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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



6706
Horace, Epodes, 16.13
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Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

13 results
1. Cicero, On Divination, 1.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.33. Cotem autem illam et novaculam defossam in comitio supraque inpositum puteal accepimus. Negemus omnia, comburamus annales, ficta haec esse dicamus, quidvis denique potius quam deos res humanas curare fateamur; quid? quod scriptum apud te est de Ti. Graccho, nonne et augurum et haruspicum conprobat disciplinam? qui cum tabernaculum vitio cepisset inprudens, quod inauspicato pomerium transgressus esset, comitia consulibus rogandis habuit. Nota res est et a te ipso mandata monumentis. Sed et ipse augur Ti. Gracchus auspiciorum auctoritatem confessione errati sui conprobavit, et haruspicum disciplinae magna accessit auctoritas, qui recentibus comitiis in senatum introducti negaverunt iustum comitiorum rogatorem fuisse. 1.33. Moreover, according to tradition, the whetstone and razor were buried in the comitium and a stone curbing placed over them.Let us declare this story wholly false; let us burn the chronicles that contain it; let us call it a myth and admit almost anything you please rather than the fact that the gods have any concern in human affairs. But look at this: does not the story about Tiberius Gracchus found in your own writings acknowledge that augury and soothsaying are arts? He, having placed his tabernaculum, unwittingly violated augural law by crossing the pomerium before completing the auspices; nevertheless he held the consular election. The fact is well known to you since you have recorded it. Besides, Tiberius Gracchus, who was himself an augur, confirmed the authority of auspices by confessing his error; and the soothsayers, too, greatly enhanced the reputation of their calling, when brought into the Senate immediately after the election, by declaring that the election supervisor had acted without authority. [18]
2. Cicero, Republic, 1.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.64. iusto quidem rege cum est populus orbatus, 'pectora diu tenet desiderium', sicut ait Ennius, 'post optimi regis obitum'; simul inter Sese sic memorant: 'o Romule, Romule die, Qualem te patriae custodem di genuerunt! O pater, o genitor, o sanguen dis oriundum!' Non eros nec dominos appellabant eos, quibus iuste paruerunt, denique ne reges quidem, sed patriae custodes, sed patres, sed deos; nec sine causa; quid enim adiungunt? Tu produxisti nos intra luminis oras. Vitam, honorem, decus sibi datum esse iustitia regis existimabant. Mansisset eadem voluntas in eorum posteris, si regum similitudo permansisset, sed vides unius iniustitia concidisse genus illud totum rei publicae. L. Video vero, inquit, et studeo cursus istos mutationum non magis in nostra quam in omni re publica noscere.
3. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.55 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 3.363-3.364 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE)

3.363. And I prayed the great Father for a rest 3.364. From constraint; even in my heart again
5. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 6.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6.1. 1.  The foregoing is told by Diodorus in the Third Book of his history. And the same writer, in the sixth Book as well, confirms the same view regarding the gods, drawing from the writing of Euhemerus of Messenê, and using the following words:,2.  "As regards the gods, then, men of ancient times have handed down to later generations two different conceptions: Certain of the gods, they say, are eternal and imperishable, such as the sun and moon and the other stars of the heavens, and the winds as well and whatever else possesses a nature similar to theirs; for of each of these the genesis and duration are from everlasting to everlasting. But the other gods, we are told, were terrestrial beings who attained to immortal honour and fame because of their benefactions to mankind, such as Heracles, Dionysus, Aristaeus, and the others who were like them.,3.  Regarding these terrestrial gods many and varying accounts have been handed down by the writers of history and mythology; of the historians, Euhemerus, who composed the Sacred History, has written a special treatise about them, while, of the writers of myths, Homer and Hesiod and Orpheus and the others of their kind have invented rather monstrous stories about the gods. But for our part, we shall endeavour to run over briefly the accounts which both groups of writers have given, aiming at due proportion in our exposition.,4.  "Now Euhemerus, who was a friend of King Cassander and was required by him to perform certain affairs of state and to make great journeys abroad, says that he travelled southward as far as the ocean; for setting sail from Arabia the Blest he voyaged through the ocean for a considerable number of days and was carried to the shore of some islands in the sea, one of which bore the name of Panchaea. On this island he saw the Panchaeans who dwell there, who excel in piety and honour the gods with the most magnificent sacrifices and with remarkable votive offerings of silver and of gold.,5.  The island is sacred to the gods, and there are a number of other objects on it which are admired both for their antiquity and for the great skill of their workmanship, regarding which severally we have written in the preceding Books.,6.  