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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



7234
Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.195


ἐλθόντα δ' ὁ πατὴρ ὑπερηγάπησεν τοῦ φρονήματος, καὶ τὴν ὀξύτητα τῆς διανοίας καὶ τὸ ἐπ' αὐτῇ τολμηρὸν ἐπαινέσας ὡς μόνον ὄντα γνήσιον ἔτι μᾶλλον ἔστεργεν ἀχθομένων ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν.And when he was come back, his father was mightily pleased with his sagacity, and commended the sharpness of his understanding, and his boldness in what he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he were his only genuine son, while his brethren were much troubled at it.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

15 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 37.10, 37.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

37.14. וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ לֶךְ־נָא רְאֵה אֶת־שְׁלוֹם אַחֶיךָ וְאֶת־שְׁלוֹם הַצֹּאן וַהֲשִׁבֵנִי דָּבָר וַיִּשְׁלָחֵהוּ מֵעֵמֶק חֶבְרוֹן וַיָּבֹא שְׁכֶמָה׃ 37.10. And he told it to his father, and to his brethren; and his father rebuked him, and said unto him: ‘What is this dream that thou hast dreamed? Shall I and thy mother and thy brethren indeed come to bow down to thee to the earth?’" 37.14. And he said to him: ‘Go now, see whether it is well with thy brethren, and well with the flock; and bring me back word.’ So he sent him out of the vale of Hebron, and he came to Shechem."
2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 51 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

3. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 6.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

6.11. וְדָנִיֵּאל כְּדִי יְדַע דִּי־רְשִׁים כְּתָבָא עַל לְבַיְתֵהּ וְכַוִּין פְּתִיחָן לֵהּ בְּעִלִּיתֵהּ נֶגֶד יְרוּשְׁלֶם וְזִמְנִין תְּלָתָה בְיוֹמָא הוּא בָּרֵךְ עַל־בִּרְכוֹהִי וּמְצַלֵּא וּמוֹדֵא קֳדָם אֱלָהֵהּ כָּל־קֳבֵל דִּי־הֲוָא עָבֵד מִן־קַדְמַת דְּנָה׃ 6.11. And when Daniel knew that the writing was signed, he went into his house—now his windows were open in his upper chamber toward Jerusalem—and he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed, and gave thanks before his God, as he did aforetime."
4. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 3.10-3.12, 4.7-4.8, 4.23-4.29 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

3.10. The high priest explained that there were some deposits belonging to widows and orphans,' 3.11. and also some money of Hyrcanus, son of Tobias, a man of very prominent position, and that it totaled in all four hundred talents of silver and two hundred of gold. To such an extent the impious Simon had misrepresented the facts.' 3.12. And he said that it was utterly impossible that wrong should be done to those people who had trusted in the holiness of the place and in the sanctity and inviolability of the temple which is honored throughout the whole world. 4.7. When Seleucus died and Antiochus who was called Epiphanes succeeded to the kingdom, Jason the brother of Onias obtained the high priesthood by corruption,' 4.8. promising the king at an interview three hundred and sixty talents of silver and, from another source of revenue, eighty talents.' 4.23. After a period of three years Jason sent Menelaus, the brother of the previously mentioned Simon, to carry the money to the king and to complete the records of essential business.' 4.24. But he, when presented to the king, extolled him with an air of authority, and secured the high priesthood for himself, outbidding Jason by three hundred talents of silver.' 4.25. After receiving the king's orders he returned, possessing no qualification for the high priesthood, but having the hot temper of a cruel tyrant and the rage of a savage wild beast.' 4.26. So Jason, who after supplanting his own brother was supplanted by another man, was driven as a fugitive into the land of Ammon.' 4.27. And Menelaus held the office, but he did not pay regularly any of the money promised to the king.' 4.28. When Sostratus the captain of the citadel kept requesting payment, for the collection of the revenue was his responsibility, the two of them were summoned by the king on account of this issue.' 4.29. Menelaus left his own brother Lysimachus as deputy in the high priesthood, while Sostratus left Crates, the commander of the Cyprian troops.'
5. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 4.7-4.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

4.7. In bonds and in public view they were violently dragged along as far as the place of embarkation. 4.8. Their husbands, in the prime of youth, their necks encircled with ropes instead of garlands, spent the remaining days of their marriage festival in lamentations instead of good cheer and youthful revelry, seeing death immediately before them. 4.9. They were brought on board like wild animals, driven under the constraint of iron bonds; some were fastened by the neck to the benches of the boats, others had their feet secured by unbreakable fetters
6. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

4. Therefore, as this man's father perceived in his son a very noble ability, and too great to be left in the obscurity of a private station, he admired him, and cultivated his talent, and loved him more than his other sons; because, too, he was the son of his old age, which last cause is one of the strongest incentives to affection possible. And like a man fond of virtue, he cherished and kindled the natural good disposition of his son by excessive and most diligent care and attention, in order that it might not only not be smothered, but might shine forth more brilliantly. II.
7. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.41 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

2.41. On which account, even to this very day, there is every year a solemn assembly held and a festival celebrated in the island of Pharos, to which not only the Jews but a great number of persons of other nations sail across, reverencing the place in which the first light of interpretation shone forth, and thanking God for that ancient piece of beneficence which was always young and fresh.
8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 200, 199 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

