Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

6465

Herodotus, Histories, 8.144.2

nan For there are many great reasons why we should not do this, even if we so desired; first and foremost, the burning and destruction of the adornments and temples of our gods, whom we are constrained to avenge to the utmost rather than make pacts with the perpetrator of these things, and next the kinship of all Greeks in blood and speech, and the shrines of gods and the sacrifices that we have in common, and the likeness of our way of life, to all of which it would not befit the Athenians to be false.

Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

6 results
1. Herodotus, Histories, 1.57, 1.157, 2.158.5, 3.108 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) 1.57. What language the Pelasgians spoke I cannot say definitely. But if one may judge by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who live above the Tyrrheni in the city of Creston —who were once neighbors of the people now called Dorians, and at that time inhabited the country which now is called Thessalian— ,and of the Pelasgians who inhabited Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont, who came to live among the Athenians, and by other towns too which were once Pelasgian and afterwards took a different name: if, as I said, one may judge by these, the Pelasgians spoke a language which was not Greek. ,If, then, all the Pelasgian stock spoke so, then the Attic nation, being of Pelasgian blood, must have changed its language too at the time when it became part of the Hellenes. For the people of Creston and Placia have a language of their own in common, which is not the language of their neighbors; and it is plain that they still preserve the manner of speech which they brought with them in their migration into the places where they live. 1.157. After giving these commands on his journey, he marched away into the Persian country. But Pactyes, learning that an army sent against him was approaching, was frightened and fled to Cyme . ,Mazares the Mede, when he came to Sardis with the part that he had of Cyrus' host and found Pactyes' followers no longer there, first of all compelled the Lydians to carry out Cyrus' commands; and by his order they changed their whole way of life. ,After this, he sent messengers to Cyme demanding that Pactyes be surrendered. The Cymaeans resolved to make the god at Branchidae their judge as to what course they should take; for there was an ancient place of divination there, which all the Ionians and Aeolians used to consult; the place is in the land of Miletus, above the harbor of Panormus . 2.158.5. this is the most direct route, but the canal is far longer, inasmuch as it is more crooked. In Necos' reign, a hundred and twenty thousand Egyptians died digging it. Necos stopped work, stayed by a prophetic utterance that he was toiling beforehand for the barbarian. The Egyptians call all men of other languages barbarians. 3.108. The Arabians also say that the whole country would be full of these snakes if the same thing did not occur among them that I believe occurs among vipers. ,Somehow the forethought of God (just as is reasonable) being wise has made all creatures prolific that are timid and edible, so that they do not become extinct through being eaten, whereas few young are born to hardy and vexatious creatures. ,On the one hand, because the hare is hunted by every beast and bird and man, therefore it is quite prolific; alone of all creatures it conceives during pregcy; some of the unborn young are hairy, some still naked, some are still forming in the womb while others are just conceived. ,On the one hand there is this sort of thing, but on the other hand the lioness, that is so powerful and so bold, once in her life bears one cub; for in the act of bearing she casts her uterus out with her cub. The explanation of this is that when the cub first begins to stir in the mother, its claws, much sharper than those of any other creature, tear the uterus, and the more it grows the more it scratches and tears, so that when the hour of birth is near seldom is any of the uterus left intact.
2. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 3.82.1, 3.82.4-3.82.6, 3.82.8, 3.83.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) 3.82.1. So bloody was the march of the revolution, and the impression which it made was the greater as it was one of the first to occur. Later on, one may say, the whole Hellenic world was convulsed; struggles being everywhere made by the popular chiefs to bring in the Athenians, and by the oligarchs to introduce the Lacedaemonians. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation; but in war, with an alliance always at the command of either faction for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. 3.82.4. Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 3.82.5. The advocate of extreme measures was always trustworthy; his opponent a man to be suspected. To succeed in a plot was to have a shrewd head, to divine a plot a still shrewder; but to try to provide against having to do either was to break up your party and to be afraid of your adversaries. In fine, to forestall an intending criminal, or to suggest the idea of a crime where it was wanting, was equally commended 3.82.6. until even blood became a weaker tie than party, from the superior readiness of those united by the latter to dare everything without reserve; for such associations had not in view the blessings derivable from established institutions but were formed by ambition for their overthrow; and the confidence of their members in each other rested less on any religious sanction than upon complicity in crime. 3.82.8. The cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from greed and ambition; and from these passions proceeded the violence of parties once engaged in contention. The leaders in the cities, each provided with the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aristocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish, and, recoiling from no means in their struggles for ascendancy, engaged in the direct excesses; in their acts of vengeance they went to even greater lengths, not stopping at what justice or the good of the state demanded, but making the party caprice of the moment their only standard, and invoking with equal readiness the condemnation of an unjust verdict or the authority of the strong arm to glut the animosities of the hour. Thus religion was in honor with neither party; but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation. Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape. 3.83.1. Thus every form of iniquity took root in the Hellenic countries by reason of the troubles. The ancient simplicity into which honor so largely entered was laughed down and disappeared; and society became divided into camps in which no man trusted his fellow.
4. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
