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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



5045
Epigraphy, Ig I , 40
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Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

32 results
1. Aristophanes, Birds, 988 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

988. μήτ' ἢν Λάμπων ᾖ μήτ' ἢν ὁ μέγας Διοπείθης.
2. Aristophanes, Knights, 1085 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1085. ἐς τὴν χεῖρ' ὀρθῶς ᾐνίξατο τὴν Διοπείθους.
3. Aristophanes, Clouds, 830 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

830. τίς φησι ταῦτα; Σωκράτης ὁ Μήλιος
4. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 1159 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1159. ἀλλ' ἡγεμόνιον. ἀλλ' ὁ θεὸς ἤδη βλέπει
5. Aristophanes, Frogs, 320 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

320. ᾄδουσι γοῦν τὸν ̓́Ιακχον ὅνπερ Διαγόρας.
6. Aristophanes, Wasps, 380 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

380. δήσας σαυτὸν καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐμπλησάμενος Διοπείθους.
7. Herodotus, Histories, 1.34.1, 1.172, 2.45.3, 3.108.2, 6.21, 6.27.1, 6.91, 6.98, 6.133-6.135, 7.133-7.137, 7.137.2, 8.13, 8.20, 8.38-8.39, 8.65, 9.65, 9.65.2, 9.100-9.101, 9.101.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.34.1. But after Solon's departure divine retribution fell heavily on Croesus; as I guess, because he supposed himself to be blessed beyond all other men. Directly, as he slept, he had a dream, which showed him the truth of the evil things which were going to happen concerning his son. 1.172. I think the Caunians are aborigines of the soil, but they say that they came from Crete . Their speech has become like the Carian, or the Carian like theirs (for I cannot clearly decide), but in their customs they diverge widely from the Carians, as from all other men. Their chief pleasure is to assemble for drinking-bouts in groups according to their ages and friendships: men, women, and children. ,Certain foreign rites of worship were established among them; but afterwards, when they were inclined otherwise, and wanted to worship only the gods of their fathers, all Caunian men of full age put on their armor and went together as far as the boundaries of Calynda, striking the air with their spears and saying that they were casting out the alien gods. 2.45.3. And furthermore, as Heracles was alone, and, still, only a man, as they say, how is it natural that he should kill many myriads? In talking so much about this, may I keep the goodwill of gods and heroes! 3.108.2. Somehow the forethought of God (just as is reasonable) being wise has made all creatures prolific that are timid and edible, so that they do not become extinct through being eaten, whereas few young are born to hardy and vexatious creatures. 6.21. Now when the Milesians suffered all this at the hands of the Persians, the Sybarites (who had lost their city and dwelt in Laus and Scidrus) did not give them equal return for what they had done. When Sybaris was taken by the Crotoniates, all the people of Miletus, young and old, shaved their heads and made great public lamentation; no cities which we know were ever so closely joined in friendship as these. ,The Athenians acted very differently. The Athenians made clear their deep grief for the taking of Miletus in many ways, but especially in this: when Phrynichus wrote a play entitled “The Fall of Miletus” and produced it, the whole theater fell to weeping; they fined Phrynichus a thousand drachmas for bringing to mind a calamity that affected them so personally, and forbade the performance of that play forever. 6.27.1. It is common for some sign to be given when great ills threaten cities or nations; for before all this plain signs had been sent to the Chians. 6.91. But this happened later. The rich men of Aegina gained mastery over the people, who had risen against them with Nicodromus, then made them captive and led them out to be killed. Because of this a curse fell upon them, which despite all their efforts they could not get rid of by sacrifice, and they were driven out of their island before the goddess would be merciful to them. ,They had taken seven hundred of the people alive; as they led these out for slaughter one of them escaped from his bonds and fled to the temple gate of Demeter the Lawgiver, where he laid hold of the door-handles and clung to them. They could not tear him away by force, so they cut off his hands and carried him off, and those hands were left clinging fast to the door-handles. 