199. And he is excited now on this subject to a much greater degree than before by a letter which Capito has sent to him. "Capito is the collector of the imperial revenues in Judaea, and on some account or other he is very hostile to the nations of the country; for having come thither a poor man, and having amassed enormous riches of every imaginable description by plunder and extortion, he has now become afraid lest some accusation may be brought against him, and on this account he has contrived a design by which he may repel any such impeachment, namely, by calumniating those whom he has injured;
9. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 2.15, 2.63, 2.65, 2.76, 2.86, 2.91, 11.325-11.339, 12.138-12.144, 12.154-12.194, 12.196-12.239, 13.49-13.53 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.15. Now Jacob was pleased with the dream: for, considering the prediction in his mind, and shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning, he rejoiced at the great things thereby signified, because it declared the future happiness of his son; and that, by the blessing of God, the time would come when he should be honored, and thought worthy of worship by his parents and brethren 2.15. and the reproachful manner of our ruin will hasten his end, and will directly kill him; nay, will bring him to a miserable death, while he will make haste to rid himself out of the world, and bring himself to a state of insensibility, before the sad story of our end come abroad into the rest of the world. 2.63. among them the king’s cupbearer, and one that had been respected by him, was put in bonds, upon the king’s anger at him. This man was under the same bonds with Joseph, and grew more familiar with him; and upon his observing that Joseph had a better understanding than the rest had, he told him of a dream he had, and desired he would interpret its meaning, complaining that, besides the afflictions he underwent from the king, God did also add to him trouble from his dreams. 2.65. This, he said, was what he saw; and he desired Joseph, that if he had any portion of understanding in such matters, he would tell him what this vision foretold. Who bid him be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed from his bonds in three days’ time, because the king desired his service, and was about to restore him to it again; 2.76. But when they hesitated about them, the king was so much the more disturbed. And now it was that the memory of Joseph, and his skill in dreams, came into the mind of the king’s cupbearer, when he saw the confusion that Pharaoh was in; 2.86. as a sign whereof, the ill-favored kine, when they had devoured the better sort, could not be satisfied. But still God foreshows what is to come upon men, not to grieve them, but that, when they know it beforehand, they may by prudence make the actual experience of what is foretold the more tolerable. If thou, therefore, carefully dispose of the plentiful crops which will come in the former years, thou wilt procure that the future calamity will not be felt by the Egyptians.” 2.91. 1. Joseph was now grown up to thirty years of age, and enjoyed great honors from the king, who called him Psothom Phanech, out of regard to his prodigious degree of wisdom; for that name denotes the revealer of secrets. He also married a wife of very high quality; for he married the daughter of Petephres, one of the priests of Heliopolis; she was a virgin, and her name was Asenath. 11.325. but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; 11.326. and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 11.329. 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. 11.331. for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332. The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334. for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335. whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336. And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337. And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338. whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 12.138. “King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting. /p“Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated their friendship towards us, and when we came to their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the citadel 12.139. we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. 12.141. And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious; 12.142. and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. 12.143. And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. 12.144. We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.” 12.154. 1. After this Antiochus made a friendship and league with Ptolemy, and gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him Celesyria, and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry. 12.155. And upon the division of the taxes between the two kings, all the principal men framed the taxes of their several countries, and collecting the sum that was settled for them, paid the same to the [two] kings. 12.156. Now at this time the Samaritans were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cutting off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves. This happened when Onias was high priest; 12.157. for after Eleazar’s death, his uncle Manasseh took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life, Onias received that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who was called The Just: 12.158. which Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to these things out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the father of Philopater. 12.159. Euergetes sent an ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not receive them, he would seize upon their land, and send soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king, they were confounded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing of things nature made him ashamed. 12.161. Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of the preservation of his countrymen, but bringing the nation into dangers, by not paying this money. For which preservation of them, he told him he had received the authority over them, and had been made high priest; 12.162. but that, in case he was so great a lover of money, as to endure to see his country in danger on that account, and his countrymen suffer the greatest damages, he advised him to go to the king, and petition him to remit either the whole or a part of the sum demanded. 12.163. Onias’s answer was this: That he did not care for his authority, and that he was ready, if the thing were practicable, to lay down his high priesthood; and that he would not go to the king, because he troubled not himself at all about such matters. Joseph then asked him if he would not give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of the nation. 12.164. He replied, that he would give him leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple, and called the multitude together to a congregation, and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor affrighted, because of his uncle Onias’s carelessness, but desired them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with fear about it; for he promised them that he would be their ambassador to the king, and persuade him that they had done him no wrong. 12.165. And when the multitude heard this, they returned thanks to Joseph. So he went down from the temple, and treated Ptolemy’s ambassador in a hospitable manner. He also presented him with rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for many days, and then sent him to the king before him, and told him that he would soon follow him; 12.166. for he was now more willing to go to the king, by the encouragement of the ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to come into Egypt, and promised him that he would take care that he should obtain every thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was highly pleased with his frank and liberal temper, and with the gravity of his deportment. 12.167. 3. When Ptolemy’s ambassador was come into Egypt, he told the king of the thoughtless temper of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to him to excuse the multitude, as not having done him any harm, for that he was their patron. In short, he was so very large in his encomiums upon the young man, that he disposed both the king and his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him before he came. 12.168. So Joseph sent to his friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of them, and got ready what was necessary for his journey, garments and cups, and beasts for burden, which amounted to about twenty thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria. 12.169. Now it happened that at this time all the principal men and rulers went up out of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes; for every year the king sold them to the men of the greatest power in every city. 12.171. which happened as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was the very person who had been ambassador at Jerusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph. As soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he presently made him known to the king, how good and generous a young man he was. 12.172. So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired him to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain of the management of Onias: to which he answered, “Forgive him, on account of his age; for thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old men and infants have their minds exactly alike; but thou shalt have from us, who are young men, every thing thou desirest, and shalt have no cause to complain.” 12.173. With this good humor and pleasantry of the young man, the king was so delighted, that he began already, as though he had had long experience of him, to have a still greater affection for him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet in the king’s palace, and be a guest at his own table every day. 12.174. But when the king was come to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the king, and were much offended at it. 12.175. 4. And when the day came on which the king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, and those that were the principal men of dignity in their several countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes together, of Celesyria, and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria, [as they were bidden for,] came to eight thousand talents. 12.176. Hereupon Joseph accused the bidders, as having agreed together to estimate the value of the taxes at too low a rate; and he promised that he would himself give twice as much for them: but for those who did not pay, he would send the king home their whole substance; for this privilege was sold together with the taxes themselves. 12.177. The king was pleased to hear that offer; and because it augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm the sale of the taxes to him. But when he asked him this question, Whether he had any sureties that would be bound for the payment of the money? he answered very pleasantly, “I will give such security, and those of persons good and responsible, and which you shall have no reason to distrust.” 12.178. And when he bid him name them who they were, he replied, “I give thee no other persons, O king, for my sureties, than thyself, and this thy wife; and you shall be security for both parties.” So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal, and granted him the farming of the taxes without any sureties. 12.179. This procedure was a sore grief to those that came from the cities into Egypt, who were utterly disappointed; and they returned every one to their own country with shame. 12.181. And when he was at Askelon, and demanded the taxes of the people of Askelon, they refused to pay any thing, and affronted him also; upon which he seized upon about twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and gathered what they had together, and sent it all to the king, and informed him what he had done. 12.182. Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man, and commended him for what he had done, and gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians heard of this, they were astonished; and having before them a sad example in the men of Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes. 12.183. And when the inhabitants of Scythopolis attempted to affront him, and would not pay him those taxes which they formerly used to pay, without disputing about them, he slew also the principal men of that city, and sent their effects to the king. 12.184. By this means he gathered great wealth together, and made vast gains by this farming of the taxes; and he made use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order to support his authority, as thinking it a piece of prudence to keep what had been the occasion and foundation of his present good fortune; and this he did by the assistance of what he was already possessed of 12.185. for he privately sent many presents to the king, and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to all that were powerful about the court, and thereby purchased their good-will to himself. 12.186. 6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two years, and was become the father of seven sons by one wife; he had also another son, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius’s daughter 12.187. whom he married on the following occasion. He once came to Alexandria with his brother, who had along with him a daughter already marriageable, in order to give her in wedlock to some of the Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped with the king, and falling in love with an actress that was of great beauty, and came into the room where they feasted, he told his brother of it, and entreated him, because a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to a foreigner, to conceal his offense; and to be kind and subservient to him, and to give him an opportunity of fulfilling his desires. 12.188. Upon which his brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving him, and adorned his own daughter, and brought her to him by night, and put her into his bed. And Joseph, being disordered with drink, knew not who she was, and so lay with his brother’s daughter; and this did he many times, and loved her exceedingly; and said to his brother, that he loved this actress so well, that he should run the hazard of his life [if he must part with her], and yet probably the king would not give him leave [to take her with him]. 12.189. But his brother bid him be in no concern about that matter, and told him he might enjoy her whom he loved without any danger, and might have her for his wife; and opened the truth of the matter to him, and assured him that he chose rather to have his own daughter abused, than to overlook him, and see him come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph commended him for this his brotherly love, and married his daughter; and by her begat a son, whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before. 