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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



6465
Herodotus, Histories, 1.59.6


nanThese rose with Pisistratus and took the Acropolis; and Pisistratus ruled the Athenians, disturbing in no way the order of offices nor changing the laws, but governing the city according to its established constitution and arranging all things fairly and well.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

17 results
1. Herodotus, Histories, 1.60.5, 5.66.2, 5.69-5.72, 5.77-5.78 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.60.5. “Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus. 5.66.2. These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. 5.69. This is what the Sicyonian Cleisthenes had done, and the Athenian Cleisthenes, following the lead of his grandfather and namesake, decided out of contempt, I imagine, for the Ionians, that his tribes should not be the same as theirs. ,When he had drawn into his own party the Athenian people, which was then debarred from all rights, he gave the tribes new names and increased their number, making ten tribe-wardens in place of four, and assigning ten districts to each tribe. When he had won over the people, he was stronger by far than the rival faction. 5.70. Isagoras, who was on the losing side, devised a counter-plot, and invited the aid of Cleomenes, who had been his friend since the besieging of the Pisistratidae. It was even said of Cleomenes that he regularly went to see Isagoras' wife. ,Then Cleomenes first sent a herald to Athens demanding the banishment of Cleisthenes and many other Athenians with him, the Accursed, as he called them. This he said in his message by Isagoras' instruction, for the Alcmeonidae and their faction were held to be guilty of that bloody deed while Isagoras and his friends had no part in it. 5.71. How the Accursed at Athens had received their name, I will now relate. There was an Athenian named Cylon, who had been a winner at Olympia. This man put on the air of one who aimed at tyranny, and gathering a company of men of like age, he attempted to seize the citadel. When he could not win it, he took sanctuary by the goddess' statue. ,He and his men were then removed from their position by the presidents of the naval boards, the rulers of Athens at that time. Although they were subject to any penalty save death, they were slain, and their death was attributed to the Alcmaeonidae. All this took place before the time of Pisistratus. 5.72. When Cleomenes had sent for and demanded the banishment of Cleisthenes and the Accursed, Cleisthenes himself secretly departed. Afterwards, however, Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no great force. Upon his arrival, he, in order to take away the curse, banished seven hundred Athenian families named for him by Isagoras. Having so done he next attempted to dissolve the Council, entrusting the offices of government to Isagoras' faction. ,The Council, however, resisted him, whereupon Cleomenes and Isagoras and his partisans seized the acropolis. The rest of the Athenians united and besieged them for two days. On the third day as many of them as were Lacedaemonians left the country under truce. ,The prophetic voice that Cleomenes heard accordingly had its fulfillment, for when he went up to the acropolis with the intention of taking possession of it, he approached the shrine of the goddess to address himself to her. The priestess rose up from her seat, and before he had passed through the door-way, she said, “Go back, Lacedaemonian stranger, and do not enter the holy place since it is not lawful that Dorians should pass in here. “My lady,” he answered, “I am not a Dorian, but an Achaean.” ,So without taking heed of the omen, he tried to do as he pleased and was, as I have said, then again cast out together with his Lacedaemonians. As for the rest, the Athenians imprisoned them under sentence of death. Among the prisoners was Timesitheus the Delphian, whose achievements of strength and courage were quite formidable. 5.77. When this force then had been ingloriously scattered, the Athenians first marched against the Chalcidians to punish them. The Boeotians came to the Euripus to help the Chalcidians and as soon as the Athenians saw these allies, they resolved to attack the Boeotians before the Chalcidians. ,When they met the Boeotians in battle, they won a great victory, slaying very many and taking seven hundred of them prisoner. On that same day the Athenians crossed to Euboea where they met the Chalcidians too in battle, and after overcoming them as well, they left four thousand tet farmers on the lands of the horse-breeders. ,Horse-breeders was the name given to the men of substance among the Chalcidians. They fettered as many of these as they took alive and kept them imprisoned with the captive Boeotians. In time, however, they set them free, each for an assessed ransom of two minae. The fetters in which the prisoners had been bound they hung up in the acropolis, where they could still be seen in my time hanging from walls which the Persians' fire had charred, opposite the temple which faces west. ,Moreover, they made a dedication of a tenth part of the ransom, and this money was used for the making of a four-horse chariot which stands on the left hand of the entrance into the outer porch of the acropolis and bears this inscription: quote type="inscription" l met="dact" Athens with Chalcis and Boeotia fought, /l lBound them in chains and brought their pride to naught. /l lPrison was grief, and ransom cost them dear- /l lOne tenth to Pallas raised this chariot here. /l /quote 5.78. So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself.
2. Isocrates, Nicocles, 24 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

