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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



4479
Diogenes Laertius, Lives Of The Philosophers, 9.64


nanOn being discovered once talking to himself, he answered, when asked the reason, that he was training to be good. In debate he was looked down upon by no one, for he could both discourse at length and also sustain a cross-examination, so that even Nausiphanes when a young man was captivated by him: at all events he used to say that we should follow Pyrrho in disposition but himself in doctrine; and he would often remark that Epicurus, greatly admiring Pyrrho's way of life, regularly asked him for information about Pyrrho; and that he was so respected by his native city that they made him high priest, and on his account they voted that all philosophers should be exempt from taxation.Moreover, there were many who emulated his abstention from affairs, so that Timon in his Pytho and in his Silli says:


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

15 results
1. Hesiod, Theogony, 115, 114 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

114. Such is the precious gift of each goddess.
2. Homer, Iliad, 2.284 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

2.284. /in the likeness of a herald, bade the host keep silence, that the sons of the Achaeans, both the nearest and the farthest, might hear his words, and lay to heart his counsel. He with good intent addressed their gathering and spake among them:Son of Atreus, now verily are the Achaeans minded to make thee, O king
3. Homer, Odyssey, 5.392, 11.575, 12.169 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

4. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

5. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 1.47-1.48 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.47. Eademque ratione ne temperantiam quidem propter se expetendam esse dicemus, sed quia pacem animis afferat et eos quasi concordia quadam placet ac leniat. temperantia est enim, quae in rebus aut expetendis aut fugiendis ut rationem sequamur monet. nec enim satis est iudicare quid faciendum non faciendumve sit, sed stare etiam oportet in eo, quod sit iudicatum. plerique autem, quod tenere atque servare id, quod ipsi statuerunt, non possunt, victi et debilitati obiecta specie voluptatis tradunt se libidinibus constringendos nec quid eventurum proventurum R sit provident ob eamque causam propter voluptatem et parvam et non non om. A 1 RN 1 necessariam et quae vel aliter pararetur et qua etiam carere possent sine dolore tum in morbos gravis, tum in damna, tum in dedecora incurrunt, saepe etiam legum iudiciorumque poenis obligantur. 1.48. Qui autem ita frui volunt voluptatibus, ut nulli propter eas consequantur dolores, et qui suum iudicium retinent, ne voluptate victi faciant id, quod sentiant non esse faciendum, ii ii A 1 V in BE hi A 2 hii RN voluptatem maximam adipiscuntur praetermittenda voluptate. idem etiam dolorem saepe perpetiuntur, ne, si id non faciant, incidant in maiorem. ex quo intellegitur nec intemperantiam propter se esse fugiendam temperantiamque expetendam, non quia voluptates fugiat, sed quia maiores consequatur.
6. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.83 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.83. fit enim ad punctum temporis. Illud angit vel potius excruciat, discessus ab omnibus is quae sunt bona in vita . vide ne a malis nea malis K ( fuit m vel ni) dici verius possit. quid ego nunc lugeam vitam hominum? vere et iure possum; sed quid necesse est, cum id agam ne post mortem miseros nos putemus fore, etiam vitam efficere deplorando miseriorem? fecimus hoc in eo libro, in quo nosmet ipsos, quantum potuimus, consolati sumus. a malis igitur mors abducit, non a bonis, verum si sqq. Val. Max 8, 9 ext. 3 quaerimus. et quidem hoc ecquidem GRV h q dĕ (= haec quidem) K 1 (hoc quidem ss. 2 ) a Cyrenaico Hegesia he gesia R 1 sic copiose disputatur, ut is a rege Ptolomaeo ptolomeo K ptholomeo GV prohibitus esse dicatur illa in scholis dicere, quod quod V 2 s quo X multi is auditis mortem sibi ipsi consciscerent. -scerent in r. V c
7. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.23.5, 1.25.3, 1.25.7, 1.53.8, 1.65.5-1.65.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.23.5.  But when Cadmus found out what had taken place, having at the same time a reply from an oracle commanding him to observe the laws of his fathers, he both gilded the infant and paid it the appropriate sacrifices, on the ground that there had been a sort of epiphany of Osiris among men. 1.25.3.  consequently, now that she has attained immortality, she finds her greatest delight in the healing of mankind and gives aid in their sleep to those who call upon her, plainly manifesting both her very presence and her beneficence towards men who ask her help. 1.25.7.  And it appears that Horus was the last of the gods to be king after his father Osiris departed from among men. Moreover, they say that the name Horus, when translated, is Apollo, and that, having been instructed by his mother Isis in both medicine and divination, he is now a benefactor of the race of men through his oracular responses and his healings. 