12.191. Joseph had once a mind to know which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue; and when he sent them severally to those that had then the best reputation for instructing youth, the rest of his children, by reason of their sloth and unwillingness to take pains, returned to him foolish and unlearned. 12.192. After them he sent out the youngest, Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen, and bid him go two days’ journey into the wilderness, and sow the land there, and yet kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled them together. 12.193. When Hyrcanus came to the place, and found he had no yokes with him, he condemned the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send some to his father, to bring them some yokes; but he thinking that he ought not to lose his time while they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he invented a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age older than his own; 12.194. for he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed their flesh among the laborers, and cut their hides into several pieces, and made him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with them; by which means he sowed as much land as his father had appointed him to sow, and returned to him. 12.196. 7. But when one told him that Ptolemy had a son just born, and that all the principal men of Syria, and the other countries subject to him, were to keep a festival, on account of the child’s birthday, and went away in haste with great retinues to Alexandria, he was himself indeed hindered from going by old age; but he made trial of his sons, whether any of them would be willing to go to the king. 12.197. And when the elder sons excused themselves from going, and said they were not courtiers good enough for such conversation, and advised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that advice, and called Hyrcanus, and asked him whether he would go to the king, and whether it was agreeable to him to go or not. 12.198. And upon his promise that he would go, and his saying that he should not want much money for his journey, because he would live moderately, and that ten thousand drachmas would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son’s prudence. 12.199. After a little while, the son advised his father not to send his presents to the king from thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at Alexandria, that he might furnish him with money, for purchasing what should be most excellent and most precious. 12.201. for Joseph sent the money he received in Syria to Alexandria. And when the day appointed for the payment of the taxes to the king came, he wrote to Arion to pay them. 12.202. So when the son had asked his father for a letter to the steward, and had received it, he made haste to Alexandria. And when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the king’s friends, that they should destroy him. 12.203. 8. But when he was come to Alexandria, he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many talents he would have (hoping he would ask for no more than ten, or a little more); he said he wanted a thousand talents. At which the steward was angry, and rebuked him, as one that intended to live extravagantly; and he let him know how his father had gathered together his estate by painstaking, and resisting his inclinations, and wished him to imitate the example of his father: he assured him withal, that he would give him but ten talents, and that for a present to the king also. 12.204. The son was irritated at this, and threw Arion into prison. But when Arion’s wife had informed Cleopatra of this, with her entreaty, that she would rebuke the child for what he had done, (for Arion was in great esteem with her,) Cleopatra informed the king of it. 12.205. And Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus, and told him that he wondered, when he was sent to him by his father, that he had not yet come into his presence, but had laid the steward in prison. And he gave order, therefore, that he should come to him, and give an account of the reason of what he had done. 12.206. And they report that the answer he made to the king’s messenger was this: That “there was a law of his that forbade a child that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before he had been at the temple and sacrificed to God. According to which way of reasoning he did not himself come to him in expectation of the present he was to make to him, as to one who had been his father’s benefactor; 12.207. and that he had punished the slave for disobeying his commands, for that it mattered not Whether a master was little or great: so that unless we punish such as these, thou thyself mayst also expect to be despised by thy subjects.” Upon hearing this his answer he fell alaughing, and wondered at the great soul of the child. 12.208. 9. When Arion was apprised that this was the king’s disposition, and that he had no way to help himself, he gave the child a thousand talents, and was let out of prison. So after three days were over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen. 12.209. They saw him with pleasure, and feasted him in an obliging manner, out of the respect they bare to his father. So he came to the merchants privately, and bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and were in the flower of their ages, each at a talent apiece; as also he bought a hundred maidens, each at the same price as the other. 12.211. Now when all those that sat with him had laid the bones of the several parts on a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had themselves taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the table where he sat was filled full with them 12.212. Trypho, who was the king’s jester, and was appointed for jokes and laughter at festivals, was now asked by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him to laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said, “Dost thou not see, my lord, the bones that lie by Hyrcanus? by this similitude thou mayst conjecture that his father made all Syria as bare as he hath made these bones.” 12.213. And the king laughing at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many bones before him? he replied, “Very rightfully, my lord; for they are dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests have done, (looking in the mean time at those guests,) for there is nothing before them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away the bones, as I, who am also a man, have now done.” 12.214. Upon which the king admired at his answer, which was so wisely made; and bid them all make an acclamation, as a mark of their approbation of his jest, which was truly a facetious one. 12.215. On the next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king’s friends, and of the men powerful at court, and saluted them; but still inquired of the servants what present they would make the king on his son’s birthday; 12.216. and when some said that they would give twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity would every one give according to the quantity of their riches, he pretended to every one of them to be grieved that he was not able to bring so large a present; for that he had no more than five talents. And when the servants heard what he said, they told their masters; 12.217. and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph would be disapproved, and would make the king angry, by the smallness of his present. When the day came, the others, even those that brought the most, offered the king not above twenty talents; but Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred boys and hundred maidens that he had bought a talent apiece, for them to carry, and introduced them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleopatra; 12.218. every body wondering at the unexpected richness of the presents, even the king and queen themselves. He also presented those that attended about the king with gifts to the value of a great number of talents, that he might escape the danger he was in from them; for to these it was that Hyrcanus’s brethren had written to destroy him. 12.219. Now Ptolemy admired at the young man’s magimity, and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. But he desired nothing else to be done for him by the king than to write to his father and brethren about him. 12.221. But when his brethren heard that Hyrcanus had received such favors from the king, and was returning home with great honor, they went out to meet him, and to destroy him, and that with the privity of their father; for he was angry at him for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for presents, and so had no concern for his preservation. However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at his son, out of fear of the king. 12.222. And when Hyrcanus’s brethren came to fight him, he slew many others of those that were with them, as also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus came to the city, where nobody would receive him, he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan, and there abode, but obliging the barbarians to pay their taxes. 12.223. 10. At this time Seleucus, who was called Soter, reigned over Asia, being the son of Antiochus the Great. 12.224. And [now] Hyrcanus’s father, Joseph, died. He was a good man, and of great magimity; and brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and meanness, to one that was more splendid. He retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time], and left the high priesthood to his son Simeon. 12.225. And when he was dead, Onias his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows: 12.226. “Areus, King of The Lacedemonians, To Onias, Sendeth Greeting. /p“We have met with a certain writing, whereby we have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and are derived from the kindred of Abraham It is but just therefore that you, who are our brethren, should send to us about any of your concerns as you please. 12.227. We will also do the same thing, and esteem your concerns as our own, and will look upon our concerns as in common with yours. Demoteles, who brings you this letter, will bring your answer back to us. This letter is four-square; and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon in his claws.” 12.228. 11. And these were the contents of the epistle which was sent from the king of the Lacedemonians. But, upon the death of Joseph, the people grew seditious, on account of his sons. 12.229. For whereas the elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of Joseph’s sons, the multitude was divided, but the greater part joined with the elders in this war; as did Simon the high priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and slew many of them, and took many of them captives. 12.231. He also made caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a rock that was over against him; and then he made large rooms in it, some for feasting, and some for sleeping and living in. He introduced also a vast quantity of waters which ran along it, and which were very delightful and ornamental in the court. 12.232. But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the caves so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by them at once. And the reason why he built them after that manner was a good one; it was for his own preservation, lest he should be besieged by his brethren, and run the hazard of being caught by them. 12.233. Moreover, he built courts of greater magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly large gardens. And when he had brought the place to this state, he named it Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far from the country of Heshbon. 12.234. And he ruled over those parts for seven years, even all the time that Seleucus was king of Syria. But when he was dead, his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, took the kingdom. 12.235. Ptolemy also, the king of Egypt, died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left two sons, and both young in age; the elder of which was called Philometer, and the youngest Physcon. 12.236. As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus had a great army, and feared lest he should be caught by him, and brought to punishment for what he had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, and slew himself with his own hand; while Antiochus seized upon all his substance. 12.237. 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. 12.238. But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. 12.239. This Jesus changed his name to Jason, but Onias was called Menelaus. Now as the former high priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against Menelaus, who was ordained after him, the multitude were divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias took the part of Menelaus 13.49. for I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to offer to me and instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day: 13.51. I will also that the city of Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself, that they may keep it for us. 13.52. I also make free all those Jews who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service; and let their sabbaths, and all their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free from any imposition. 13.53. In the same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom, and order that no injury be done them. I also give leave to such of them as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I will place in my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over those that are in my court.
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.287-2.292 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.287. but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. 2.288. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 2.289. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. 2.291. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. 2.292. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea.
11. New Testament, Mark, 2.13-2.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.13. He went out again by the seaside. All the multitude came to him, and he taught them. 2.14. As he passed by, he saw Levi, the son of Alphaeus, sitting at the tax office, and he said to him, "Follow me." And he arose and followed him. 2.15. It happened, that he was reclining at the table in his house, and many tax collectors and sinners sat down with Jesus and his disciples, for there were many, and they followed him. 2.16. The scribes and the Pharisees, when they saw that he was eating with the sinners and tax collectors, said to his disciples, "Why is it that he eats and drinks with tax collectors and sinners? 2.17. When Jesus heard it, he said to them, "Those who are healthy have no need for a physician, but those who are sick. I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance.
12. New Testament, Matthew, 5.46-5.47, 9.9, 18.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

