Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



6465
Herodotus, Histories, 8.74


οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐν τῷ Ἰσθμῷ τοιούτῳ πόνῳ συνέστασαν, ἅτε περὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἤδη δρόμου θέοντες καὶ τῇσι νηυσὶ οὐκ ἐλπίζοντες ἐλλάμψεσθαι· οἳ δὲ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ὅμως ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι ἀρρώδεον, οὐκ οὕτω περὶ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι δειμαίνοντες ὡς περὶ τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ. τέως μὲν δὴ αὐτῶν ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὶ παραστὰς σιγῇ λόγον ἐποιέετο, θῶμα ποιεύμενοι τὴν Εὐρυβιάδεω ἀβουλίην· τέλος δὲ ἐξερράγη ἐς τὸ μέσον. σύλλογός τε δὴ ἐγίνετο καὶ πολλὰ ἐλέγετο τῶν αὐτῶν, οἳ μὲν ὡς ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον χρεὸν εἴη ἀποπλέειν καὶ περὶ ἐκείνης κινδυνεύειν μηδὲ πρὸ χώρης δοριαλώτου μένοντας μάχεσθαι, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ Αἰγινῆται καὶ Μεγαρέες αὐτοῦ μένοντας ἀμύνεσθαι.Those at the Isthmus were involved in so great a labor, since all they had was at stake and they did not expect the ships to win distinction. Those at Salamis heard of their labors but still were full of dread, fearing not for themselves but for the Peloponnese. ,For a time each man talked quietly to his neighbor, wondering at Eurybiades' folly, but finally it came out into the open. They held an assembly and talked at length on the same matters as before: some said they must sail away to the Peloponnese and risk battle for that country, not stay and fight for a captured land; but the Athenians and Aeginetans and Megarians said they must stay and defend themselves.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

4 results
1. Herodotus, Histories, 5.79-5.81, 8.40-8.45, 8.64, 8.75-8.76, 8.79-8.81, 8.83-8.84, 8.91-8.92, 8.94, 8.122 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

5.79. This, then, is the course of action which the Athenians took, and the Thebans, desiring vengeance on Athens, afterwards appealed to Delphi for advice. The Pythian priestess said that the Thebans themselves would not be able to obtain the vengeance they wanted and that they should lay the matter before the “many-voiced” and entreat their “nearest.” ,Upon the return of the envoys, an assembly was called and the oracle put before it. When the Thebans heard that they must entreat their “nearest,” they said, “If this is so, our nearest neighbors are the men of Tanagra and Coronea and Thespiae. These are always our comrades in battle and zealously wage our wars. What need, then, is there to entreat them? Perhaps this is the meaning of the oracle.” 5.80. They reasoned in this way, till at last one understood, and said: “I think that I perceive what the oracle is trying to tell us. Thebe and Aegina, it is said, were daughters of Asopus and sisters. The god's answer is, I think, that we should ask the Aeginetans to be our avengers.” ,Seeing that there seemed to be no better opinion before them than this, they sent straightaway to entreat the Aeginetans and invite their aid, since this was the oracle's bidding, and the Aeginetans were their nearest. These replied to their demand that they were sending the Sons of Aeacus in aid. 5.81. The Thebans took the field on the strength of their alliance with that family but were soundly beaten by the Athenians. Thereupon they sent a second message to Aegina, giving back the sons of Aeacus and asking for some men instead. ,The Aeginetans, who were enjoying great prosperity and remembered their old feud with Athens, accordingly made war on the Athenians at the entreaty of the Thebans without sending a herald. ,While the Athenians were busy with the Boeotians, they descended on Attica in ships of war, and ravaged Phaleron and many other seaboard townships. By so doing they dealt the Athenians a very shrewd blow. 8.40. At the request of the Athenians, the fleet of the Hellenes came from Artemisium and put in at Salamis. The Athenians requested them to put in at Salamis so that they take their children and women out of Attica and also take counsel what they should do. They had been disappointed in their plans, so they were going to hold a council about the current state of affairs. ,They expected to find the entire population of the Peloponnese in Boeotia awaiting the barbarian, but they found no such thing. They learned that they were fortifying the Isthmus instead and considered the defense of the Peloponnese the most important thing, disregarding all the rest. When the Athenians learned this, they asked the fleet to put in at Salamis. 