There is also on the island, situated upon an exceedingly high hill, a sanctuary of Zeus Triphylius, which was established by him during the time when he was king of all the inhabited world and was still in the company of men.,7.  And in this temple there is a stele of gold on which is inscribed in summary, in the writing employed by the Panchaeans, the deeds of Uranus and Cronus and Zeus.,8.  "Euhemerus goes on to say that Uranus was the first to be king, that he was an honourable man and beneficent, who was versed in the movement of the stars, and that he was also the first to honour the gods of the heavens with sacrifices, whence he was called Uranus or "Heaven.",9.  There were born to him by his wife Hestia two sons, Titan and Cronus, and two daughters, Rhea and Demeter. Cronus became king after Uranus, and marrying Rhea he begat Zeus and Hera and Poseidon. And Zeus, on succeeding to the kingship, married Hera and Demeter and Themis, and by them he had children, the Curetes by the first named, Persephonê by the second, and Athena by the third.,10.  And going to Babylon he was entertained by Belus, and after that he went to the island of Panchaea, which lies in the ocean, and here he set up an altar to Uranus, the founder of his family. From there he passed through Syria and came to Casius, who was ruler of Syria at that time, and who gave his name to Mt. Casius. And coming to Cilicia he conquered in battle Cilix, the governor of the region, and he visited very many other nations, all of which paid honour to him and publicly proclaimed him a god.",11.  After recounting what I have given and more to the same effect about the gods, as if about mortal men, Diodorus goes on to say: "Now regarding Euhemerus, who composed the Sacred History, we shall rest content with what has been said, and shall endeavour to run over briefly the myths which the Greeks recount concerning the gods, as they are given by Hesiod and Homer and Orpheus." Thereupon Diodorus goes on to add the myths as the poets give them.
6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.70-2.71, 3.71.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2.70. 1.  The sixth division of his religious institutions was devoted to those the Romans call Salii, whom Numa himself appointed out of the patricians, choosing twelve young men of the most graceful appearance. These are the Salii whose holy things are deposited on the Palatine hill and who are themselves called the (Salii) Palatini; for the (Salii) Agonales, by some called the Salii Collini, the repository of whose holy things is on the Quirinal hill, were appointed after Numa's time by King Hostilius, in pursuance of a vow he had made in the war against the Sabines. All these Salii are a kind of dancers and singers of hymns in praise of the gods of war.,2.  Their festival falls about the time of the Panathenaea, in the month which they call March, and is celebrated at the public expense for many days, during which they proceed through the city with their dances to the Forum and to the Capitol and to many other places both private and public. They wear embroidered tunics girt about with wide girdles of bronze, and over these are fastened, with brooches, robes striped with scarlet and bordered with purple, which they call trabeae; this garment is peculiar to the Romans and a mark of the greatest honour. On their heads they wear apices, as they are called, that is, high caps contracted into the shape of a cone, which the Greeks call kyrbasiai.,3.  They have each of them a sword hanging at their girdle and in their right hand they hold a spear or a staff or something else of the sort, and on their left arm a Thracian buckler, which resembles a lozenge-shaped shield with its sides drawn in, such as those are said to carry who among the Greeks perform the sacred rites of the Curetes.,4.  And, in my opinion at least, the Salii, if the word be translated into Greek, are Curetes, whom, because they are kouroi or "young men," we call by that name from their age, whereas the Romans call them Salii from their lively motions. For to leap and skip is by them called salire; and for the same reason they call all other dancers saltatores, deriving their name from the Salii, because their dancing also is attended by much leaping and capering.,5.  Whether I have been well advised or not in giving them this appellation, anyone who pleases may gather from their actions. For they execute their movements in arms, keeping time to a flute, sometimes all together, sometimes by turns, and while dancing sing certain traditional hymns. But this dance and exercise performed by armed men and the noise they make by striking their bucklers with their daggers, if we may base any conjectures on the ancient accounts, was originated by the Curetes. I need not mention the legend which is related concerning them, since almost everybody is acquainted with it. 2.71. 1.  Among the vast number of bucklers which both the Salii themselves bear and some of their servants carry suspended from rods, they say there is one that fell from heaven and was found in the palace of Numa, though no one had brought it thither and no buckler of that shape had ever before been known among the Italians; and that for both these reasons the Romans concluded that this buckler had been sent by the gods.,2.  