566b. to expel him or bring about his death by calumniating him to the people, they plot to assassinate him by stealth. That is certainly wont to happen, said he. And thereupon those who have reached this stage devise that famous petition of the tyrant—to ask from the people a bodyguard to make their city safe for the friend of democracy.
4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.90-1.92, 1.126-1.138, 1.126.5-1.126.11, 6.54.5-6.54.6, 6.57.1, 6.59.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.126.6. Whether the grand festival that was meant was in Attica or elsewhere was a question which he never thought of, and which the oracle did not offer to solve. For the Athenians also have a festival which is called the grand festival of Zeus Meilichios or Gracious, viz. the Diasia. It is celebrated outside the city, and the whole people sacrifice not real victims but a number of bloodless offerings peculiar to the country. However, fancying he had chosen the right time, he made the attempt. 1.126.7. As soon as the Athenians perceived it, they flocked in, one and all, from the country, and sat down, and laid siege to the citadel. 6.54.5. Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the temples. 6.54.6. For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. 6.57.1. At last the festival arrived; and Hippias with his bodyguard was outside the city in the Ceramicus, arranging how the different parts of the procession were to proceed. Harmodius and Aristogiton had already their daggers and were getting ready to act
5. Xenophon, On Horsemanship, 6.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6. Xenophon, Hiero, 10.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.1.3, 8.7.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.1.3. Thus, as we meditated on this analogy, we were inclined to conclude that for man, as he is constituted, it is easier to rule over any and all other creatures than to rule over men. But when we reflected that Cyrus a king of men there was one Cyrus, the Persian, who reduced to obedience a vast number of men and cities and nations, we were then compelled to change our opinion and decide that to rule men might be a task neither impossible nor even difficult, if one should only go about it in an intelligent manner. At all events, we know that people obeyed Cyrus willingly, although some of them were distant from him a journey of many days, and others of many months; others, although they had never seen him, and still others who knew well that they never should see him. Nevertheless they were all willing to be his subjects. 8.7.13. As for you, Cambyses, you must also know His words of counsel—(1) to Cambyses; that it is not this golden sceptre that maintains your empire; but faithful friends are a monarch’s truest and surest sceptre. But do not think that man is naturally faithful; else all men would find the same persons faithful, just as all find the other properties of nature the same. But every one must create for himself faithfulness in his friends; and the winning of such friends comes in no wise by compulsion, but by kindness.
8. Xenophon, Memoirs, 3.3.9, 4.6.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.3.9. Well, I suppose you know that under all conditions human beings are most willing to obey those whom they believe to be the best. Cyropaedia III. i. 20. Thus in sickness they most readily obey the doctor, on board ship the pilot, on a farm the farmer, whom they think to be most skilled in his business. Yes, certainly. Then it is likely that in horsemanship too, one who clearly knows best what ought to be done will most easily gain the obedience of the others. 4.6.12. Kingship and despotism, in his judgment, were both forms of government, but he held that they differed. For government of men with their consent and in accordance with the laws of the state was kingship; while government of unwilling subjects and not controlled by laws, but imposed by the will of the ruler, was despotism. And where the officials are chosen among those who fulfil the requirements of the laws, the constitution is an aristocracy: where rateable property is the qualification for office, you have a plutocracy: where all are eligible, a democracy.
9. Xenophon, On Household Management, 4.19 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

4.19. I think you have one clear proof of a ruler’s excellence, when men obey him willingly Mem III. iii. 9. and choose to stand by him in moments of danger. Now his friends all fought at his side and fell at his side to a man, fighting round his body, with the one exception of Ariaeus, whose place in the battle was, in point of fact, on the left wing. Anabasis, I. ix. 31. Ariaeus fled when he saw that Cyrus had fallen.
10. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 13.5, 14.1-14.2, 16.2-16.3, 16.7-16.8, 16.10, 20.2-20.3, 21.5 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

11. Livy, History, 1.49.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

12. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 9.9-9.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

13. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

14. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 8.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