6.98. After doing this, Datis sailed with his army against Eretria first, taking with him Ionians and Aeolians; and after he had put out from there, Delos was shaken by an earthquake, the first and last, as the Delians say, before my time. This portent was sent by heaven, as I suppose, to be an omen of the ills that were coming on the world. ,For in three generations, that is, in the time of Darius son of Hystaspes and Xerxes son of Darius and Artaxerxes son of Xerxes, more ills happened to Hellas than in twenty generations before Darius; some coming from the Persians, some from the wars for preeminence among the chief of the nations themselves. ,Thus it was no marvel that there should be an earthquake in Delos when there had been none before. Also there was an oracle concerning Delos, where it was written: quote type="oracle" l met="dact"I will shake Delos, though unshaken before. /l /quote In the Greek language these names have the following meanings: Darius is the Doer, Xerxes the Warrior, Artaxerxes the Great Warrior. The Greeks would rightly call the kings thus in their language. 6.133. Miltiades took his army and sailed for Paros, on the pretext that the Parians had brought this on themselves by first sending triremes with the Persian fleet to Marathon. Such was the pretext of his argument, but he had a grudge against the Parians because Lysagoras son of Tisias, a man of Parian descent, had slandered him to Hydarnes the Persian. ,When he reached his voyage's destination, Miltiades with his army drove the Parians inside their walls and besieged them; he sent in a herald and demanded a hundred talents, saying that if they did not give it to him, his army would not return home before it had stormed their city. ,The Parians had no intention of giving Miltiades any money at all, and they contrived how to defend their city. They did this by building their wall at night to double its former height where it was most assailable, and also by other devices. 6.134. All the Greeks tell the same story up to this point; after this the Parians themselves say that the following happened: as Miltiades was in a quandary, a captive woman named Timo, Parian by birth and an under-priestess of the goddesses of the dead, came to talk with him. ,Coming before Miltiades, she advised him, if taking Paros was very important to him, to do whatever she suggested. Then, following her advice, he passed through to the hill in front of the city and jumped over the fence of the precinct of Demeter the Lawgiver, since he was unable to open the door. After leaping over, he went to the shrine, whether to move something that should not be moved, or with some other intention. When he was right at the doors, he was immediately seized with panic and hurried back by the same route; leaping down from the wall he twisted his thigh, but some say he hit his knee. 6.135. So Miltiades sailed back home in a sorry condition, neither bringing money for the Athenians nor having won Paros; he had besieged the town for twenty-six days and ravaged the island. ,The Parians learned that Timo the under-priestess of the goddesses had been Miltiades' guide and desired to punish her for this. Since they now had respite from the siege, they sent messengers to Delphi to ask if they should put the under-priestess to death for guiding their enemies to the capture of her native country, and for revealing to Miltiades the rites that no male should know. ,But the Pythian priestess forbade them, saying that Timo was not responsible: Miltiades was doomed to make a bad end, and an apparition had led him in these evils. 7.133. To Athens and Sparta Xerxes sent no heralds to demand earth, and this he did for the following reason. When Darius had previously sent men with this same purpose, those who made the request were cast at the one city into the Pit and at the other into a well, and bidden to obtain their earth and water for the king from these locations. ,What calamity befell the Athenians for dealing in this way with the heralds I cannot say, save that their land and their city were laid waste. I think, however, that there was another reason for this, and not the aforesaid. 7.134. Be that as it may, the anger of Talthybius, Agamemnon's herald, fell upon the Lacedaemonians. At Sparta there is a shrine of Talthybius and descendants of Talthybius called Talthybiadae, who have the special privilege of conducting all embassies from Sparta. ,Now there was a long period after the incident I have mentioned above during which the Spartans were unable to obtain good omens from sacrifice. The Lacedaemonians were grieved and dismayed by this and frequently called assemblies, making a proclamation inviting some Lacedaemonian to give his life for Sparta. Then two Spartans of noble birth and great wealth, Sperthias son of Aneristus and Bulis son of Nicolaus, undertook of their own free will to make atonement to Xerxes for Darius' heralds who had been killed at Sparta. ,Thereupon the Spartans sent these men to Media for execution. 