1.53.8.  There are those who say that he was urged to acquire empire over the whole world by his own daughter Athyrtis, who, according to some, was far more intelligent than any of her day and showed her father that the campaign would be an easy one, while according to others she had the gift of prophecy and knew beforehand, by means both of sacrifices and the practice of sleeping in temples, as well as from the signs which appear in the heavens, what would take place in the future. 1.65.5.  And the excessiveness of his piety may be inferred from a vision which he had in a dream and his consequent abdication of the throne. 1.65.6.  For he thought that the god of Thebes told him while he slept that he would not be able to reign over Egypt in happiness or for any great length of time, unless he should cut the bodies of all the priests in twain and accompanied by his retinue pass through the very midst of them.
8. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 12.2.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12.2.25.  Some authorities hold that the Academy will be the most useful school, on the ground that its habit of disputing on both sides of a question approaches most nearly to the actual practice of the courts. And by way of proof they add the fact that this school has produced speakers highly renowned for their eloquence. The Peripatetics also make it their boast that they have a form of study which is near akin to oratory. For it was with them in the main that originated the practice of declaiming on general questions by way of exercise. The Stoics, though driven to admit that, generally speaking, their teachers have been deficient both in fullness and charm of eloquence, still contend that no men can prove more acutely or draw conclusions with greater subtlety than themselves.
9. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 3.5.2, 5.20.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

10. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 9.57, 11.14, 11.172 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

11. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.17, 3.55 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

12. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.92, 5.11, 6.26-6.27, 9.45, 9.52, 9.61-9.63, 9.65-9.69, 9.71-9.76, 9.78-9.90, 9.94, 9.96-9.97, 9.99-9.113, 9.115-9.116 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

2.92. and that wealth too is productive of pleasure, though not desirable for its own sake.They affirm that mental affections can be known, but not the objects from which they come; and they abandoned the study of nature because of its apparent uncertainty, but fastened on logical inquiries because of their utility. But Meleager in his second book On Philosophical Opinions, and Clitomachus in his first book On the Sects, affirm that they maintain Dialectic as well as Physics to be useless, since, when one has learnt the theory of good and evil, it is possible to speak with propriety, to be free from superstition, and to escape the fear of death. 5.11. Theocritus of Chios, according to Ambryon in his book On Theocritus, ridiculed him in an epigram which runs as follows:To Hermias the eunuch, the slave withal of Eubulus, an empty monument was raised by empty-witted Aristotle, who by constraint of a lawless appetite chose to dwell at the mouth of the Borborus [muddy stream] rather than in the Academy.Timon again attacked him in the line:No, nor yet Aristotle's painful futility.Such then was the life of the philosopher. I have also come across his will, which is worded thus:All will be well; but, in case anything should happen, Aristotle has made these dispositions. Antipater is to be executor in all matters and in general; 6.26. And one day when Plato had invited to his house friends coming from Dionysius, Diogenes trampled upon his carpets and said, I trample upon Plato's vainglory. Plato's reply was, How much pride you expose to view, Diogenes, by seeming not to be proud. Others tell us that what Diogenes said was, I trample upon the pride of Plato, who retorted, Yes, Diogenes, with pride of another sort. Sotion, however, in his fourth book makes the Cynic address this remark to Plato himself. Diogenes once asked him for wine, and after that also for some dried figs; and Plato sent him a whole jar full. Then the other said, If some one asks you how many two and two are, will you answer, Twenty? So, it seems, you neither give as you are asked nor answer as you are questioned. Thus he scoffed at him as one who talked without end. 6.27. Being asked where in Greece he saw good men, he replied, Good men nowhere, but good boys at Lacedaemon. When one day he was gravely discoursing and nobody attended to him, he began whistling, and as people clustered about him, he reproached them with coming in all seriousness to hear nonsense, but