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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



6979
Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 11
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Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

17 results
1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 6.18, 9.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

6.18. וַהֲקִמֹתִי אֶת־בְּרִיתִי אִתָּךְ וּבָאתָ אֶל־הַתֵּבָה אַתָּה וּבָנֶיךָ וְאִשְׁתְּךָ וּנְשֵׁי־בָנֶיךָ אִתָּךְ׃ 6.18. But I will establish My covet with thee; and thou shalt come into the ark, thou, and thy sons, and thy wife, and thy sons’wives with thee." 9.20. And Noah, the man of the land, began and planted a vineyard."
2. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 75-76, 74 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

74. At all events I, when I was first excited by the stimulus of philosophy to feel a desire for it, when I was very young connected myself with one of her handmaidens, namely, grammar; and all the offspring of which I became the father by her, such as writing, reading, and the acquaintance with the works of the poets and historians, I attributed to the mistress.
3. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1. What has been said by other philosophers about drunkenness we have to the best of our ability recorded in the treatise before this present one. But now let us consider what is the opinion of the lawgiver, who was in all respects great and wise, on this subject;
4. Philo of Alexandria, On The Migration of Abraham, 90-93, 89 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

89. For there are some men, who, looking upon written laws as symbols of things appreciable by the intellect, have studied some things with superfluous accuracy, and have treated others with neglectful indifference; whom I should blame for their levity; for they ought to attend to both classes of things, applying themselves both to an accurate investigation of invisible things, and also to an irreproachable observance of those laws which are notorious.
5. Philo of Alexandria, On Planting, 8, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Philo of Alexandria, On Sobriety, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

7. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.69 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1.69. And the most evident proof of this may be found in the events which actually took place. For innumerable companies of men from a countless variety of cities, some by land and some by sea, from east and from west, from the north and from the south, came to the temple at every festival, as if to some common refuge and safe asylum from the troubles of this most busy and painful life, seeking to find tranquillity, and to procure a remission of and respite from those cares by which from their earliest infancy they had been hampered and weighed down
8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1. How long shall we, who are aged men, still be like children, being indeed as to our bodies gray-headed through the length of time that we have lived, but as to our souls utterly infantine through our want of sense and sensibility, looking upon that which is the most unstable of all things, namely, fortune, as most invariable, and that which is of all things in the world the most steadfast, namely, nature, as utterly untrustworthy? For, like people playing at draughts, we make changes, altering the position of actions, and considering the things which are the result of fortune as more durable than those which result from nature, and the things which proceed in accordance with nature as less stable than those which are the result of chance.
9. Philo of Alexandria, Plant., 8, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

1. In the former part of this treatise we have spoken of the art of husbandry as to its genus, dwelling on it at as great a length as the time admitted of; but in this book we will discuss the question of his cultivation of his vineyard with regard to the species as far as it is in our power. For Moses represents the just Noah not only as a husbandman, but also especially as occupied with the cultivation of vines, saying, "Noah began to be a husbandman of the earth; and he planted a Vineyard.
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 15.254, 16.394, 18.133, 18.143-18.146, 18.156, 18.159, 18.164-18.165, 18.179-18.204, 18.259-18.260, 19.276-19.277, 20.100 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

15.254. but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already. 16.394. whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their father’s command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where their uncle by the mother’s side, and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited. 18.133. but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod’s sister. 18.143. 1. A little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius’s son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son. 18.144. Now as Agrippa was by nature magimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; 18.145. but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty 18.146. and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived. 18.156. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security; 18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; 18.164. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship; 18.165. o, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him. 18.179. 6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. 18.181. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice; 18.182. for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. 18.183. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.” 18.184. Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity: 18.185. As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; 18.186. to which he replied, “O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. 18.187. Upon which he said, “O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.” 18.188. Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; 18.189. he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. 18.191. Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. 18.192. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel 18.193. he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.” 18.194. Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later. 18.195. 7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; 18.196. and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; 18.197. which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: “This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. 18.198. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause; 18.199. for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. 18.201. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.” 18.202. So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; 18.203. yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. 18.204. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months’ time, and in this case were his affairs. 18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; 19.276. he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. 19.277. But when Marcus, Alexander’s son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.
11. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.445-1.446, 1.486, 1.552-1.553, 2.487, 5.201-5.205 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.445. 1. Now Mariamne’s sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod’s crime towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men; 1.446. and when they were Come to an age fit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome’s daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. 1.486. none of whom did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his. 1.552. 1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tygranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters 1.553. and all by Bernice, Salome’s daughter. As for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus’s daughter, to Antipater’s uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match; 2.487. 7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; 5.201. 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. 5.202. Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. 5.203. However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. 5.204. Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger; 5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius.
12. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.35, 2.42 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.35. Now, if the Jews gained that part of the city by force, and have kept it hitherto without impeachment, this is a mark of their valor: but in reality it was Alexander himself that gave them that place for their habitation, when they obtained equal privileges there with the Macedonians. 2.42. while this fine fellow, who is willing to partake of such a privilege himself as he is forbidden to make use of, endeavors by calumnies to deprive those of it that have justly received it; for Alexander did not therefore get some of our nation to Alexandria, because he wanted inhabitants for this his city, on whose building he had bestowed so much pains; but this was given to our people as a reward; because he had, upon a careful trial, found them all to have been men of virtue and fidelity to him;
13. Mishnah, Middot, 2.2, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