They add that Numa, desiring that it should be honoured by being carried through the city on holy days by the most distinguished young men and that annual sacrifices should be offered to it, but at the same time being fearful both of the plot of his enemies and of its disappearance by theft, caused many other bucklers to be made resembling the one which fell from heaven, Mamurius, an artificer, having undertaken the work; so that, as a result of the perfect resemblance of the man-made imitations, the shape of the buckler sent by the gods was rendered inconspicuous and difficult to be distinguished by those who might plot to possess themselves of it.,3.  This dancing after the manner of the Curetes was a native institution among the Romans and was held in great honour by them, as I gather from many other indications and especially from what takes place in their processions both in the Circus and in the theatres.,4.  For in all of them young men clad in handsome tunics, with helmets, swords and bucklers, march in file. These are the leaders of the procession and are called by the Romans, from a game of which the Lydians seem to have been the inventors, ludiones; they show merely a certain resemblance, in my opinion, to the Salii, since they do not, like the Salii, do any of the things characteristic of the Curetes, either in their hymns or dancing. And it was necessary that the Salii should be free men and native Romans and that both their fathers and mothers should be living; whereas the others are of any condition whatsoever. But why should I say more about them? 3.71.5.  All the others who beheld this wonderful and incredible feat cried out in their astonishment; and Tarquinius, ashamed of having made this trial of the man's skill and desiring to atone for his unseemly reproaches, resolved to win back the goodwill of Nevius himself, seeing in him one favoured above all men by the gods. Among many other instances of kindness by which he won him over, he caused a bronze statue of him to be made and set up in the Forum to perpetuate his memory with posterity. This statue still remained down to my time, standing in front of the senate-house near the sacred fig-tree; it was shorter than a man of average stature and the head was covered with the mantle. At a small distance from the statue both the whetstone and the razor are said to be buried in the earth under a certain altar. The place is called a well by the Romans. Such then, is the account given of this augur.
7. Livy, History, 1.18.1-1.18.2, 1.20.4, 1.36.5, 34.3-34.4, 39.6.7-39.6.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

8. Ovid, Fasti, 3.601-3.674 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

3.601. And his daughter too, and had merged both peoples. 3.602. While he was walking barefoot along the shore 3.603. That had been his dower, accompanied only by Achates 3.604. He saw Anna wandering, not believing it was her: 3.605. ‘Why should she be here in the fields of Latium?’ 3.606. Aeneas said to himself: ‘It’s Anna!’ shouted Achates: 3.607. At the sound of her name she raised her face. 3.608. Alas, what should she do? Flee? Wish for the ground 3.609. To swallow her? Her wretched sister’s fate was before her eyes. 3.610. The Cytherean hero felt her fear, and spoke to her 3.611. (He still wept, moved by your memory, Elissa): 3.612. ‘Anna, I swear, by this land that you once knew 3.613. A happier fate had granted me, and by the god 3.614. My companions, who have lately found a home here 3.615. That all of them often rebuked me for my delay. 3.616. Yet I did not fear her dying, that fear was absent. 3.617. Ah me! Her courage was beyond belief. 3.618. Don’t re-tell it: I saw shameful wounds on her body 3.619. When I dared to visit the houses of Tartarus. 3.620. But you shall enjoy the comforts of my kingdom 3.621. Whether your will or a god brings you to our shores. 3.622. I owe you much, and owe Elissa not a little: 3.623. You are welcome for your own and your sister’s sake.’ 3.624. She accepted his words (no other hope was left) 3.625. And told him of her own wanderings. 3.626. When she entered the palace, dressed in Tyrian style 3.627. Aeneas spoke (the rest of the throng were silent): 3.628. ‘Lavinia, my wife, I have a pious reason for entrusting 3.629. This lady to you: shipwrecked, I lived at her expense. 3.630. She’s of Tyrian birth: her kingdom’s on the Libyan shore: 3.631. I beg you to love her, as your dear sister.’ 3.632. Lavinia promised all, but hid a fancied wrong 3.633. Within her silent heart, and concealed her fears: 3.634. And though she saw many gifts given away openly 3.635. She suspected many more were sent secretly. 3.636. She hadn’t yet decided what to do: she hated 3.637. With fury, prepared a plan, and wished to die avenged. 3.638. It was night: it seemed her sister Dido stood 3.639. Before her bed, her straggling hair stained with her blood 3.640. Crying: ‘Flee, don’t hesitate, flee this gloomy house!’ 3.641. At the words a gust slammed the creaking door. 3.642. Anna leapt up, then jumped from a low window 3.643. To the ground: fear itself had made her daring. 3.644. With terror driving her, clothed in her loose vest 3.645. She runs like a frightened doe that hears the wolves. 3.646. It’s thought that horned Numicius swept her away 3.647. In his swollen flood, and hid her among his pools. 3.648. Meanwhile, shouting, they searched for the Sidonian lady 3.649. Through the fields: traces and tracks were visible: 3.650. Reaching the banks, they found her footprints there. 3.651. The knowing river stemmed his silent waters. 