7.135. Worthy of admiration was these men's deed of daring, and so also were their sayings. On their way to Susa, they came to Hydarnes, a Persian, who was general of the coast of Asia. He entertained and feasted them as his guests, and as they sat at his board, he asked: ,“Lacedaemonians, why do you shun the king's friendship? You can judge from what you see of me and my condition how well the king can honor men of worth. So might it be with you if you would but put yourselves in the king's hands, being as you are of proven worth in his eyes, and every one of you might by his commission be a ruler of Hellas.” ,To this the Spartans answered: “Your advice to us, Hydarnes, is not completely sound; one half of it rests on knowledge, but the other on ignorance. You know well how to be a slave, but you, who have never tasted freedom, do not know whether it is sweet or not. Were you to taste of it, not with spears you would counsel us to fight for it, no, but with axes.” 7.136. This was their answer to Hydarnes. From there they came to Susa, into the king's presence, and when the guards commanded and would have compelled them to fall down and bow to the king, they said they would never do that. This they would refuse even if they were thrust down headlong, for it was not their custom, said they, to bow to mortal men, nor was that the purpose of their coming. Having averted that, they next said, ,“The Lacedaemonians have sent us, O king of the Medes, in requital for the slaying of your heralds at Sparta, to make atonement for their death,” and more to that effect. To this Xerxes, with great magimity, replied that he would not imitate the Lacedaemonians. “You,” said he, “made havoc of all human law by slaying heralds, but I will not do that for which I censure you, nor by putting you in turn to death will I set the Lacedaemonians free from this guilt.” 7.137. This conduct on the part of the Spartans succeeded for a time in allaying the anger of Talthybius, in spite of the fact that Sperthias and Bulis returned to Sparta. Long after that, however, it rose up again in the war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as the Lacedaemonians say. That seems to me to be an indication of something divine. ,It was just that the wrath of Talthybius descended on ambassadors, nor abated until it was satisfied. The venting of it, however, on the sons of those men who went up to the king to appease it, namely on Nicolas son of Bulis and Aneristus son of Sperthias (that Aneristus who landed a merchant ships crew at the Tirynthian settlement of Halia and took it), makes it plain to me that this was the divine result of Talthybius' anger. ,These two had been sent by the Lacedaemonians as ambassadors to Asia, and betrayed by the Thracian king Sitalces son of Tereus and Nymphodorus son of Pytheas of Abdera, they were made captive at Bisanthe on the Hellespont, and carried away to Attica, where the Athenians put them, and with them Aristeas son of Adimantus, a Corinthian, to death. This happened many years after the king's expedition, and I return now to the course of my history. 7.137.2. It was just that the wrath of Talthybius descended on ambassadors, nor abated until it was satisfied. The venting of it, however, on the sons of those men who went up to the king to appease it, namely on Nicolas son of Bulis and Aneristus son of Sperthias (that Aneristus who landed a merchant ships crew at the Tirynthian settlement of Halia and took it), makes it plain to me that this was the divine result of Talthybius' anger. 8.13. This is how the night dealt with them. To those who were appointed to sail round Euboea, however, that same night was still more cruel since it caught them on the open sea. Their end was a terrible one, for when the storm and the rain came on them in their course off the Hollows of Euboea, they were driven by the wind in an unknown direction and were driven onto the rocks. All this was done by the god so that the Persian power might be more equally matched with the Greek, and not much greater than it. 8.20. Now the Euboeans had neglected the oracle of Bacis, believing it to be empty of meaning, and neither by carrying away nor by bringing in anything had they shown that they feared an enemy's coming. In so doing they were the cause of their own destruction, ,for Bacis' oracle concerning this matter runs as follows quote type="oracle" l met="dact"When a strange-tongued man casts a yoke of papyrus on the waves, /l lThen take care to keep bleating goats far from the coasts of Euboea /l /quote To these verses the Euboeans gave no heed; but in the evils then present and soon to come they suffered the greatest calamity. 8.38. All of this together struck panic into the barbarians, and the Delphians, perceiving that they fled, descended upon them and killed a great number. The survivors fled straight to Boeotia. Those of the barbarians who returned said (as I have been told) that they had seen other divine signs besides what I have just described: two men-at-arms of stature greater than human,they said, had come after them, slaying and pursuing. 