slowly and contemptuously when the theme was serious. He would say that men strive in digging and kicking to outdo one another, but no one strives to become a good man and true. 9.45. All things happen by virtue of necessity, the vortex being the cause of the creation of all things, and this he calls necessity. The end of action is tranquillity, which is not identical with pleasure, as some by a false interpretation have understood, but a state in which the soul continues calm and strong, undisturbed by any fear or superstition or any other emotion. This he calls well-being and many other names. The qualities of things exist merely by convention; in nature there is nothing but atoms and void space. These, then, are his opinions.of his works Thrasylus has made an ordered catalogue, arranging them in fours, as he also arranged Plato's works. 9.52. For this introduction to his book the Athenians expelled him; and they burnt his works in the market-place, after sending round a herald to collect them from all who had copies in their possession.He was the first to exact a fee of a hundred minae and the first to distinguish the tenses of verbs, to emphasize the importance of seizing the right moment, to institute contests in debating, and to teach rival pleaders the tricks of their trade. Furthermore, in his dialectic he neglected the meaning in favour of verbal quibbling, and he was the father of the whole tribe of eristical disputants now so much in evidence; insomuch that Timon too speaks of him asProtagoras, all mankind's epitome,Cunning, I trow, to war with words. 9.61. 11. PYRRHOPyrrho of Elis was the son of Pleistarchus, as Diocles relates. According to Apollodorus in his Chronology, he was first a painter; then he studied under Stilpo's son Bryson: thus Alexander in his Successions of Philosophers. Afterwards he joined Anaxarchus, whom he accompanied on his travels everywhere so that he even forgathered with the Indian Gymnosophists and with the Magi. This led him to adopt a most noble philosophy, to quote Ascanius of Abdera, taking the form of agnosticism and suspension of judgement. He denied that anything was honourable or dishonourable, just or unjust. And so, universally, he held that there is nothing really existent, but custom and convention govern human action; for no single thing is in itself any more this than that. 9.62. He led a life consistent with this doctrine, going out of his way for nothing, taking no precaution, but facing all risks as they came, whether carts, precipices, dogs or what not, and, generally, leaving nothing to the arbitrament of the senses; but he was kept out of harm's way by his friends who, as Antigonus of Carystus tells us, used to follow close after him. But Aenesidemus says that it was only his philosophy that was based upon suspension of judgement, and that he did not lack foresight in his everyday acts. He lived to be nearly ninety.This is what Antigonus of Carystus says of Pyrrho in his book upon him. At first he was a poor and unknown painter, and there are still some indifferent torch-racers of his in the gymnasium at Elis. 9.63. He would withdraw from the world and live in solitude, rarely showing himself to his relatives; this he did because he had heard an Indian reproach Anaxarchus, telling him that he would never be able to teach others what is good while he himself danced attendance on kings in their courts. He would maintain the same composure at all times, so that, even if you left him when he was in the middle of a speech, he would finish what he had to say with no audience but himself, although in his youth he had been hasty. often, our informant adds, he would leave his home and, telling no one, would go roaming about with whomsoever he chanced to meet. And once, when Anaxarchus fell into a slough, he passed by without giving him any help, and, while others blamed him, Anaxarchus himself praised his indifference and sang-froid. 9.65. O Pyrrho, O aged Pyrrho, whence and howFound'st thou escape from servitude to sophists,Their dreams and vanities; how didst thou looseThe bonds of trickery and specious craft?Nor reck'st thou to inquire such things as these,What breezes circle Hellas, to what end,And from what quarter each may chance to blow.And again in the Conceits:This, Pyrrho, this my heart is fain to know,Whence peace of mind to thee doth freely flow,Why among men thou like a god dost show?Athens honoured him with her citizenship, says Diocles, for having slain the Thracian Cotys. 