2.2. All who entered the Temple Mount entered by the right and went round [to the right] and went out by the left, save for one to whom something had happened, who entered and went round to the left. [He was asked]: “Why do you go round to the left?” [If he answered] “Because I am a mourner,” [they said to him], “May He who dwells in this house comfort you.” [If he answered] “Because I am excommunicated” [they said]: “May He who dwells in this house inspire them to draw you near again,” the words of Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yose to him: you make it seem as if they treated him unjustly. Rather [they should say]: “May He who dwells in this house inspire you to listen to the words of your colleagues so that they may draw you near again.”" 4.6. The Hekhal was a hundred cubits by a hundred with a height of a hundred. The foundation was six cubits, then it rose forty, then a cubit for the ornamentation, two cubits for the guttering, a cubit for the ceiling and a cubit for the plastering. The height of the upper chamber was forty cubits, there was a cubit for its ornamentation, two cubits for the guttering, a cubit for the ceiling, a cubit for the plastering, three cubits for the parapet and a cubit for the spikes. Rabbi Judah says the spikes were not included in the measurement, but the parapet was four cubits."
14. Suetonius, Caligula, 10.1, 15.2, 23.2, 24.1, 29.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15. Suetonius, Claudius, 3.2, 11.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

16. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 2.18.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

2.18.2. There are, besides these, treatises expressly worked out by him on certain subjects, such as the two books On Agriculture, and the same number On Drunkenness; and some others distinguished by different titles corresponding to the contents of each; for instance, Concerning the Things Which the Sober Mind Desires and Execrates, On the Confusion of Tongues, On Flight and Discovery, On Assembly for the Sake of Instruction, On the Question, 'Who is Heir to Things Divine?' or On the Division of Things into Equal and Unequal, and still further the work On the Three Virtues Which With Others Have Been Described by Moses.
17. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 7.13.3-7.13.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
adler, m. Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
agrippa i Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
alexander, gaius julius (the alabarch) Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
alexander, marcus julius Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
alexander, tiberius julius Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
alexandria, citizenship in Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
alexandria, pseudo-hecataeus's familiarity with" Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 147
alexandria Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
antonia, daughter of mark antony Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
apollo / apollon Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
aristobulus son of herod the great Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
berenice, daughter of agrippa i Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
berenice, daughter of salome the elder Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
biblical interpretation, jewish Esler, The Early Christian World (2000) 1156
body Putthoff, Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology (2016) 69
borgen, peder Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3
chaeremon Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
claudius Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
constantine Esler, The Early Christian World (2000) 1156
covenant Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
de plantatione, place in allegorical commentary Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
deity, deities Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
drunkenness Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
drusus Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
eusebius Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3; Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
flood (great) Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
gaius caligula Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
germanicus Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
gladness Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
god, gods Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
hasmoneans Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
isis Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
jerome, and asceticism Esler, The Early Christian World (2000) 1156
jerome, biblical interpretation Esler, The Early Christian World (2000) 1156
jerome, generally Esler, The Early Christian World (2000) 1156
jerome Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3; Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3; Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
josephus, on alexander the alabarch Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
julius caesar Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
law Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
leontopolis Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 147
likeness Putthoff, Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology (2016) 69
mariamne the hasmonean Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
mark antony Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
moses, lawgiver Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
noah, story of Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3
noah Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 3
observance Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
passions Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3
pentateuch Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
philo, de agricultura, title Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3
philo Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3; Putthoff, Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology (2016) 69
philo judaeus, on jerusalem and temple Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 147
philo of alexandria, exegete Esler, The Early Christian World (2000) 1156
philo of alexandria Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116; Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
philosophical Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
practices Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
priestly blessing Putthoff, Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology (2016) 69
pseudo-hecataeus, on the jews, author Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 147
pseudo-hecataeus, on the jews, knowledge of temple Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 147
religion Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
rites/rituals Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
rome Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 266
sabbath Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
soul' Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3
sterling, gregory Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3
symbol Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
telos Putthoff, Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology (2016) 69
temple (jerusalem), mount Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 147
temple (jerusalem), pseudo-hecataeus on Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 147
transcendence / immanence Hirsch-Luipold, Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts (2022) 116
virtue Putthoff, Ontological Aspects of Early Jewish Anthropology (2016) 69
wendland, paul Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2013) 3