5.46. For if you love those who love you, what reward do you have? Don't even the tax collectors do the same? 5.47. If you only greet your friends, what more do you do than others? Don't even the tax collectors do the same? 9.9. As Jesus passed by from there, he saw a man called Matthew sitting at the tax collection office. He said to him, "Follow me." He got up and followed him. 18.17. If he refuses to listen to them, tell it to the assembly. If he refuses to hear the assembly also, let him be to you as a Gentile or a tax collector.
13. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

28b. רב אויא חלש ולא אתא לפרקא דרב יוסף למחר כי אתא בעא אביי לאנוחי דעתיה דרב יוסף א"ל מ"ט לא אתא מר לפרקא א"ל דהוה חליש לבאי ולא מצינא א"ל אמאי לא טעמת מידי ואתית א"ל לא סבר לה מר להא דרב הונא דאמר רב הונא אסור לו לאדם שיטעום כלום קודם שיתפלל תפלת המוספין א"ל איבעי ליה למר לצלויי צלותא דמוספין ביחיד ולטעום מידי ולמיתי א"ל ולא סבר לה מר להא דא"ר יוחנן אסור לו לאדם שיקדים תפלתו לתפלת הצבור א"ל לאו אתמר עלה א"ר אבא בצבור שנו,ולית הלכתא לא כרב הונא ולא כריב"ל כרב הונא הא דאמרן כריב"ל דאריב"ל כיון שהגיע זמן תפלת המנחה אסור לו לאדם שיטעום כלום קודם שיתפלל תפלת המנחה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ר' נחוניא בן הקנה היה מתפלל בכניסתו לבית המדרש וביציאתו תפלה קצרה אמרו לו מה מקום לתפלה זו אמר להם בכניסתי אני מתפלל שלא יארע דבר תקלה על ידי וביציאתי אני נותן הודאה על חלקי:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר בכניסתו מהו אומר יהי רצון מלפניך ה' אלהי שלא יארע דבר תקלה על ידי ולא אכשל בדבר הלכה וישמחו בי חברי ולא אומר על טמא טהור ולא על טהור טמא ולא יכשלו חברי בדבר הלכה ואשמח בהם,ביציאתו מהו אומר מודה אני לפניך ה' אלהי ששמת חלקי מיושבי בית המדרש ולא שמת חלקי מיושבי קרנות שאני משכים והם משכימים אני משכים לדברי תורה והם משכימים לדברים בטלים אני עמל והם עמלים אני עמל ומקבל שכר והם עמלים ואינם מקבלים שכר אני רץ והם רצים אני רץ לחיי העולם הבא והם רצים לבאר שחת:,ת"ר כשחלה ר' אליעזר נכנסו תלמידיו לבקרו אמרו לו רבינו למדנו אורחות חיים ונזכה בהן לחיי העולם הבא,אמר להם הזהרו בכבוד חבריכם ומנעו בניכם מן ההגיון והושיבום בין ברכי תלמידי חכמים וכשאתם מתפללים דעו לפני מי אתם עומדים ובשביל כך תזכו לחיי העולם הבא,וכשחלה רבי יוחנן בן זכאי נכנסו תלמידיו לבקרו כיון שראה אותם התחיל לבכות אמרו לו תלמידיו נר ישראל עמוד הימיני פטיש החזק מפני מה אתה בוכה,אמר להם אילו לפני מלך בשר ודם היו מוליכין אותי שהיום כאן ומחר בקבר שאם כועס עלי אין כעסו כעס עולם ואם אוסרני אין איסורו איסור עולם ואם ממיתני אין מיתתו מיתת עולם ואני יכול לפייסו בדברים ולשחדו בממון אעפ"כ הייתי בוכה ועכשיו שמוליכים אותי לפני ממ"ה הקב"ה שהוא חי וקיים לעולם ולעולמי עולמים שאם כועס עלי כעסו כעס עולם ואם אוסרני איסורו איסור עולם ואם ממיתני מיתתו מיתת עולם ואיני יכול לפייסו בדברים ולא לשחדו בממון ולא עוד אלא שיש לפני שני דרכים אחת של גן עדן ואחת של גיהנם ואיני יודע באיזו מוליכים אותי ולא אבכה,אמרו לו רבינו ברכנו אמר להם יהי רצון שתהא מורא שמים עליכם כמורא בשר ודם אמרו לו תלמידיו עד כאן אמר להם ולואי תדעו כשאדם עובר עבירה אומר שלא יראני אדם.,בשעת פטירתו אמר להם פנו כלים מפני הטומאה והכינו כסא לחזקיהו מלך יהודה שבא:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big רבן גמליאל אומר בכל יום ויום מתפלל אדם שמנה עשרה רבי יהושע אומר מעין י"ח ר"ע אומר אם שגורה תפלתו בפיו מתפלל י"ח ואם לאו מעין י"ח,ר"א אומר העושה תפלתו קבע אין תפלתו תחנונים,ר' יהושע אומר ההולך במקום סכנה מתפלל תפלה קצרה ואומר הושע ה' את עמך את שארית ישראל בכל פרשת העבור יהיו צרכיהם לפניך ברוך אתה ה' שומע תפלה,היה רוכב על החמור ירד ויתפלל ואם אינו יכול לירד יחזיר את פניו ואם אינו יכול להחזיר את פניו יכוין את לבו כנגד בית קדשי הקדשים היה מהלך בספינה או באסדא יכוין את לבו כנגד בית קדשי הקדשים:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big הני י"ח כנגד מי,א"ר הלל בריה דר' שמואל בר נחמני כנגד י"ח אזכרות שאמר דוד (תהלים כט, א) בהבו לה' בני אלים רב יוסף אמר כנגד י"ח אזכרות שבקריאת שמע א"ר תנחום אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי כנגד שמונה עשרה חוליות שבשדרה.,ואמר ר' תנחום אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי המתפלל צריך שיכרע עד שיתפקקו כל חוליות שבשדרה,עולא אמר עד כדי שיראה איסר כנגד לבו רבי חנינא אמר כיון שנענע ראשו שוב אינו צריך אמר רבא והוא דמצער נפשיה ומחזי כמאן דכרע,הני תמני סרי תשסרי הוויין,אמר רבי לוי ברכת הצדוקים ביבנה תקנוה כנגד מי תקנוה,א"ר לוי לרבי הלל בריה דרבי שמואל בר נחמני כנגד (תהלים כט, ג) אל הכבוד הרעים לרב יוסף כנגד אחד שבקריאת שמע לר' תנחום א"ר יהושע בן לוי כנגד חוליא קטנה שבשדרה:,ת"ר שמעון הפקולי הסדיר י"ח ברכות לפני רבן גמליאל על הסדר ביבנה אמר להם ר"ג לחכמים כלום יש אדם שיודע לתקן ברכת הצדוקים עמד שמואל הקטן ותקנה,לשנה אחרת שכחה 28b. After mentioning until when the additional prayer may be recited, the Gemara relates: bRav Avya was ill and did not come to Rav Yosef’s Shabbat lecture. WhenRav Avya bcame the following day, Abaye sought to placate Rav Yosef,and through a series of questions and answers sought to make clear to him that Rav Avya’s failure to attend the lecture was not a display of contempt for Rav Yosef. brTo this end, he asked him: bWhy did the Master not attend the Shabbat lecture? brRav Avya bsaid to him: Because my heart was faint and I was unableto attend. brAbaye bsaid to him: Why did you not eat something and come? brRav Avya bsaid to him:Does bthe Master not holdin accordance with bthatstatement bof Rav Huna? As Rav Huna said: A person may not taste anything before he recites the additional prayer. brAbaye bsaid to him: My Master should have recited the additional prayer individually, eaten something, andthen bcometo the lecture. brRav Avya bsaid to him:Does bmy Master not holdin accordance with bthatstatement bof Rabbi Yoḥa: A person may not recite hisindividual bprayer prior to the communal prayer? brAbaye bsaid to him:Was bit not stated regarding this ihalakha /i, bRabbi Abba said: They taughtthis bin a communalsetting? brIn other words, only one who is part of a congregation is prohibited from praying alone prior to the prayer of the congregation. Even though Rav Avya was incorrect, the reason for his failure to attend the lecture was clarified through this discussion., bAndthe Gemara summarizes: bThe ihalakhais neither in accordance withthe statement of bRav Huna nor in accordance withthe statement of bRabbi Yehoshua ben Levi.The Gemara explains: It is not bin accordance withthe statement of bRav Huna, as we saidabove with regard to the prohibition to eat prior to the additional prayer. It is not bin accordance withthe statement of bRabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: Once the timeto recite bthe afternoon prayer has arrived, a person may not taste anything before he recites the afternoon prayer. /b, strongMISHNA: /strong In addition to the ihalakhotrelating to the fixed prayers, the Gemara relates: bRabbi Neḥunya ben Hakana would recite a brief prayer upon his entrance into the study hall and upon his exit. They said to him:The study hall is not a dangerous place that would warrant a prayer when entering and exiting, so bwhat room is there for this prayer? He said to them: Upon my entrance, I pray that no mishap will transpirecaused bby mein the study hall. bAnd upon my exit, I give thanks for my portion. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong bThe Sages taughtin a ibaraitathe complete formula of Rabbi Neḥunya ben Hakana’s prayer: bUpon his entrance, what does he say? May it be Your will, Lord my God, that no mishapin determining the ihalakha btranspirescaused bby me, and that I not fail in any matter of ihalakha /i, and that my colleagues,who together with me engage in clarifying the ihalakha, bwill rejoice in me.He specified: bAnd that I will neither declare pure that which is impure, nordeclare bimpure that which is pure and that my colleagues will not fail in any matter of ihalakha /i, and that I will rejoice in them. /b, bUpon his exit, what did he say? I give thanks before You, Lord my God, that You have placed my lot among those who sit in the study hall, and that you have not given me my portion among those who sitidly bonstreet bcorners. I rise early, and they rise early. I rise early topursue bmatters of Torah, and they rise early topursue bfrivolous matters. I toil and they toil. I toil and receive a reward, and they toil and do not receive a reward. I run and they run. I run to the life of the World-to-Come and they run to the pit of destruction. /b,On a similar note, the Gemara recounts related stories with different approaches. bThe Sages taught: When Rabbi Eliezer fell ill, his students entered to visit him. They said to him: Teach us paths of life,guidelines by which to live, band we will thereby merit the life of the World-to-Come. /b, bHe said to them: Be vigilant