9.66. He lived in fraternal piety with his sister, a midwife, so says Eratosthenes in his essay On Wealth and Poverty, now and then even taking things for sale to market, poultry perchance or pigs, and he would dust the things in the house, quite indifferent as to what he did. They say he showed his indifference by washing a porker. Once he got enraged in his sister's cause (her name was Philista), and he told the man who blamed him that it was not over a weak woman that one should display indifference. When a cur rushed at him and terrified him, he answered his critic that it was not easy entirely to strip oneself of human weakness; but one should strive with all one's might against facts, by deeds if possible, and if not, in word. 9.67. They say that, when septic salves and surgical and caustic remedies were applied to a wound he had sustained, he did not so much as frown. Timon also portrays his disposition in the full account which he gives of him to Pytho. Philo of Athens, a friend of his, used to say that he was most fond of Democritus, and then of Homer, admiring him and continually repeating the lineAs leaves on trees, such is the life of man.He also admired Homer because he likened men to wasps, flies, and birds, and would quote these verses as well:Ay, friend, die thou; why thus thy fate deplore?Patroclus too, thy better, is no more,and all the passages which dwell on the unstable purpose, vain pursuits, and childish folly of man. 9.68. Posidonius, too, relates of him a story of this sort. When his fellow-passengers on board a ship were all unnerved by a storm, he kept calm and confident, pointing to a little pig in the ship that went on eating, and telling them that such was the unperturbed state in which the wise man should keep himself. Numenius alone attributes to him positive tenets. He had pupils of repute, in particular one Eurylochus, who fell short of his professions; for they say that he was once so angry that he seized the spit with the meat on it and chased his cook right into the market-place. 9.69. Once in Elis he was so hard pressed by his pupils' questions that he stripped and swam across the Alpheus. Now he was, as Timon too says, most hostile to Sophists.Philo, again, who had a habit of very often talking to himself, is also referred to in the lines:Yea, him that is far away from men, at leisure to himself,Philo, who recks not of opinion or of wrangling.Besides these, Pyrrho's pupils included Hecataeus of Abdera, Timon of Phlius, author of the Silli, of whom more anon, and also Nausiphanes of Teos, said by some to have been a teacher of Epicurus. All these were called Pyrrhoneans after the name of their master, but Aporetics, Sceptics, Ephectics, and even Zetetics, from their principles, if we may call them such — 9.71. Some call Homer the founder of this school, for to the same questions he more than anyone else is always giving different answers at different times, and is never definite or dogmatic about the answer. The maxims of the Seven Wise Men, too, they call sceptical; for instance, Observe the Golden Mean, and A pledge is a curse at one's elbow, meaning that whoever plights his troth steadfastly and trustfully brings a curse on his own head. Sceptically minded, again, were Archilochus and Euripides, for Archilochus says:Man's soul, O Glaucus, son of Leptines,Is but as one short day that Zeus sends down.And Euripides:Great God! how can they say poor mortal menHave minds and think? Hang we not on thy will?Do we not what it pleaseth thee to wish? 9.72. Furthermore, they find Xenophanes, Zeno of Elea, and Democritus to be sceptics: Xenophanes because he says,Clear truth hath no man seen nor e'er shall knowand Zeno because he would destroy motion, saying, A moving body moves neither where it is nor where it is not; Democritus because he rejects qualities, saying, Opinion says hot or cold, but the reality is atoms and empty space, and again, of a truth we know nothing, for truth is in a well. Plato, too, leaves the truth to gods and sons of gods, and seeks after the probable explanation. Euripides says: 9.73. Who knoweth if to die be but to live,And that called life by mortals be but death?So too Empedocles:So to these mortal may not list nor lookNor yet conceive them in his mind;and before that:Each believes naught but his experience.And even Heraclitus: Let us not conjecture on deepest questions what is likely. Then again Hippocrates showed himself two-sided and but human. And before them all Homer:Pliant is the tongue of mortals; numberless the tales within it;andAmple is of words the pasture, hither thither widely ranging;andAnd the saying which thou sayest, back it cometh later on thee,where he is speaking of the equal value of contradictory sayings. 9.74. The Sceptics, then, were constantly engaged in overthrowing the dogmas of all schools, but enuntiated none themselves; and though they would go so far as to bring forward and expound the dogmas of the others, they themselves laid down nothing definitely, not even the laying down of nothing. So much so that they even refuted their laying down of nothing, saying, for instance, We determine nothing, since otherwise they would have been betrayed into determining; but we put forward, say they, all the theories for the purpose of indicating our unprecipitate attitude, precisely as we might have done if we had actually assented to them. Thus by the expression We determine nothing is indicated their state of even balance; which is similarly indicated by the other expressions, Not more (one thing than another) 9.76. But the Sceptics even refute the statement Not more (one thing than another). For, as forethought is no more existent than non-existent, so Not more (one thing than another) is no more existent than not. Thus, as Timon says in the Pytho, the statement means just absence of all determination and withholding of assent. The other statement, Every saying, etc., equally compels suspension of judgement; when facts disagree, but the contradictory statements have exactly the same weight, ignorance of the truth is the necessary consequence. But even this statement has its corresponding antithesis, so that after destroying others it turns round and destroys itself, like a purge which drives the substance out and then in its turn is itself eliminated and destroyed. 