8.39. These two, say the Delphians, were the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous, whose precincts are near the temple, Phylacus' by the road itself above the shrine of Athena Pronaea, and Autonous' near the Castalian spring, under the Hyarapean Peak. ,The rocks that fell from Parnassus were yet to be seen in my day, lying in the precinct of Athena Pronaea, from where their descent through the foreigners' ranks had hurled them. Such, then, was the manner of those men's departure from the temple. 8.65. Dicaeus son of Theocydes, an Athenian exile who had become important among the Medes, said that at the time when the land of Attica was being laid waste by Xerxes' army and there were no Athenians in the country, he was with Demaratus the Lacedaemonian on the Thriasian plain and saw advancing from Eleusis a cloud of dust as if raised by the feet of about thirty thousand men. They marvelled at what men might be raising such a cloud of dust and immediately heard a cry. The cry seemed to be the “Iacchus” of the mysteries, ,and when Demaratus, ignorant of the rites of Eleusis, asked him what was making this sound, Dicaeus said, “Demaratus, there is no way that some great disaster will not befall the king's army. Since Attica is deserted, it is obvious that this voice is divine and comes from Eleusis to help the Athenians and their allies. ,If it descends upon the Peloponnese, the king himself and his army on the mainland will be endangered. If, however, it turns towards the ships at Salamis, the king will be in danger of losing his fleet. ,Every year the Athenians observe this festival for the Mother and the Maiden, and any Athenian or other Hellene who wishes is initiated. The voice which you hear is the ‘Iacchus’ they cry at this festival.” To this Demaratus replied, “Keep silent and tell this to no one else. ,If these words of yours are reported to the king, you will lose your head, and neither I nor any other man will be able to save you, so be silent. The gods will see to the army.” ,Thus he advised, and after the dust and the cry came a cloud, which rose aloft and floated away towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes. In this way they understood that Xerxes' fleet was going to be destroyed. Dicaeus son of Theocydes used to say this, appealing to Demaratus and others as witnesses. 9.65. At Plataea, however, the Persians, routed by the Lacedaemonians, fled in disorder to their own camp and inside the wooden walls which they had made in the territory of Thebes. ,It is indeed a marvel that although the battle was right by the grove of Demeter, there was no sign that any Persian had been killed in the precinct or entered into it; most of them fell near the temple in unconsecrated ground. I think—if it is necessary to judge the ways of the gods—that the goddess herself denied them entry, since they had burnt her temple, the shrine at Eleusis. 9.65.2. It is indeed a marvel that although the battle was right by the grove of Demeter, there was no sign that any Persian had been killed in the precinct or entered into it; most of them fell near the temple in unconsecrated ground. I think—if it is necessary to judge the ways of the gods—that the goddess herself denied them entry, since they had burnt her temple, the shrine at Eleusis. 9.100. The Greeks, having made all their preparations advanced their line against the barbarians. As they went, a rumor spread through the army, and a herald's wand was seen lying by the water-line. The rumor that ran was to the effect that the Greeks were victors over Mardonius' army at a battle in Boeotia. ,Now there are many clear indications of the divine ordering of things, seeing that a message, which greatly heartened the army and made it ready to face danger, arrived amongst the Greeks the very day on which the Persians' disaster at Plataea and that other which was to befall them at Mykale took place. 9.101. Moreover, there was the additional coincidence, that there were precincts of Eleusinian Demeter on both battlefields; for at Plataea the fight was near the temple of Demeter, as I have already said, and so it was to be at Mykale also. ,It happened that the rumor of a victory won by the Greeks with Pausanias was true, for the defeat at Plataea happened while it was yet early in the day, and the defeat of Mykale in the afternoon. That the two fell on the same day of the same month was proven to the Greeks when they examined the matter not long afterwards. ,Now before this rumor came they had been faint-hearted, fearing less for themselves than for the Greeks with Pausanias, that Hellas should stumble over Mardonius. But when the report sped among them, they grew stronger and swifter in their onset. So Greeks and barbarians alike were eager for battle, seeing that the islands and the Hellespont were the prizes of victory. 9.101.1. Moreover, there was the additional coincidence, that there were precincts of Eleusinian Demeter on both battlefields; for at Plataea the fight was near the temple of Demeter, as I have already said, and so it was to be at Mykale also.
8. Isocrates, Orations, 9.57, 18.65 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