15. Plutarch, Solon, 30.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

30.3. But when he saw that the poor were tumultuously bent on gratifying Peisistratus, while the rich were fearfully slinking away from any conflict with him, he left the assembly, saying that he was wiser than the one party, and braver than the other; wiser than those who did not understand what was being done and braver than those who, though they understood it, were nevertheless afraid to oppose the tyranny. Cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 14.2 . So the people passed the decree, and then held Peisistratus to no strict account of the number of his club-bearers, but suffered him to keep and lead about in public as many as he wished, until at last he seized the acropolis.
16. Tacitus, Annals, 5.3-5.4, 15.57 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5.3.  In any case, there followed from now onward a sheer and grinding despotism: for, with Augusta still alive, there had remained a refuge; since deference to his mother was ingrained in Tiberius, nor did Sejanus venture to claim precedence over the authority of a parent. But now, as though freed from the curb, they broke out unrestrained, and a letter denouncing Agrippina and Nero was forwarded to Rome; the popular impression being that it was delivered much earlier and suppressed by the old empress, since it was publicly read not long after her death. Its wording was of studied asperity, but the offences imputed by the sovereign to his grandson were not rebellion under arms, not meditated revolution, but unnatural love and moral depravity. Against his daughter-in‑law he dared not fabricate even such a charge, but arraigned her haughty language and refractory spirit; the senate listening in profound alarm and silence, until a few who had nothing to hope from honesty (and public misfortunes are always turned by individuals into stepping-stones to favour) demanded that a motion be put — Cotta Messalinus being foremost with a drastic resolution. But among other leading members, and especially the magistrates, alarm prevailed: for Tiberius, bitter though his invective had been, had left all else in doubt. 5.4.  There was in the senate a certain Julius Rusticus, chosen by the Caesar to compile the official journal of its proceedings, and therefore credited with some insight into his thoughts. Under some fatal impulse — for he had never before given an indication of courage — or possibly through a misapplied acuteness which made him blind to dangers imminent and terrified of dangers uncertain, Rusticus insinuated himself among the doubters and warned the consuls not to introduce the question — "A touch," he insisted, "could turn the scale in the gravest of matters: it was possible that some day the extinction of the house of Germanicus might move the old man's penitence." At the same time, the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the curia, and, cheering for the Caesar, clamoured that the letter was spurious and that it was contrary to the Emperor's wish that destruction was plotted against his house. On that day, therefore, no tragedy was perpetrated. There were circulated, also, under consular names, fictitious attacks upon Sejanus: for authors in plenty exercised their capricious imagination with all the petulance of anonymity. The result was to fan his anger and to supply him with the material for fresh charges:— "The senate had spurned the sorrow of its emperor, the people had forsworn its allegiance. Already disloyal harangues, disloyal decrees of the Fathers, were listened to and perused: what remained but to take the sword and in the persons whose effigies they had followed as their ensigns to choose their generals and their princes?
17. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.66 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.66. He began by being a popular leader; his next step was to inflict wounds on himself and appear before the court of the Heliaia, crying out that these wounds had been inflicted by his enemies; and he requested them to give him a guard of 400 young men. And the people without listening to me granted him the men, who were armed with clubs. And after that he destroyed the democracy. It was in vain that I sought to free the poor amongst the Athenians from their condition of serfdom, if now they are all the slaves of one master, Pisistratus.Solon to PisistratusI am sure that I shall suffer no harm at your hands; for before you became tyrant I was your friend, and now I have no quarrel with you beyond that of every Athenian who disapproves of tyranny. Whether it is better for them to be ruled by one man or to live under a democracy, each of us must decide for himself upon his own judgement.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
accession (imperial) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
acropolis Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 103
advisers Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
alcmaeonids Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
anti-macedonian propaganda Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
antipater Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
archons Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
aristocracy, aristocrats, aristocratic, competition among Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
aristodemus of cumae Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
aristotle Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
athenaion politeia Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 103
athenian democratic ideology Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
bodyguard Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
boeotia, boeotians Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
brother Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
chalcis, chalcidians Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
citizenship, determined by fellow citizens Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
cleisthenes Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76, 103
cleomenes Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 103
commodus Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
commoners Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
council, of five hundred Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
cruelty Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
cylon Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 103
declamation vi Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
demarch Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
demes (demoi) Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
demos (damos), as agent of change Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76, 103
demos (damos), empowerment of Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 103
dinarchus of corinth (politician) Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
dionysius i Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
economy, economic Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
euthune, peasant Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
fear Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
flattery Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
goodwill (εὔνοια) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
herodotus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 103
hippias Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
hyperides Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
intertextuality Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
isagoras Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
korynephoroi Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
law, athenian. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 274
law, rule of Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
lawgivers Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
leader(ship) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
lycurgan athens v Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
marcus aurelius Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
memory Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
moderation Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
nero Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
omens Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
pausanias Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377
peisistratus' Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 274
peisistratus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76, 103
pentekontaetia Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377
perdiccas Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
phratries Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
pisistratus Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
plato Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
readers, active engagement/response Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
reform, tribal Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
reform Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
romulus Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
salamis Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 103
seisachtheia Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
solon Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
sources Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
speech(es) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
style Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377
swing painter Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
tacitus Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
tarquinius superbus Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 202
themistocles Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377
thucydides, in opposition to herodotus Kingsley Monti and Rood, The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography (2022) 377
tiberius Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
treasurers Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
tyranny, tyrants Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76
tyranny/tyrants Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
violence Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
virtues Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 66
warfare Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 76