9.79. They showed, then, on the basis of that which is contrary to what induces belief, that the probabilities on both sides are equal. Perplexities arise from the agreements between appearances or judgements, and these perplexities they distinguished under ten different modes in which the subjects in question appeared to vary. The following are the ten modes laid down.The first mode relates to the differences between living creatures in respect of those things which give them pleasure or pain, or are useful or harmful to them. By this it is inferred that they do not receive the same impressions from the same things, with the result that such a conflict necessarily leads to suspension of judgement. For some creatures multiply without intercourse, for example, creatures that live in fire, the Arabian phoenix and worms; others by union, such as man and the rest. 9.80. Some are distinguished in one way, some in another, and for this reason they differ in their senses also, hawks for instance being most keen-sighted, and dogs having a most acute sense of smell. It is natural that if the senses, e.g. eyes, of animals differ, so also will the impressions produced upon them; so to the goat vine-shoots are good to eat, to man they are bitter; the quail thrives on hemlock, which is fatal to man; the pig will eat ordure, the horse will not.The second mode has reference to the natures and idiosyncrasies of men; for instance, Demophon, Alexander's butler, used to get warm in the shade and shiver in the sun. 9.81. Andron of Argos is reported by Aristotle to have travelled across the waterless deserts of Libya without drinking. Moreover, one man fancies the profession of medicine, another farming, and another commerce; and the same ways of life are injurious to one man but beneficial to another; from which it follows that judgement must be suspended.The third mode depends on the differences between the sense-channels in different cases, for an apple gives the impression of being pale yellow in colour to the sight, sweet in taste and fragrant in smell. An object of the same shape is made to appear different by differences in the mirrors reflecting it. Thus it follows that what appears is no more such and such a thing than something different. 9.82. The fourth mode is that due to differences of condition and to changes in general; for instance, health, illness, sleep, waking, joy, sorrow, youth, old age, courage, fear, want, fullness, hate, love, heat, cold, to say nothing of breathing freely and having the passages obstructed. The impressions received thus appear to vary according to the nature of the conditions. Nay, even the state of madmen is not contrary to nature; for why should their state be so more than ours? Even to our view the sun has the appearance of standing still. And Theon of Tithorea used to go to bed and walk in his sleep, while Pericles' slave did the same on the housetop. 9.83. The fifth mode is derived from customs, laws, belief in myths, compacts between nations and dogmatic assumptions. This class includes considerations with regard to things beautiful and ugly, true and false, good and bad, with regard to the gods, and with regard to the coming into being and the passing away of the world of phenomena. Obviously the same thing is regarded by some as just and by others as unjust, or as good by some and bad by others. Persians think it not unnatural for a man to marry his daughter; to Greeks it is unlawful. The Massagetae, according to Eudoxus in the first book of his Voyage round the World, have their wives in common; the Greeks have not. The Cilicians used to delight in piracy; not so the Greeks. 