3.652. She herself appeared, saying: ‘I’m a nymph of the calm 3.653. Numicius: hid in perennial waters, Anna Perenna’s my name.’ 3.654. Quickly they set out a feast in the fields they’d roamed 3.655. And celebrated their deeds and the day, with copious wine. 3.656. Some think she’s the Moon, because she measures out 3.657. The year (annus): others, Themis, or the Inachian heifer. 3.658. Anna, you’ll find some to say you’re a nymph, daughter 3.659. of Azan, and gave Jupiter his first nourishment. 3.660. I’ll relate another tale that’s come to my ears 3.661. And it’s not so far away from the truth. 3.662. The Plebs of old, not yet protected by Tribunes 3.663. Fled, and gathered on the Sacred Mount: 3.664. The food supplies they’d brought with them failed 3.665. Also the stores of bread fit for human consumption. 3.666. There was a certain Anna from suburban Bovillae 3.667. A poor woman, old, but very industrious. 3.668. With her grey hair bound up in a light cap 3.669. She used to make coarse cakes with a trembling hand 3.670. And distribute them, still warm, among the people 3.671. Each morning: this supply of hers pleased them all. 3.672. When peace was made at home, they set up a statue 3.673. To Perenna, because she’d helped supply their needs. 3.674. Now it’s left for me to tell why the girls sing coarse songs:
9. Sallust, Catiline, 11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

10. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 15.77, 34.22, 35.120 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11. Plutarch, Marcellus, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Tacitus, Annals, 15.53, 15.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15.53.  At last they resolved to execute their purpose on the day of the Circensian Games when the celebration is in honour of Ceres; as the emperor who rarely left home and secluded himself in his palace or gardens, went regularly to the exhibitions in the Circus and could be approached with comparative ease owing to the gaiety of the spectacle. They had arranged a set programme for the plot. Lateranus, as though asking ficial help, would fall in an attitude of entreaty at the emperor's feet, overturn him while off his guard, and hold him down, being as he was a man of intrepid character and a giant physically. Then, as the victim lay prostrate and pinned, the tribunes, the centurions, and any of the rest who had daring enough, were to run up and do him to death; the part of protagonist being claimed by Scaevinus, who had taken down a dagger from the temple of Safety — of Fortune, according to other accounts — in the town of Ferentinum, and wore it regularly as the instrument sanctified to a great work. In the interval, Piso was to wait in the temple of Ceres; from which he would be summoned by the prefect Faenius and the others and carried to the camp: he would be accompanied by Claudius' daughter Antonia, with a view to eliciting the approval of the crowd. This is the statement of Pliny. For my own part, whatever his assertion may be worth, I was not inclined to suppress it, absurd as it may seem that either Antonia should have staked her name and safety on an empty expectation, or Piso, notoriously devoted to his wife, should have pledged himself to another marriage — unless, indeed, the lust of power burns more fiercely than all emotions combined. 15.74.  offerings and thanks were then voted to Heaven, the Sun, who had an old temple in the Circus, where the crime was to be staged, receiving special honour for revealing by his divine power the secrets of the conspiracy. The Circensian Games of Ceres were to be celebrated with an increased number of horse-races; the month of April was to take the name of Nero; a temple of Safety was to be erected on the site . . . from which Scaevinus had taken his dagger. That weapon the emperor himself consecrated in the Capitol, and inscribed it:— To Jove the Avenger. At the time, the incident passed unnoticed: after the armed rising of the other"avenger," Julius Vindex, it was read as a token and a presage of coming retribution. I find in the records of the senate that Anicius Cerialis, consul designate, gave it as his opinion that a temple should be built to Nero the Divine, as early as possible and out of public funds. His motion, it is true, merely implied that the prince had transcended mortal eminence and earned the worship of mankind; but it was vetoed by that prince, because by other interpreters it might be wrested into an omen of, and aspiration for, his decease; for the honour of divine is not paid to the emperor until he has ceased to live and move among men.
13. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 55 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aetiology, origins, causae Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
alcibiades, statue in comitium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
alexandria Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
anna perenna Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
apparitores Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
art Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
blessed islands Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
cassius viscellinus, sp. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
cloelia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
column, of minucius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
council of the gods Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