in the honor of your counterparts, and prevent your children from logicwhen studying verses that tend toward heresy ( ige /i’ ionim /i), band placeyour children, while they are still young, bbetween the knees of Torah scholars, and when you pray, know before Whom you stand. Fordoing bthat, you will merit the life of the World-to-Come. /b,A similar story is told about Rabbi Eliezer’s mentor, Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai: When bRabbi Yoḥa ben Zakkai fell ill his students entered to visit him. When he saw them, he began to cry. His students said to him: Lamp of Israel, the right pillar, the mighty hammer,the man whose life’s work is the foundation of the future of the Jewish people, bfor whatreason bare you crying?With a life as complete as yours, what is upsetting you?, bHe said to them:I cry in fear of heavenly judgment, as the judgment of the heavenly court is unlike the judgment of man. bIf they were leading me before a flesh and blood kingwhose life is temporal, bwho is here today anddead bin the grave tomorrow; if he is angry with me, his anger is not eternaland, consequently, his punishment is not eternal; bif he incarcerates me, his incarceration is not an eternal incarceration,as I might maintain my hope that I would ultimately be freed. bIf he kills me, his killing is not for eternity,as there is life after any death that he might decree. Moreover, bI am able to appease him with words andeven bbribe him with money,and beven so I would crywhen standing before royal judgment. bNow that they are leading me before the supreme King of Kings, the Holy One, Blessed be He, Who lives and endures forever and all time; if He is angry with me, His anger is eternal; if He incarcerates me, His incarceration is an eternal incarceration; and if He kills me, His killing is for eternity. I am unable to appease Him with words and bribe him with money. Moreover, but I have two paths before me, one of the Garden of Eden and one of Gehenna, and I do not know on which they are leading me; and will I not cry? /b,His students bsaid to him: Our teacher, bless us. He said to them: May it beHis bwill that the fear of Heaven shall be upon you like the fear of flesh and blood. His studentswere puzzled band said: To that pointand not beyond? Shouldn’t one fear God more? bHe said to them: Would thata person achieve that level of fear. bKnow that when one commits a transgression, he saysto himself: I hope bthat no man will see me.If one is as concerned about avoiding shame before God as he is before man, he will never sin.,The Gemara relates that bat the time of his death,immediately beforehand, bhe said to them: Remove the vesselsfrom the house and take them outside bdue to the ritual impuritythat will be imparted by my corpse, which they would otherwise contract. bAnd prepare a chair for Hezekiah, the King of Judea, who is comingfrom the upper world to accompany me., strongMISHNA: /strong The mishna cites a dispute with regard to the obligation to recite the iAmidaprayer, also known as iShemoneh Esreh /i, the prayer of eighteen blessings, or simply as itefilla /i, prayer. bRabban Gamliel says: Each and every day a person recites theprayer of beighteen blessings. Rabbi Yehoshua says:A short prayer is sufficient, and one only recites ban abridgedversion of the prayer of beighteen blessings. Rabbi Akiva saysan intermediate opinion: bIf he is fluent in his prayer, he recites theprayer of beighteen blessings, and if not,he need only recite ban abridgedversion of the prayer of beighteen blessings. /b, bRabbi Eliezer says: One whose prayer is fixed, his prayer is not supplicationand is flawed. The Gemara will clarify the halakhic implications of this flaw., bRabbi Yehoshua says: One whocannot recite a complete prayer because he bis walking in a place of danger, recites a brief prayer and says: Redeem, Lord, Your people, the remt of Israel, at every transition [ iparashat ha’ibur /i],the meaning of which will be discussed in the Gemara. bMay their needs be before You. Blessed are You, Lord, Who listens to prayer. /b,While praying, one must face toward the direction of the Holy Temple. bOne who was riding on a donkey should dismount and praycalmly. bIf he is unable to dismount, he should turn his facetoward the direction of the Temple. bIf he is unable to turn his face,it is sufficient that bhe focus his heart opposite the Holy of Holies.Similarly, bone who was traveling in a ship or on a raft [ iasda /i]and is unable to turn and face in the direction of Jerusalem, bshould focus his heart opposite the Holy of Holies. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong Since the mishna deals with the fundamental obligation to recite the iAmidaprayer, the Gemara seeks to resolve fundamental problems pertaining to this prayer. bCorresponding to what were these eighteenblessings instituted? When the iShemoneh Esrehwas instituted by the Sages, on what did they base the number of blessings?, bRabbi Hillel, son of Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani, said: Corresponding to the eighteen mentions of God’s namethat King bDavid saidin the psalm: b“Give unto the Lord, O you sons of might”(Psalms 29). bRav Yosef said: Corresponding to the eighteen mentions of God’s name in iShema /i. Rabbi Tanḥum saidthat bRabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: Corresponding to the eighteen vertebrae in the spinebeneath the ribs.,Since Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi’s opinion based the iAmidaprayer on the spinal vertebrae, the Gemara cites another statement of his that connects the two: bRabbi Tanḥum saidthat bRabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said:In those blessings where one is required to bow, bone who prays must bow until all the vertebrae in the spine protrude. /b,Establishing a different indicator to determine when he has bowed sufficiently, bUlla said:Until bhe can see a small coin [ iissar /i],on the ground before him bopposite his heart(Rav Hai Gaon). bRabbi Ḥanina said:There is room for leniency; bonce he moves his headforward, bhe need notbow any further. bRava said: But thatapplies only if bhe is exerting himselfwhen doing so, band he appears like one who is bowing.However, if he is able, he should bow further.,Until now, the prayer of eighteen blessings has been discussed as if it was axiomatic. The Gemara wonders: Are bthese eighteenblessings? bThey are nineteen. /b, bRabbi Levi said: The blessing of the heretics,which curses informers, bwas instituted in Yavneand is not included in the original tally of blessings. Nevertheless, since the number of blessings corresponds to various allusions, the Gemara attempts to clarify: bCorresponding to what wasthis nineteenth blessing binstituted? /b, bRabbi Levi said: According to Rabbi Hillel, son of Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani,who said that the eighteen blessings correspond to the eighteen mentions of God’s name that King David said in the psalm, the nineteenth blessing bcorresponds toa reference to God in that psalm, where a name other than the tetragrammaton was used: b“The God of glory thunders” ( /bPsalms 29:3). bAccording to Rav Yosef,who said that the eighteen blessings correspond to the eighteen mentions of God’s name in iShema /i, the additional blessing bcorresponds tothe word bone that is in iShema /i.Although it is not the tetragrammaton, it expresses the essence of faith in God. bAccording towhat bRabbi Tanḥumsaid that bRabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said,that the eighteen blessings correspond to the eighteen vertebrae in the spine, the additional blessing bcorresponds to the small vertebra that isat the bottom bof the spine. /b,In light of the previous mention of the blessing of the heretics, the Gemara explains how this blessing was instituted: bThe Sages taught: Shimon HaPakuli arrangedthe beighteen blessings,already extant during the period of the Great Assembly, bbefore Rabban Gamliel,the iNasiof the Sanhedrin, bin order in Yavne.Due to prevailing circumstances, there was a need to institute a new blessing directed against the heretics. bRabban Gamliel said to the Sages: Is there any person who knows to institute the blessing of the heretics,a blessing directed against the Sadducees? bShmuel HaKatan,who was one of the most pious men of that generation, bstood and instituted it. /b,The Gemara relates: bThe next year,when Shmuel HaKatan served as the prayer leader, bhe forgotthat blessing
14. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