9.84. Different people believe in different gods; some in providence, others not. In burying their dead, the Egyptians embalm them; the Romans burn them; the Paeonians throw them into lakes. As to what is true, then, let suspension of judgement be our practice.The sixth mode relates to mixtures and participations, by virtue of which nothing appears pure in and by itself, but only in combination with air, light, moisture, solidity, heat, cold, movement, exhalations and other forces. For purple shows different tints in sunlight, moonlight, and lamplight; and our own complexion does not appear the same at noon and when the sun is low. 9.85. Again, a rock which in air takes two men to lift is easily moved about in water, either because, being in reality heavy, it is lifted by the water or because, being light, it is made heavy by the air. of its own inherent property we know nothing, any more than of the constituent oils in an ointment.The seventh mode has reference to distances, positions, places and the occupants of the places. In this mode things which are thought to be large appear small, square things round; flat things appear to have projections, straight things to be bent, and colourless coloured. So the sun, on account of its distance, appears small, mountains when far away appear misty and smooth, but when near at hand rugged. 9.86. Furthermore, the sun at its rising has a certain appearance, but has a dissimilar appearance when in mid-heaven, and the same body one appearance in a wood and another in open country. The image again varies according to the position of the object, and a dove's neck according to the way it is turned. Since, then, it is not possible to observe these things apart from places and positions, their real nature is unknowable.The eighth mode is concerned with quantities and qualities of things, say heat or cold, swiftness or slowness, colourlessness or variety of colours. Thus wine taken in moderation strengthens the body, but too much of it is weakening; and so with food and other things. 9.87. The ninth mode has to do with perpetuity, strangeness, or rarity. Thus earthquakes are no surprise to those among whom they constantly take place; nor is the sun, for it is seen every day. This ninth mode is put eighth by Favorinus and tenth by Sextus and Aenesidemus; moreover the tenth is put eighth by Sextus and ninth by Favorinus.The tenth mode rests on inter-relation, e.g. between light and heavy, strong and weak, greater and less, up and down. Thus that which is on the right is not so by nature, but is so understood in virtue of its position with respect to something else; for, if that change its position, the thing is no longer on the right. 9.88. Similarly father and brother are relative terms, day is relative to the sun, and all things relative to our mind. Thus relative terms are in and by themselves unknowable. These, then, are the ten modes of perplexity.But Agrippa and his school add to them five other modes, resulting respectively from disagreement, extension ad infinitum, relativity, hypothesis and reciprocal inference. The mode arising from disagreement proves, with regard to any inquiry whether in philosophy or in everyday life, that it is full of the utmost contentiousness and confusion. The mode which involves extension ad infinitum refuses to admit that what is sought to be proved is firmly established, because one thing furnishes the ground for belief in another, and so on ad infinitum. 9.89. The mode derived from relativity declares that a thing can never be apprehended in and by itself, but only in connexion with something else. Hence all things are unknowable. The mode resulting from hypothesis arises when people suppose that you must take the most elementary of things as of themselves entitled to credence, instead of postulating them: which is useless, because some one else will adopt the contrary hypothesis. The mode arising from reciprocal inference is found whenever that which should be confirmatory of the thing requiring to be proved itself has to borrow credit from the latter, as, for example, if anyone seeking to establish the existence of pores on the ground that emanations take place should take this (the existence of pores) as proof that there are emanations. 9.94. We must not assume that what convinces us is actually true. For the same thing does not convince every one, nor even the same people always. Persuasiveness sometimes depends on external circumstances, on the reputation of the speaker, on his ability as a thinker or his artfulness, on the familiarity or the pleasantness of the topic.Again, they would destroy the criterion by reasoning of this kind. Even the criterion has either been critically determined or not. If it has not, it is definitely untrustworthy, and in its purpose of distinguishing is no more true than false. If it has, it will belong to the class of particular judgements, so that one and the same thing determines and is determined, and the criterion which has determined will have to be determined by another, that other by another, and so on ad infinitum. 