9. Lysias, Orations, 6.16-6.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

10. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 5.32.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

5.32.1. About the same time in this summer Athens succeeded in reducing Scione, put the adult males to death, and making slaves of the women and children, gave the land for the Plataeans to live in. She also brought back the Delians to Delos, moved by her misfortunes in the field and by the commands of the god at Delphi .
11. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.3.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.3.3. But Diopeithes, a man very well versed in oracles, said in support of Leotychides that there was also an oracle of Apollo which bade the Lacedaemonians beware of the lame kingship. Agesilaus was lame. Lysander, however, made reply to him, on behalf of Agesilaus, that he did not suppose the god was bidding them beware lest a king of theirs should get a sprain and become lame, but rather lest one who was not of the royal stock should become king. For the kingship would be lame in very truth when it was not the descendants of Heracles who were at the head of the state.
12. Xenophon, On Household Management, 1.22 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.22. Yes, they too are slaves, and hard indeed are their masters: some are in bondage to gluttony, some to lechery, some to drink, and some to foolish and costly ambitions. And so hard is the rule of these passions over every man who falls into their clutches, that so long as they see that he is strong and capable of work, they force him to pay over all the profits of his toil, and to spend it on their own desires; but no sooner do they find that he is too old to work, than they leave him to an old age of misery, and try to fasten the yoke on other shoulders.
13. Aeschines, Letters, 1.112, 3.143, 3.243 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

14. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

15. Demosthenes, Orations, 4.26, 20.70, 20.75, 20.79, 20.86, 20.146, 20.159, 21.51-21.53, 21.62, 22.5, 22.8, 22.36-22.37, 22.72, 23.130, 23.136, 24.180 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

16. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 12.10.3-12.10.4, 15.33.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

12.10.3.  And shortly thereafter the city was moved to another site and received another name, its founders being Lampon and Xenocritus; the circumstances of its founding were as follows. The Sybarites who were driven a second time from their native city dispatched ambassadors to Greece, to the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, requesting that they assist their repatriation and take part in the settlement. 12.10.4.  Now the Lacedaemonians paid no attention to them, but the Athenians promised to join in the enterprise, and they manned ten ships and sent them to the Sybarites under the leadership of Lampon and Xenocritus; they further sent word to the several cities of the Peloponnesus, offering a share in the colony to anyone who wished to take part in it. 15.33.4.  After this Agesilaüs returned with his army to the Peloponnese, while the Thebans, saved by the generalship of Chabrias, though he had performed many gallant deeds in war, was particularly proud of this bit of strategy and he caused the statues which had been granted to him by his people to be erected to display that posture.
17. Strabo, Geography, 14.2.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

14.2.16. Then to Halicarnassus, the royal residence of the dynasts of Caria, which was formerly called Zephyra. Here is the tomb of Mausolus, one of the Seven Wonders, a monument erected by Artemisia in honor of her husband; and here is the fountain called Salmacis, which has the slanderous repute, for what reason I do not know, of making effeminate all who drink from it. It seems that the effeminacy of man is laid to the charge of the air or of the water; yet it is not these, but rather riches and wanton living, that are the cause of effeminacy. Halicarnassus has an acropolis; and off the city lies Arconnesus. Its colonizers were, among others, Anthes and a number of Troezenians. Natives of Halicarnassus have been: Herodotus the historian, whom they later called a Thurian, because he took part in the colonization of Thurii; and Heracleitus the poet, the comrade of Callimachus; and, in my time, Dionysius the historian.
18. Plutarch, Cimon, 8.6-8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