8.41. While the others put in at Salamis, the Athenians landed in their own country. When they arrived, they made a proclamation that every Athenian should save his children and servants as he best could. Thereupon most of them sent the members of their households to Troezen, and some to Aegina and Salamis. ,They were anxious to get everything out safely because they wished to obey the oracle, and also not least because of this: the Athenians say that a great snake lives in the sacred precinct guarding the acropolis. They say this and even put out monthly offerings for it as if it really existed. The monthly offering is a honey-cake. ,In all the time before this the honey-cake had been consumed, but this time it was untouched. When the priestess interpreted the significance of this, the Athenians were all the more eager to abandon the city since the goddess had deserted the acropolis. When they had removed everything to safety, they returned to the camp. 8.42. When those from Artemisium had put in at Salamis, the rest of the Hellenic fleet learned of this and streamed in from Troezen, for they had been commanded to assemble at Pogon, the harbor of Troezen. Many more ships assembled now than had fought at Artemisium, and from more cities. ,The admiral was the same as at Artemisium, Eurybiades son of Euryclides, a Spartan but not of royal descent. The ships provided by the Athenians were by far the most numerous and the most seaworthy. 8.43. The following took part in the war: from the Peloponnese, the Lacedaemonians provided sixteen ships; the Corinthians the same number as at Artemisium; the Sicyonians furnished fifteen ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troezenians five, the Hermioneans three. All of these except the Hermioneans are Dorian and Macedonian and had last come from Erineus and Pindus and the Dryopian region. The Hermioneans are Dryopians, driven out of the country now called Doris by Herakles and the Malians. 8.44. These, then, were the Peloponnesians who took part in the war. From the mainland outside the Peloponnese came the following: the Athenians provided more than all the rest, one hundred and eighty ships. They provided these alone, since the Plataeans did not fight with the Athenians at Salamis for this reason: when the Hellenes departed from Artemisium and were off Chalcis, the Plataeans landed on the opposite shore of Boeotia and attended to the removal of their households. In bringing these to safety they were left behind. ,The Athenians, while the Pelasgians ruled what is now called Hellas, were Pelasgians, bearing the name of Cranai. When Cecrops was their king they were called Cecropidae, and when Erechtheus succeeded to the rule, they changed their name and became Athenians. When, however, Ion son of Xuthus was commander of the Athenian army, they were called after him Ionians. 8.45. The Megarians provided the same number as at Artemisium. The Ampraciots came to help with seven ships, and the Leucadians, who are Dorians from Corinth, with three. 8.64. After this skirmish of words, since Eurybiades had so resolved, the men at Salamis prepared to fight where they were. At sunrise on the next day there was an earthquake on land and sea, ,and they resolved to pray to the gods and summon the sons of Aeacus as allies. When they had so resolved, they did as follows: they prayed to all the gods, called Ajax and Telamon to come straight from Salamis, and sent a ship to Aegina for Aeacus and his sons. 8.75. When the Peloponnesians were outvoting him, Themistocles secretly left the assembly, and sent a man by boat to the Median fleet after ordering him what to say. His name was Sicinnus, and he was Themistocles' servant and his sons' attendant. Later Themistocles enrolled him as a Thespian, when the Thespians were adopting citizens, and made him wealthy with money. ,He now came by boat and said to the generals of the barbarians, “The Athenian general has sent me without the knowledge of the other Hellenes. He is on the king's side and prefers that your affairs prevail, not the Hellenes'. I am to tell you that the Hellenes are terrified and plan flight, and you can now perform the finest deed of all if you do not allow them to escape. ,They do not all have the same intent, and they will no longer oppose you. Instead you will see them fighting against themselves, those who are on your side against those who are not.” After indicating this to them he departed. 8.76. Finding the message credible, they first landed many of the Persians on the islet of Psyttalea, which lies between Salamis and the mainland. When it was midnight, they brought their western wing in a circle towards Salamis, and those stationed at Ceos and Cynosura also put out to sea, occupying all the passage as far as Munychia with their ships. ,They launched their ships in this way so that the Hellenes would have no escape: they would be trapped at Salamis and pay the penalty for the battles at Artemisium. The purpose of their landing Persians on the islet called Psyttalea was this: when the battle took place, it was chiefly there that the men and wrecks would be washed ashore, for the island lay in the path of the impending battle. The Persians would be able to save some of those who washed up and kill the others. ,They did this in silence for fear that their enemies hear, making their preparations at night without sleep. 