25b. קים לי בנפשאי דידענא טפי אבל תולה בדעת יונו אימא לא,ואי תנא תולה בדעת יונו דאמר בנקשא תליא מילתא ואנא ידענא לנקושי טפי אבל תולה בדעת עצמו אימא לא צריכא,מיתיבי המשחק בקוביא אלו הן המשחקים בפיספסים ולא בפיספסים בלבד אמרו אלא אפילו קליפי אגוזים וקליפי רימונים,ואימתי חזרתן משישברו את פיספסיהן ויחזרו בהן חזרה גמורה דאפילו בחנם לא עבדי,מלוה בריבית אחד המלוה ואחד הלוה ואימתי חזרתן משיקרעו את שטריהן ויחזרו בהן חזרה גמורה אפילו לנכרי לא מוזפי,ומפריחי יונים אלו שממרין את היונים ולא יונים בלבד אמרו אלא אפילו בהמה חיה ועוף ואימתי חזרתן משישברו את פגמיהן ויחזרו בהן חזרה גמורה דאפי' במדבר נמי לא עבדי,סוחרי שביעית אלו שנושאין ונותנין בפירות שביעית ואימתי חזרתן משתגיע שביעית אחרת ויבדלו,וא"ר נחמיה לא חזרת דברים בלבד אמרו אלא חזרת ממון כיצד אומר אני פלוני בר פלוני כינסתי מאתים זוז בפירות שביעית והרי הן נתונין במתנה לעניים,קתני מיהת בהמה בשלמא למאן דאמר אי תקדמיה יונך ליון היינו דמשכחת לה בהמה אלא למ"ד ארא בהמה בת הכי היא,אין בשור הבר וכמאן דאמר שור הבר מין בהמה הוא דתנן שור הבר מין בהמה הוא רבי יוסי אומר מין חיה,תנא הוסיפו עליהן הגזלנין והחמסנין,גזלן דאורייתא הוא לא נצרכא אלא למציאת חרש שוטה וקטן,מעיקרא סבור מציאת חרש שוטה וקטן לא שכיחא אי נמי מפני דרכי שלום בעלמא כיון דחזו דסוף סוף ממונא הוא דקא שקלי פסלינהו רבנן,החמסנין מעיקרא סבור דמי קא יהיב אקראי בעלמא הוא כיון דחזו דקא חטפי גזרו בהו רבנן,תנא עוד הוסיפו עליהן הרועים הגבאין והמוכסין,רועים מעיקרא סבור אקראי בעלמא הוא כיון דחזו דקא מכווני ושדו לכתחילה גזרו בהו רבנן: הגבאין והמוכסין מעיקרא סבור מאי דקיץ להו קא שקלי כיון דחזו דקא שקלי יתירא פסלינהו,אמר רבא רועה שאמרו אחד רועה בהמה דקה ואחד רועה בהמה גסה,ומי אמר רבא הכי והאמר רבא רועה בהמה דקה בא"י פסולין בחוצה לארץ כשרין רועה בהמה גסה אפילו בא"י כשרין ההוא במגדלים איתמר,ה"נ מסתברא מדקתני נאמנין עלי שלשה רועי בקר מאי לאו לעדות,לא לדינא דיקא נמי דקתני שלשה רועי בקר ואי לעדות שלשה למה לי,ואלא מאי לדינא מאי איריא שלשה רועי בקר כל בי תלתא דלא גמרי דינא נמי,הכי קאמר אפילו הני דלא שכיחי ביישוב,א"ר יהודה סתם רועה פסול סתם גבאי כשר,אבוה דר' זירא עבד גביותא תליסר שנין כי הוה אתי ריש נהרא למתא כי הוה חזי רבנן א"ל (ישעיהו כו, כ) לך עמי בא בחדריך כי הוה חזי אינשי דמתא אמר ריש נהרא אתא למתא והאידנא נכיס אבא לפום ברא וברא לפום אבא 25b. bI am certain of myself that I know betterthan my competitor how to win. bButwith regard to one who bmakes it dependent on the decision of his pigeon, saythat he is bnotdisqualified from bearing witness, as he is aware that he cannot guarantee the results and therefore resolves to transfer the money if he loses., bAndconversely, bhadthe mishna btaughtthis ihalakhaonly with regard to one who bmakes it dependent on the decision of his pigeon,one might assume that only this type of gambler is disqualified, bas hepresumably bsays: The matter,i.e., the race, bis determined by knockingon trees and other objects to speed up the pigeons, band I knowhow bto knock betterthan my opponent. Therefore, he does not resolve to transfer the money if he loses. bButwith regard to one who bmakes it dependent on his own decision, saythat he is bnotdisqualified from bearing witness, as the roll of the dice is pure chance. Therefore, it is bnecessaryfor the mishna to teach both cases.,The Gemara braises an objectionto the opinion that the expression: Those who fly pigeons, refers to an iara /i, from a ibaraita /i: With regard to the expression bone who plays with dice, these are ones who play with ipispasim /i,which are dice of marble or other types of stone. bButthe Sages bdid notmean to bsaythat bonlyone who plays bwith ipispasim /iis disqualified from bearing witness, but brather evenone who plays with bnutshells or pomegranate shellsis disqualified., bAnd when is their repentanceaccepted, so that they may resume being fit to bear witness? bOnce they break their ipispasimand repent of them completely,abandoning this occupation entirely, bwhere they do not dothis beven for nothing,i.e., they do not play even without betting.,The ibaraitacontinues: The expression: bOne who lends with interest,is referring to bboth the lender and the borrower.Both are disqualified. bAnd when is their repentanceaccepted? bOnce they tear theirpromissory bnotes and repent of them completely,abandoning this occupation entirely, where bthey do not lendwith interest beven to a gentile. /b,The expression: bAndthose bwho fly pigeons,is referring to bthose who induce the pigeonsto behave in this manner, i.e., they train them. bAndthe Sages bdid notmean to bsaythat bonlythose who fly bpigeonsare disqualified; brather, eventhose who do this with ba domesticated animal, an undomesticated animal, orany type of bbirdare disqualified. bAnd when is their repentanceaccepted? bOnce they break their fixtures [ ipigmeihen /i]upon which they stand the competing animals, band repent completely,abandoning this occupation entirely, bwhere they do not dothis beven in the wilderness,where there is no one from whom to steal.,The expression: bMerchantswho trade in the produce bof the SabbaticalYear, is referring to bthose who do business withthe bproduce of the SabbaticalYear. bAnd when is their repentanceaccepted? bOnce another SabbaticalYear boccurs and they refrainfrom selling its produce or from assuming ownership of such produce.,The ibaraitacontinues: bAnd Rabbi Neḥemya said:The Sages bdid not saythat bverbal repentance aloneis sufficient for a merchant who traded in the produce of the Sabbatical Year to be reinstated as a valid witness; brather, returningthe bmoneyis also necessary. bHowcan one return the money he gained from selling produce of the Sabbatical Year? bHe says: I, so-and-so the son of so-and-so, gathered,i.e., profited, btwo hundred dinarsfrom trading binthe bproduce of the SabbaticalYear, bandas I gained it improperly, this sum is bhereby given as a gift to the poor. /b,The Gemara explains the objection: bIn any event, it is taughtin the ibaraitathat the status of one who flies pigeons applies to one who uses ba domesticated animalin the same manner. bGranted, according to the one who saysthat the term: One who flies pigeons, is referring to those who race pigeons, saying: bIf your pigeon reachesa certain destination bbefore my pigeonI will give you such and such an amount of money, bthis is how you finda parallel case of one who races ba domesticated animalagainst another animal. bBut according to the one who saysthat the term pigeon flyer means ban iara /i, is a domesticated animal capable ofluring other domesticated animals?,The Gemara answers: bYes,the ibaraitastates this bwith regard to the wild ox,which can be lured