5. Polybius, Histories, 4.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) 4.21. 1.  Now all these practices I believe to have been introduced by the men of old time, not as luxuries and superfluities but because they had before their eyes the universal practice of personal manual labour in Arcadia, and in general the toilsomeness and hardship of the men's lives, as well as the harshness of character resulting from the cold and gloomy atmospheric conditions usually prevailing in these parts — conditions to which all men by their very nature must perforce assimilate themselves;,2.  there being no other cause than this why separate nations and peoples dwelling widely apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in the most of their pursuits.,3.  The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institutions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplorable condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald,,9.  but the Mantineans after their departure even made a solemn purification by offering piacular sacrifices and carrying them round their city and all their territory.,10.  I have said so much on this subject firstly in order that the character of the Arcadian nation should not suffer for the crimes of one city, secondly to deter any other Arcadians from beginning to neglect music under the impression that its extensive practice in Arcadia serves no necessary purpose. I also spoke for the sake of the Cynaetheans themselves, in order that, if Heaven ever grant them better fortune, they may humanize themselves by turning their attention to education and especially to music; for by no other means can they hope to free themselves from that savagery which overtook them at this time.,12.  Having now said all that occurred to me on the subject of this people I return to the point whence I digressed.
6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.6.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) 1.6.3.  For these reasons, therefore, I have determined not to pass over a noble period of history which the older writers left untouched, a period, moreover, the accurate portrayal of which will lead to the following most excellent and just results: In the first place, the brave men who have fulfilled their destiny will gain immortal glory and be extolled by posterity, which things render human nature like unto the divine and prevent men's deeds from perishing together with their bodies.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
abstract nominal phrases in thucydides,and passive phrases / shades of meaning	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 61
abstract nominal phrases in thucydides,generalizing	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 61
altar	Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 23
aristotle	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 52
asia/asians	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 52
barbarians	Tupamahu (2022), Contesting Languages: Heteroglossia and the Politics of Language in the Early Church, 150
customs/traditions/practices as identity markers,as characterizing greekness	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42
customs/traditions/practices as identity markers,general	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 43
dio chrysostom	Hunter (2018), The Measure of Homer: The Ancient Reception of the Iliad, 25
dionysius of halicarnassus,roman antiquities	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 83
dionysius of halicarnassus,rome and roman history	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 83
dionysius of halicarnassus	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 83
egyptians	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 52
ethnicity	Tupamahu (2022), Contesting Languages: Heteroglossia and the Politics of Language in the Early Church, 150
ethnography,definition	Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 499
ethnography,inter-hellenic	Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 499
ethnography	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 83; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 499
ethnos/ethne,attic	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 52
europe/europeans	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 52
festivals,antheia	Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 23
greek identity	Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 499
greekness	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 83
greeks/hellenes,conflict among	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 43
greeks/hellenes,no treatise on ethnicity by	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42
herodotus,and τὸ ἑλληνικόν	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 61
herodotus	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42, 43, 52
hiera	Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 23
india/indians	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 52
india	Hunter (2018), The Measure of Homer: The Ancient Reception of the Iliad, 25
innate capacity as determining ethnicity,absent in herodotus	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 43
language as identity marker,for herodotus	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42, 52
language maintenance	Tupamahu (2022), Contesting Languages: Heteroglossia and the Politics of Language in the Early Church, 150
law,sacred	Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 23
lineage and genealogy as identity marker,in herodotus	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42
lucian	Hunter (2018), The Measure of Homer: The Ancient Reception of the Iliad, 25
mediterranean	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 43
odysseus	Hunter (2018), The Measure of Homer: The Ancient Reception of the Iliad, 25
persia/persians/iran	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42, 43, 52
race	Tupamahu (2022), Contesting Languages: Heteroglossia and the Politics of Language in the Early Church, 150
rhetorical context as shaping evidence	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42, 43
rome,relation to greekness	Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 83
sacrifice	Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 23
sanctuaries,panhellenic	Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 23
sociolinguistics'	Tupamahu (2022), Contesting Languages: Heteroglossia and the Politics of Language in the Early Church, 150
socrates	Hunter (2018), The Measure of Homer: The Ancient Reception of the Iliad, 25
sparta/spartans	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 42, 43
substantivized neuter phrases,abstract vs. collective sense of	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 61
substantivized neuter phrases,based on adjectives	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 61
worship/ritual/cult as identity markers,in herodotus	Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 43
τὸ ἑλληνικόν	Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 61