8.79. As the generals disputed, Aristides son of Lysimachus, an Athenian, crossed over from Aegina. Although he had been ostracized by the people, I, learning by inquiry of his character, have come to believe that he was the best and most just man in Athens. ,This man stood at the assembly and called Themistocles out, although he was no friend of his, but his bitter enemy. Because of the magnitude of the present ills, he deliberately forgot all that and called him out, wanting to talk to him. He had already heard that those from the Peloponnese were anxious to set sail for the Isthmus, ,so when Themistocles came out he said, “On all occasions and especially now our contention must be over which of us will do our country more good. ,I say that it is all the same for the Peloponnesians to speak much or little about sailing away from here, for I have seen with my own eyes that even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself wanted to, they would not be able to escape. We are encircled by the enemy. Go in and indicate this to them.” 8.80. Themistocles answered, “Your exhortation is most useful and you bring good news. You have come as an eyewitness of just what I wanted to happen. Know that I am the cause of what the Medes are doing. When the Hellenes would not willingly enter battle, it was necessary to force them against their will. Since you have come bringing good news, tell it to them yourself. ,If I say these things, they will think I invented it, and they will not believe that the barbarians are doing this. Go in yourself and let them know how it stands. It would be best if they believe you when you tell them, but if they find these things incredible it is all the same to us. They will not be able to run away, if indeed we are surrounded on all sides as you say.” 8.81. Aristides went in and told them, saying that he had come from Aegina and had barely made it past the blockade when he sailed out, since all the Hellenic camp was surrounded by Xerxes' ships. He advised them to prepare to defend themselves. He said this and left, and again a dispute arose among them. The majority of the generals did not believe the news. 8.83. When they found the words of the Tenians worthy of belief, the Hellenes prepared to fight at sea. As dawn glimmered, they held an assembly of the fighting men, and Themistocles gave the best address among the others. His entire speech involved comparing the better and lesser elements in human nature and the human condition. ,He concluded his speech by advising them to choose the better of these, then gave the command to mount the ships. Just as they embarked, the trireme which had gone after the sons of Aeacus arrived from Aegina. 8.84. Then the Hellenes set sail with all their ships, and as they were putting out to sea the barbarians immediately attacked them. The rest of the Hellenes began to back water and tried to beach their ships, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, charged and rammed a ship. When his ship became entangled and the crew could not free it, the others came to help Ameinias and joined battle. ,The Athenians say that the fighting at sea began this way, but the Aeginetans say that the ship which had been sent to Aegina after the sons of Aeacus was the one that started it. The story is also told that the phantom of a woman appeared to them, who cried commands loud enough for all the Hellenic fleet to hear, reproaching them first with, “Men possessed, how long will you still be backing water?” 8.91. The barbarians were routed and tried to flee by sailing out to Phalerum, but the Aeginetans lay in wait for them in the strait and then performed deeds worth telling. The Athenians in the commotion destroyed those ships which either resisted or tried to flee, the Aeginetans those sailing out of the strait. Whoever escaped from the Athenians charged right into the Aeginetans. 8.92. The ships of Themistocles, as he was pursuing a ship, and of Polycritus son of Crius, an Aeginetan, then met. Polycritus had rammed a Sidonian ship, the one which had captured the Aeginetan ship that was on watch off Sciathus, and on it was Pytheas son of Ischenous, the one the Persians marvelled at when severely wounded and kept aboard their ship because of his virtue. This Sidonian ship carrying him with the Persians was now captured, so Pytheas came back safe to Aegina. ,When Polycritus saw the Attic ship, he recognized it by seeing the flagship's marking and shouted to Themistocles, mocking and reproaching him concerning the Medizing of the Aeginetans. After ramming an enemy ship, Polycritus hurled these insults at Themistocles. The barbarians whose ships were still intact fled and reached Phalerum under cover of the land army. 8.94. The Athenians say that when the ships joined battle, the Corinthian general Adeimantus, struck with bewilderment and terror, hoisted his sails and fled away. When the Corinthians saw their flagship fleeing, they departed in the same way, ,but when in their flight they were opposite the sacred precinct of Athena Sciras on Salamis, by divine guidance a boat encountered them. No one appeared to have sent it, and the Corinthians knew nothing about the affairs of the fleet when it approached. They reckon the affair to involve the gods because when the boat came near the ships, the people on the boat said, ,“Adeimantus, you have turned your ships to flight and betrayed the Hellenes, but they are overcoming their enemies to the fulfillment of their prayers for victory.” Adeimantus did not believe them when they said this, so they spoke again, saying that they could be taken as hostages and killed if the Hellenes were not seen to be victorious. ,So he and the others turned their ships around and came to the fleet, but it was all over. The Athenians spread this rumor about them, but the Corinthians do not agree at all, and they consider themselves to have been among the foremost in the battle. The rest of Hellas bears them witness. 8.122. Having sent the first-fruits to Delphi, the Greeks, in the name of the country generally, made inquiry of the god whether the first-fruits which he had received were of full measure and whether he was content. To this he said that he was content with what he had received from all other Greeks, but not from the Aeginetans. From these he demanded the victor's prize for the sea-fight of Salamis. When the Aeginetans learned that, they dedicated three golden stars which are set on a bronze mast, in the angle, nearest to Croesus' bowl.