away from its owner’s property because it is not a completely domesticated animal. bAndthe ibaraitastates this baccording to the one who saysthat bthe wild ox is a species of domesticated animal, as we learnedin a mishna ( iKilayim8:6): bThe wild ox is a species of domesticated animal.But bRabbi Yosei says:It is ba species of undomesticated animal. /b,§ It was btaughtin a ibaraita /i: The Sages badded the robbers and those who force transactions,i.e., who compel others to sell to them, btothe list of those who are disqualified from bearing witness.,The Gemara asks: bA robber isdisqualified bby Torah law;why is it necessary for the Sages to add such an individual to the list? The Gemara answers: It bis necessary only toadd one who steals ban item found by a deaf-mute, an imbecile, or a minor,who acquire those items by rabbinic law only (see iGittin59b). Since these people are not considered halakhically competent, by Torah law they do not acquire an item that they find, and consequently one who steals such an item from them is not in violation of a prohibition by Torah law.,One possibility is that taking such an item is prohibited by rabbinic law because it constitutes robbery. Nevertheless, binitiallythe Sages did not disqualify such an individual from bearing witness, as they bassumedthat the case of ban item found by a deaf-mute, an imbecile, or a minor is uncommon.Therefore, it was not deemed necessary to disqualify one who robs them of such an item. bAlternatively,the Sages may have reasoned that taking such an item is prohibited bmerely on account of the ways of peace,i.e., to foster peace and prevent strife and controversy, and is not considered actual robbery. bWhen they realized that ultimatelythese people bwere taking propertyfrom others and were likely to perform actual robbery, bthe Sages disqualified them. /b,Similarly, with regard to bthose who force transactions, initiallythe Sages did not disqualify them, as bthey assumedthat their behavior could be excused for two reasons: bThey would pay moneyfor the items they took, and their forcing transactions bwas merely occasional;it was not a common practice. bWhen they realized thatthese people bwere snatchingitems regularly, bthe Sages issued a decree that theyare disqualified from bearing witness.,§ It is btaughtin a ibaraita /i: The Sages bfurther addedthe following btothe list of those disqualified from bearing witness: bThe shepherds,who shepherd their animals in the fields of others and are therefore considered like robbers; bthe collectorsof government taxes, who collect more than the amount that people are legally liable to pay; band the customs officials,who collect customs in an illegal manner.,The Gemara explains: bShepherdswere not disqualified at first, as the Sages binitially assumed it was merely incidentalthat they would let their animals graze in the fields of others. bWhen they realized that they would intentionally sendthe animals to the fields of others bfrom the outset, the Sages issued a decree that theyare disqualified from bearing witness. bThe collectorsof taxes band the customs officialswere not disqualified at first, as the Sages binitially assumed they would take the set amount theywere instructed to take. bWhen they realized thatthese officials bwere taking morethan that, bthey disqualified them. /b, bRava says:The bshepherd thatthe Sages bsaidis disqualified from bearing witness is referring to bboth a shepherd of small livestock and a herder of large livestock. /b,The Gemara asks: bAnd does Rava say this? But doesn’t Rava say: Shepherds of small livestock in Eretz Yisrael are disqualifiedfrom bearing witness, as besides grazing in others’ fields they also ruin the land? bOutside of EretzYisrael bthey are fitto bear witness. By contrast, bherders of large livestock, even in Eretz Yisrael, are fitto bear witness. The Gemara answers: bThat was stated with regard tothose bwho raisetheir animals on their own land, without herding them on land in the public domain.,The Gemara suggests a proof for Rava’s opinion that a herder of large livestock is also disqualified: bThis too stands to reason, fromthe fact bthatthe mishna (24a) bteachesthat a litigant may state: bThree cattle herders are trusted for mein court; by inference, cattle herders are generally disqualified. bWhat, is it not with regard to bearing witnessthat cattle herders are disqualified, in accordance with Rava’s statement?,The Gemara rejects this proof: bNo,it is bwith regard tositting in bjudgment.The Gemara comments: The language of the mishna bis also preciseaccording to this interpretation, bas it teaches: Three cattle herdersare trusted for me. bAnd ifit is bwith regard to bearing witness, why do Ineed bthreewitnesses? Two are enough.,The Gemara asks: bBut rather,with regard to bwhatare cattle herders disqualified? If it is bwith regard tositting in bjudgment, whydoes the mishna mention bspecifically three cattle herders? Any threepeople bwho did not study ihalakhaare alsodisqualified from serving as a court.,The Gemara answers: bThisis what the mishna bis saying:The litigants can accept as judges beven thosecattle herders bwhodwell in the fields and bdo not frequent the settled area,and are therefore not proficient in the ways of business., bRav Yehuda says: An ordinary shepherdis bdisqualifiedfrom bearing witness unless the court recognizes him as one who does not let his animals graze in the fields of others. bAn ordinarytax bcollectoris bfitunless the court determines he is one who collects more than people are obligated to pay.,The Gemara relates a story about a tax collector: bThe father of Rabbi Zeira collectedtaxes for bthirteen years. When the headtax collector of the briverregion bwould come to the city,Rabbi Zeira’s father would prepare the residents ahead of time. bWhen he would see the rabbis, he would say to themas a hint: b“Come, my people, enter into your chambers,and shut your doors behind you; hide yourself for a little moment until the indignation has passed” (Isaiah 26:20). He said this so that the head tax collector would not see the rabbis, and it would be possible to lower the taxes of the city. bWhen he would seethe ordinary bpeople of the city, he would sayto them: Beware, as bthe headtax collector of the briverregion bis coming to the city, and will now slaughter the father,i.e., take one’s money, bbefore the son, and the son before the father. /b
15. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 5.2