debates Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
deification, ascent to heavens Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
distancing, (divine) charisma Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
emperor cult Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
ennius Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
epiphany, of romulus-quirinus Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
euhemerus, euhemeristic Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
fabius maximus rullianus, q. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 141
faustulus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
ferentinum, and the temple of salus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
greece, and roman culture Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
greek, art Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
holliday, p. j. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
horace, epodes Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
horace Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
horatii Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
horatius cocles Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
hostius hostilius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
identity, roman Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
inscriptions Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
jupiter, in horaces works Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
lamentation, mourning Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
luxury, importation of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
macleod, c. w. Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
mars Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
marsyas, statue in comitium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
memory Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
mucius, p. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
naevius, attus, statue in comitium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
naevius, attus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
numa popilius, and pythagoras Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
numa popilius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
objects, legal disposition of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
objects, viewer understanding of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
painting, triumphal Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 141
pietas Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
ptolemies Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
pythagoras Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
rationalising Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
remus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
rome, area capitolina Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
rome, busta gallica Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
rome, curia hostilia Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
rome, esquiline hill Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 141
rome, lapis niger Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
rome, pyre of the nine tribunes Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
rome, statue of attus naevius in Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
rome, temple of divus augustus, victoria in Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
rome, temple of fortuna Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
rome, temple of quirinus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
rome, tigillum sororium Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
rome, tria fata Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
romulus, deified, quirinus Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
romulus, his tomb Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
romulus Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170; Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
rüpke, j., war with Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
salii Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
samnites Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 141
sempronius gracchus, ti., liberates beneventum Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 141
sempronius gracchus, ti. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 141
sertorius Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
sibylline oracles Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
spoils, legal disposition of Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
sun, in horaces works' Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 90
talisman Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
tarquin the proud, and attus naevius Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
tarquinius priscus Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 170
triumph Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
triumphator Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
valeria Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
varros antiquitates rerum divinarum et humanarum Erker, Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family (2023) 134
verres, c. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 33
viewers, and literacy Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
volscii Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120
wiseman, t. p. Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 120