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.73.4-1.73.74 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.73.4. We assert that at Marathon we were at the front, and faced the barbarian single-handed. That when he came the second time, unable to cope with him by land we went on board our ships with all our people, and joined in the action at Salamis . This prevented his taking the Peloponnesian states in detail, and ravaging them with his fleet; when the multitude of his vessels would have made any combination for self-defence impossible. 1.73.5. The best proof of this was furnished by the invader himself. Defeated at sea, he considered his power to be no longer what it had been, and retired as speedily as possible with the greater part of his army.
3. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 8.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

8.32. 1.  The Locrians sent to Sparta asking her aid in war. The Lacedaemonians, however, hearing of the great military strength of the inhabitants of Croton, replied, as if responding in a perfunctory manner, and as though the Locrians could be saved only in the way they suggested, that they were giving the Locrians for allies the sons of Tyndareüs. And the ambassadors, whether under the guidance of the providence of God or because they took the reply as an omen, accepted the aid they proffered, and after they had received favourable signs in a sacrifice, they prepared a couch on their ship for the Dioscori and sailed back to their native land.
4. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 10.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aeschylus, local, in panhellenic ritual setting Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aeschylus, persae Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
aeschylus Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aiakids, ancestors of aiginetans Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aiakids, as cult figures Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aiakids, in pindars odes Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aiakos Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans, and athens Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans, at battle of salamis Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans, medism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans, panhellenism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans, rivalry with athens Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aigina, aiginetans Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
aristeia Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
athens, and panhellenism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
athens, at battle of salamis Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
customs, persian Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
elders, chorus of, in aeschylus persae Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
eueteria Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
funerary, local myth in panhellenic Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
insular, panhellenic Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
kingship, persian Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
locality, and panhellenism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
monarchy, persian Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
neoptolemos Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
panhellenism, competed over Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
panhellenism, delphi and Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
panhellenism, expressed in song Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
panhellenism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
persian wars, and panhellenism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
polykritos, aiginetan Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
practice Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
sacrilege, sagras, battle at' Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
salamis, island, aiginetans at Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
salamis, naval battle of Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
telamon Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
themistocles Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
themistokles, panhellenism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
thucydides, and salamis Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
xerxes Gruen, Rethinking the Other in Antiquity (2011) 14
zeus hellanios, and claims to panhellenism Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208
zeus hellanios Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 208