from every part of the city, so that not only level spaces but the roofs and steps were full of people, and there was a confused hubbub and clamour, women and children being mixed with the men.,10.  For in Carthage and also in Alexandria the children play no less a part in such tumults than the men. 15.31. 1.  When the day began to break it was difficult to distinguish the various cries, but that of "Bring the king" predominated.,2.  At first the Macedonians got up and seized the gate of audience of the palace,,3.  but shortly after, when they discovered in what part of the building the king was, they went round and after taking the first door of the gallery off its hinges approached the second and clamoured loudly for the king.,4.  Agathocles was looking now to his own safety and begged the bodyguards to convey a message on his behalf to the Macedonians, stating that he abandoned the office of regent and all his powers and dignities as well as all his revenue,,5.  and begged simply for his poor life and a sufficient supply of food, so that retiring into his original obscurity he could not in future, even if he wished it, hurt anyone.,6.  None of the other bodyguards consented, but Aristomenes alone, who afterwards became minister, undertook this service.,7.  He was by birth an Acarian, and the adulation he had paid to Agathocles in the season of his prosperity was no less conspicuous than his admirable and scrupulous fidelity to the interests of the king and his kingdom when in later life he was at the head of affairs.,8.  For he was the first who having invited Agathocles to dinner presented to him alone among the guests a crown of gold, an honour which is customarily paid only to the king,,9.  and he was the first who ventured to wear a ring with Agathocles' portrait engraved on it, and when a daughter was born to him he actually called her Agathoclea.,10.  Perhaps regarding his character I have said enough; but now when he had received Agathocles' commission he went out by a wicket-gate to the Macedonians.,11.  After he had said a few words to them and explained the proposal, the Macedonians at once attempted to run him through, but when some few persons held their hands over him and begged them to spare him, he went back with orders either to return to them bringing the king or not to come out at all.,12.  Aristomenes, then, was sent back by the Macedonians with this message, and they themselves came up to the second door and broke it in also.,13.  Agathocles and his people, seeing the violence of the Macedonians both by their actions and their determined demand, at first attempted to entreat the soldiers, leaving no word unspoken that might move them to spare their lives at least, Agathocles putting out his hands through the door and Agathoclea her breasts with which she said she had suckled the king. 15.32. 1.  When bitterly bewailing their evil fate they found all was useless, they sent out the boy with the bodyguard.,2.  The Macedonians then took the king and at once setting him on a horse conducted him to the stadium.,3.  His appearance was greeted with loud cheers and clapping of hands, and they now stopped the horse, took him off, and leading him forward placed him in the royal seat.,4.  The joy of the crowd was mingled with regret, for on the one hand they were delighted at having the boy in their hands, but on the other they were displeased that the guilty persons had not been arrested and punished as they deserved.,5.  So that they continued to shout, demanding that those who had caused all the evil should be taken into custody and made an example.,6.  The day had now advanced, and as the people after all could find no one on whom to vent their resentment, Sosibius, who was the son of Sosibius and at the present time, being a member of the bodyguard, particularly devoted his attention to the king and to affairs of state,,7.  seeing that there was no hope of appeasing the fury of the populace and that the boy was ill at ease, finding himself among strangers and amidst all the commotion of the mob, asked the king if he would give up to the people those who were in any way guilty of offences to himself or his mother.,8.  When the boy nodded his head in assent Sosibius bade some of the bodyguard communicate the royal decision, and making the boy get up led him away to join his household at his own house which was quite near.,19.  When the king's consent was announced, there was a deafening outburst of cheering and applause all through the stadium.,10.  Meanwhile Agathocles and Agathoclea had separated and each retired to their own residence, and very soon a certain number of soldiers, some on their own initiative and others forced to go by the crowd, set off in search of both. 15.32.4.  The joy of the crowd was mingled with regret, for on the one hand they were delighted at having the boy in their hands, but on the other they were displeased that the guilty persons had not been arrested and punished as they deserved. 15.33. 1.  The bloodshed and murders which followed were due to the following incident.,2.  Philo, one of Agathocles' attendants and parasites, came out into the stadium suffering from the effects of drink.,3.  When he observed the popular excitement, he said to those next him, that if Agathocles came out they would have cause to repent again as they had done some days before.,4.  Upon hearing this they began some of them to revile and others to hustle him, and when he attempted to defend himself some very soon tore off his cloak and others levelling their spears at him transpierced him.,5.  Then as soon as he was ignominiously dragged still breathing into the middle of the stadium and the people had tasted blood, they all eagerly waited the arrival of the others.,6.  It was not long before Agathocles was led in in fetters, and as soon as he entered some people ran up and at once stabbed him, an act of benevolence rather than enmity, for they thus saved him from suffering the fate he deserved.,7.  Next Nicon was brought there and after him Agathoclea stripped naked with her sisters and then all her relatives.,8.  Last of all they dragged Oethe from the Thesmophorium and led her to the stadium naked on horseback.,9.  All of them were delivered into the hands of the mob, and now some began to bite them with their teeth, some to stab them and others to dig out their eyes. Whenever one of them fell they tore the body from limb to limb until they had thus mutilated them all.,10.  For terrible is the cruelty of the Egyptians when their anger is aroused.,11.  At the same time some young girls who had been Arsinoë's close companions, hearing that Philammon, who had directed the queen's murder, had arrived from Cyrene three days before, rushed to his house and forcing an entrance killed Philammon with clubs and stones;,12.  strangled his son who was no longer a child, and dragging out his wife naked into the square slew her.,13.  Such was the end of Agathocles, Agathoclea, and their kindred. 15.33.9.  All of them were delivered into the hands of the mob, and now some began to bite them with their teeth, some to stab them and others to dig out their eyes. Whenever one of them fell they tore the body from limb to limb until they had thus mutilated them all. 15.34. 1.  I am not unaware that some authors in describing these events have introduced the sensational element and worked up their material with the object of making the whole more striking to their readers, largely transgressing the bounds of what is essential to give coherence to their narrative.,2.  Some of them attribute all to Fortune, and lay stress on her instability and on men's incapacity of evading her, while others take count of the strangeness of all that happened, attempting to assign reasons or probable causes to everything.,3.  It was, however, not my own object to treat these matters in that manner, inasmuch as Agathocles displayed neither courage in war nor conspicuous ability,,4.  nor was he fortunate and exemplary in his management of affairs, nor, finally, had he that acuteness and mischievous address which serve a courtier's ends and which made Sosibius and several others so successful until the end of their lives in their management of king after king. On the contrary it was quite different with Agathocles.,5.  Owing to Philopator's incapacity as a ruler he attained an exceptionally high position;,6.  and in this position finding himself after that king's death most favourably circumstanced to maintain his power, he lost both his control and his life through his own cowardice and indolence, becoming an object of universal reprobation in quite a short time. 16.39. 1.  Polybius of Megalopolis testifies to this. For he says in the 16th Book of his Histories, "Scopas, Ptolemy's general, set out into the upper country and destroyed the Jewish nation in this winter.",2.  "The siege having been negligently conducted, Scopas fell into disrepute and was violently assailed.",3.  He says in the same book, "When Scopas was conquered by Antiochus, that king occupied Samaria, Abila, and Gadara,,4.  and after a short time those Jews who inhabited the holy place called Jerusalem, surrendered to him.,5.  of this place and the splendour of the temple I have more to tell, but defer my narrative for the present.
5. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.20-1.24, 1.44-1.63 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