19. Plutarch, Pericles, 6.2, 32.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6.2. A story is told that once on a time the head of a one-horned ram was brought to Pericles from his country-place, and that Lampon the seer, when he saw how the horn grew strong and solid from the middle of the forehead, declared that, whereas there were two powerful parties in the city, that of Thucydides and that of Pericles, the mastery would finally devolve upon one man,—the man to whom this sign had been given. Anaxagoras, however, had the skull cut in two, and showed that the brain had not filled out its position, but had drawn together to a point, like an egg, at that particular spot in the entire cavity where the root of the horn began. 32.1. About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras.
20. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.3.2. Near the portico stand Conon, Timotheus his son and Evagoras Evagoras was a king of Salamis in Cyprus, who reigned from about 410 to 374 B.C. He favoured the Athenians, and helped Conon to defeat the Spartan fleet off Cnidus in 394 B.C. King of Cyprus, who caused the Phoenician men-of-war to be given to Conon by King Artaxerxes. This he did as an Athenian whose ancestry connected him with Salamis, for he traced his pedigree back to Teucer and the daughter of Cinyras. Here stands Zeus, called Zeus of Freedom, and the Emperor Hadrian, a benefactor to all his subjects and especially to the city of the Athenians.
21. Aeschines, Or., 1.112, 3.122, 3.143, 3.243

22. Andocides, Orations, 1.96-1.98

23. Andocides, Orations, 1.96-1.98

24. Epigraphy, Agora Xv, 45

25. Epigraphy, Ig I , 256, 61, 78, 136

26. Epigraphy, Ig I , 256, 40, 61, 78, 136

27. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1096, 1283, 1496, 2790, 70, 840, 1008

28. Epigraphy, Seg, 21.519

29. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 292, 306, 447, 1154

30. Epigraphy, Ml, 65, 73, 52

31. Epigraphy, Agora, 15.1-15.25

32. Lycurgus, Orations, 1.127



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aeacus Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
ajax and aianteia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
alochos Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 156, 177
altars, of apollo patroös Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
altars, of athena areia and ares Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
altars Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
amphiaraus, of oropos Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
aparchai, of eleusis Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63, 177
aphrodite Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
apollo, patroös Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
apollo, prostaterios Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
apollo, pythios Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63, 220
archons, eponymous Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177, 220
ares Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
aresteria Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
artemis, boulaia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
artemis, phosphoros Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
asebeia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
athena, areia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
athena, hephaistia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
athena, nike Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
athena, polias Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
athena Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
chresmologoi Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 156, 177
dedications, repair and remaking of Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
dedications, to aphrodite Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
dedications, to athena hephaistia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
dedications, to hephaestus Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
dedications, to heros iatros Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
demes Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
eisiteteria Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
ephebes Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
eusebeia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
heortai Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
hieropoioi Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
hygieia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
kosmos Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
mother of the gods, of city Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
nike Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
nomoi Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63, 156, 177
nymphs Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 156
omens Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177, 220
oracles, of amphiaraus Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
oracles, of apollo of delphi Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 156, 177
oracles, of zeus of dodona Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 156, 177
oracles Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63, 156, 177, 220
pompai, of thargelia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
pompai Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
poseidon, asphaleios Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
praxiergidae Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
prytaneis Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
psephismata Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 156, 177, 220
pythaïdes Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
sacrifice Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63, 156
soteria Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
statues, of dione at dodona Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
strategoi, of garrisons Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
strategoi, of polis Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63, 156, 220
tamiai, of boule Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
tamiai, of sitiotic fund Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63
taxiarchs' Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
thargelia Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 220
theseus Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 177
zeus, naios of dodona Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 156, 177
zeus, pankrates Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 63