310. After the books had been read, the priests and the elders of the translators and the Jewish community and the leaders of the people stood up and said, that since so excellent and sacred and accurate a translation had been made, it was only right that it should remain as it was and no


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
abodah zarah Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
agoranomia, agoranomos Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
alexander balas Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
alexander the great Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115, 351
antiochos iii, his concession of the provincial tribute to the ptolemies Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 352, 353, 354
antiochos iii, his settlement for jerusalem Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342
antiochos iii, the great Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
antiochos iii Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342
antiochos iv epiphanes, and antiochos iiis and seleukos ivs settlements in koilē syria and phoinikē Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 343, 354
antiochos iv epiphanes, and jason and menelaos Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 354
antiochos iv epiphanes Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6, 27; Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351, 352, 353, 354
apion, of the tales of the tobiads Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 91
artapanus, hellenistic jewish historian, emphasizes josephs economic genius Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 105
babylonian talmud Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
ben sira Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
bible/biblical Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
book of daniel Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
book of esther Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
book of judith Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
book of tobit Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
city/-ies (polis), city of the sun Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
command economy Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6
commensality Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 72
country Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 410
court Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
customs Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
david (king) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
demand Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6
demetrios i poliorketes Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
festivals, jewish Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
financial administration Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
flavius josephus Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 410
foreign/foreigner Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
gentiles, relationships with jews Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
greek Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
greek esther Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
hekataios of abdera Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
heliodoros (seleukos ivs chief minister) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 354
heliodoros story Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351, 353, 354
hellenistic Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
high priests, of jerusalem, acquired royal prerogatives Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115, 351, 353
high priests, of jerusalem, their sphere of powers Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 351
high priests, of jerusalem Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351, 352, 353
hyrcanus (tobiad), at ptolemaic court Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 105
hyrcanus (tobiad), death of Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 105
hyrcanus (tobiad), literary connections to joseph (genesis patriarch) Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 89, 94, 95, 105
hyrcanus (tobiad), sibling rivalry motif Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 89, 91, 94, 95
hyrcanus (tobiad), supplanting father and brothers Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 105
hyrkanos the tobiad Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
ii maccabees, author of, his literary and intellectual skills Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 343
jason, his appointment Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351, 354
jerusalem Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6, 27
jew Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 410
jewish-hellenistic literature Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
jewish people, the, festivals Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
joseph & aseneth Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
joseph (genesis patriarch), in antiquities and other sources compared Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 89, 94, 95
joseph (genesis patriarch), sibling rivalry motif Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 89, 94, 95
joseph (son of tobias) Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
joseph the tobiad, story of Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115, 342, 343, 351, 352, 353, 354
joseph the tobiad Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 352, 353, 354
josephus Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303; Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115, 352, 353, 354
judaea Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6, 27
king, kings, and local communities Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 352, 353, 354
king, kings, and temples Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 351, 354
kings, hellenistic Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6
kingship (representation of), metaphor for all forms of power Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
letter of aristeas Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115; Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
literary connections to joseph (genesis patriarch) Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 94, 95
maccabees, revolt Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
maccabees/maccabean Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
menelaos, his appointment Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351, 354
military Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
nehemiah Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351
olympiodoros (seleukid high priest), nikanor inscription Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 343
olympiodoros (seleukid high priest) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
oniad authorship, background/origin/milieu Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
onias, son of simon the just Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 352, 353
onias iii, and heliodoros Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 354
onias iii, and simon the temple prostatēs Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
onias iii Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 353, 354
onias temple Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
overseer, royal, of temples Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351
parable Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 410
philo of alexandria, depiction of joseph (genesis patriarch) Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 89, 95
phineas (phinehas) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
politeia, literary genre Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
population Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
praise of the fathers Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
prayer Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
priest / priestly Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
prophet Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
prostatēs tou hierou, prostatai (royal officials in temples) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351
ptolemy ii Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 352, 353, 354
ptolemy v Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 352
ptolemy vi Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 343
rebellion, causes of Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
religion/religious Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
revenues, royal Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
samaria Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
sanctuaries Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6
sartre, maurice Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 352
schwartz, daniel r. Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342
seleukos iv, his administrative and fiscal reform Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
seleukos iv Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 351
seleukos iv philopator Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 6, 27
seneca Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 410
settlement, military Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 352
simon (simeon) the just (high priest) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
simon (temple prostatēs), his report Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342
simon (temple prostatēs) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 351
state culture of hellenistic kingdoms, modern views of Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 352, 353
subversive adaptation, in tales of the tobiads Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 91, 105
symbols/symbolism' Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
tales of the tobiads, summary of Edwards, In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus (2023) 58
tax, taxation, taxes, tax concessions and exemptions Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342
tax, taxation, taxes Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343, 351, 352, 353, 354
tax collector Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 410
tax exemption Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
taxation Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
temple, of jerusalem (in historical view, selected), and royal control and taxation Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
temple, of jerusalem (in historical view, selected), its revenues Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 343
temple, of jerusalem (in historical view, selected), its status Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342
temple, temples (in historical view), and royal control and taxation Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 342, 354
temple, temples (in historical view), royal subsidies to Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 354
temple, temples (in historical view), temple revenues Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 343
temple foundation (refoundation), of jerusalem temple Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
temple foundation (refoundation), royal prerogative Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
temple foundation (refoundation) Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
temple foundation (refoundation) accounts Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
temple v Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 410
theokratia Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 115
tobiad romance (tale of the tobiads) Piotrkowski, Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period (2019) 312
tobias (jew) Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 303
tribute Archibald et al, The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC (2011) 27
tribute increase, and seleukid interference with appointments of high priests Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351, 352, 353, 354
tribute increase, its instigator Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351, 352, 353, 354
tribute increase Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 353
zechariah Honigman, Tales of High Priests and Taxes: The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV (2014) 351