1.20. After subduing Egypt, Antiochus returned in the one hundred and forty-third year. He went up against Israel and came to Jerusalem with a strong force. 1.21. He arrogantly entered the sanctuary and took the golden altar, the lampstand for the light, and all its utensils. 1.22. He took also the table for the bread of the Presence, the cups for drink offerings, the bowls, the golden censers, the curtain, the crowns, and the gold decoration on the front of the temple; he stripped it all off. 1.23. He took the silver and the gold, and the costly vessels; he took also the hidden treasures which he found. 1.24. Taking them all, he departed to his own land. He committed deeds of murder,and spoke with great arrogance. 1.44. And the king sent letters by messengers to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah; he directed them to follow customs strange to the land 1.45. to forbid burnt offerings and sacrifices and drink offerings in the sanctuary, to profane sabbaths and feasts 1.46. to defile the sanctuary and the priests 1.47. to build altars and sacred precincts and shrines for idols, to sacrifice swine and unclean animals 1.48. and to leave their sons uncircumcised. They were to make themselves abominable by everything unclean and profane 1.49. so that they should forget the law and change all the ordices. 1.50. And whoever does not obey the command of the king shall die. 1.51. In such words he wrote to his whole kingdom. And he appointed inspectors over all the people and commanded the cities of Judah to offer sacrifice, city by city. 1.52. Many of the people, every one who forsook the law, joined them, and they did evil in the land; 1.53. they drove Israel into hiding in every place of refuge they had. 1.54. Now on the fifteenth day of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-fifth year, they erected a desolating sacrilege upon the altar of burnt offering. They also built altars in the surrounding cities of Judah 1.55. and burned incense at the doors of the houses and in the streets. 1.56. The books of the law which they found they tore to pieces and burned with fire. 1.57. Where the book of the covet was found in the possession of any one, or if any one adhered to the law, the decree of the king condemned him to death. 1.58. They kept using violence against Israel, against those found month after month in the cities. 1.59. And on the twenty-fifth day of the month they offered sacrifice on the altar which was upon the altar of burnt offering. 1.60. According to the decree, they put to death the women who had their children circumcised 1.61. and their families and those who circumcised them; and they hung the infants from their mothers necks. 1.62. But many in Israel stood firm and were resolved in their hearts not to eat unclean food. 1.63. They chose to die rather than to be defiled by food or to profane the holy covet; and they did die.
6. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 3.3, 6.1-6.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

3.3. o that even Seleucus, the king of Asia, defrayed from his own revenues all the expenses connected with the service of the sacrifices.' 6.1. Not long after this, the king sent an Athenian senator to compel the Jews to forsake the laws of their fathers and cease to live by the laws of God,' 6.2. and also to pollute the temple in Jerusalem and call it the temple of Olympian Zeus, and to call the one in Gerizim the temple of Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as did the people who dwelt in that place.' 6.3. Harsh and utterly grievous was the onslaught of evil. 6.4. For the temple was filled with debauchery and reveling by the Gentiles, who dallied with harlots and had intercourse with women within the sacred precincts, and besides brought in things for sacrifice that were unfit.' 6.5. The altar was covered with abominable offerings which were forbidden by the laws. 6.6. A man could neither keep the sabbath, nor observe the feasts of his fathers, nor so much as confess himself to be a Jew.' 6.7. On the monthly celebration of the king's birthday, the Jews were taken, under bitter constraint, to partake of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Dionysus came, they were compelled to walk in the procession in honor of Dionysus, wearing wreaths of ivy.' 6.8. At the suggestion of Ptolemy a decree was issued to the neighboring Greek cities, that they should adopt the same policy toward the Jews and make them partake of the sacrifices,' 6.9. and should slay those who did not choose to change over to Greek customs. One could see, therefore, the misery that had come upon them.' 6.10. For example, two women were brought in for having circumcised their children. These women they publicly paraded about the city, with their babies hung at their breasts, then hurled them down headlong from the wall.' 6.11. Others who had assembled in the caves near by, to observe the seventh day secretly, were betrayed to Philip and were all burned together, because their piety kept them from defending themselves, in view of their regard for that most holy day.'
7. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 6.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.76-1.78 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1.76. But the temple has for its revenues not only portions of land, but also other possessions of much greater extent and importance, which will never be destroyed or diminished; for as long as the race of mankind shall last, the revenues likewise of the temple will always be preserved, being coeval in their duration with the universal world. 1.77. For it is commanded that all men shall every year bring their first fruits to the temple, from twenty years old and upwards; and this contribution is called their ransom. On which account they bring in the first fruits with exceeding cheerfulness, being joyful and delighted, inasmuch as simultaneously with their making the offering they are sure to find either a relaxation from slavery, or a relief from disease, and to receive in all respects a most sure freedom and safety for the future. 1.78. And since the nation is the most numerous of all peoples, it follows naturally that the first fruits contributed by them must also be most abundant. Accordingly there is in almost every city a storehouse for the sacred things to which it is customary for the people to come and there to deposit their first fruits, and at certain seasons there are sacred ambassadors selected on account of their virtue, who convey the offerings to the temple. And the most eminent men of each tribe are elected to this office, that they may conduct the hopes of each individual safe to their destination; for in the lawful offering of the first fruits are the hopes of the pious.XV.
9. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.3.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.6.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11. New Testament, Matthew, 17.24-17.27 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

17.24. When they had come to Capernaum, those who collected the didrachmas came to Peter, and said, "Doesn't your teacher pay the didrachma? 17.25. He said, "Yes."When he came into the house, Jesus anticipated him, saying, "What do you think, Simon? From whom do the kings of the earth receive toll or tribute? From their sons, or from strangers? 17.26. Peter said to him, "From strangers."Jesus said to him, "Therefore the sons are exempt. 17.27. But, lest we cause them to stumble, go to the sea, and cast a hook, and take up the first fish that comes up. When you have opened its mouth, you will find a stater. Take that, and give it to them for me and you.
12. Epigraphy, Didyma, 479

13. Epigraphy, Ogis, 6



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
agathokles, regent of ptolemaios Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350
alexandria, capital of ptolemaic egypt Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350
antigonos Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 152
antigonos i monophthalmos Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 152
antiochos i soter Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 150
antiochus iii Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13; Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
antiochus iv epiphanes Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
demetrios i poliorketes Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 152
didyma Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 150
education Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
egyptians, character of Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350
euergetes Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
funding, of the cult Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113
funding, public Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113
grandson of ben sira Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
hellenism/hellenization Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
historical setting Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
israel, collective identity of, funding by Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113
jerusalem Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13; Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49; Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 150
jews Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
josephus Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
judaeans, of alexandria Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350
levite Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
maccabees (rulers) Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
nehemiah Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113
palestine Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
patronage, religious Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 150
polybios, historian, view of alexandria Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350
priest Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
ptolemaios iv Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350
ptolemaios v Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 350
ptolemies Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
ptolemy Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
ptolemy i soter Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 152
ransom (kofer)' Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113
rulers Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113
scribes Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
seleucids Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13; Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49; Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 150
seleukos i nikator Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 150
sin offering (hạ ttat) Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113
skepsis Gygax and Zuiderhoek, Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity (2021) 152
taxation Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
temple Grabbe, Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus (2010) 49
temple (jerusalem) Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
tobiads Corley, Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship (2002) 13
tribute Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 113