9.96. They deny, too, that there is such a thing as a sign. If there is, they say, it must either be sensible or intelligible. Now it is not sensible, because what is sensible is a common attribute, whereas a sign is a particular thing. Again, the sensible is one of the things which exist by way of difference, while the sign belongs to the category of relative. Nor is a sign an object of thought, for objects of thought are of four kinds, apparent judgements on things apparent, non-apparent judgements on things non-apparent, non-apparent on apparent, or apparent on non-apparent; and a sign is none of these, so that there is no such thing as a sign. A sign is not apparent on apparent, for what is apparent needs no sign; nor is it non-apparent on non-apparent, for what is revealed by something must needs appear; 9.97. nor is it non-apparent on apparent, for that which is to afford the means of apprehending something else must itself be apparent; nor, lastly, is it apparent on non-apparent, because the sign, being relative, must be apprehended along with that of which it is the sign, which is not here the case. It follows that nothing uncertain can be apprehended; for it is through signs that uncertain things are said to be apprehended.Causes, too, they destroy in this way. A cause is something relative; for it is relative to what can be caused, namely, the effect. But things which are relative are merely objects of thought and have no substantial existence. 9.99. But if both be alike causes, there will be nothing to be acted upon Nor can an incorporeal thing be the cause of an incorporeal thing, for the same reason. And a thing incorporeal cannot be the cause of a body, since nothing incorporeal creates anything corporeal. And, lastly, a body cannot be the cause of anything incorporeal, because what is produced must be of the material operated upon; but if it is not operated upon because it is incorporeal, it cannot be produced by anything whatever. Therefore there is no such thing as a cause. A corollary to this is their statement that the first principles of the universe have no real existence; for in that case something must have been there to create and act.Furthermore there is no motion; for that which moves moves either in the place where it is or in a place where it is not. But it cannot move in the place where it is, still less in any place where it is not. Therefore there is no such thing as motion. 9.100. They used also to deny the possibility of learning. If anything is taught, they say, either the existent is taught through its existence or the non-existent through its non-existence. But the existent is not taught through its existence, for the nature of existing things is apparent to and recognized by all; nor is the non-existent taught through the nonexistent, for with the non-existent nothing is ever done, so that it cannot be taught to anyone.Nor, say they, is there any coming into being. For that which is does not come into being, since it is; nor yet that which is not, for it has no substantial existence, and that which is neither substantial nor existent cannot have had the chance of coming into being either. 9.101. There is nothing good or bad by nature, for if there is anything good or bad by nature, it must be good or bad for all persons alike, just as snow is cold to all. But there is no good or bad which is such to all persons in common; therefore there is no such thing as good or bad by nature. For either all that is thought good by anyone whatever must be called good, or not all. Certainly all cannot be so called; since one and the same thing is thought good by one person and bad by another; for instance, Epicurus thought pleasure good and Antisthenes thought it bad; thus on our supposition it will follow that the same thing is both good and bad. But if we say that not all that anyone thinks good is good, we shall have to judge the different opinions; and this is impossible because of the equal validity of opposing arguments. Therefore the good by nature is unknowable. 9.102. The whole of their mode of inference can be gathered from their extant treatises. Pyrrho himself, indeed, left no writings, but his associates Timon, Aenesidemus, Numenius and Nausiphanes did; and others as well.The dogmatists answer them by declaring that the Sceptics themselves do apprehend and dogmatize; for when they are thought to be refuting their hardest they do apprehend, for at the very same time they are asseverating and dogmatizing. Thus even when they declare that they determine nothing, and that to every argument there is an opposite argument, they are actually determining these very points and dogmatizing. 9.103. The others reply, We confess to human weaknesses; for we recognize that it is day and that we are alive, and many other apparent facts in life; but with regard to the things about which our opponents argue so positively, claiming to have definitely apprehended them, we suspend our judgement because they are not certain, and confine knowledge to our impressions. For we admit that we see, and we recognize that we think this or that, but how we see or how we think we know not. 9.104. And we say in conversation that a certain thing appears white, but we are not positive that it really is white. As to our 'We determine nothing' and the like, we use the expressions in an undogmatic sense, for they are not like the assertion that the world is spherical. Indeed the latter statement is not certain, but the others are mere admissions. Thus in saying 'We determine nothing,' we are not determining even that.Again, the dogmatic philosophers maintain that the Sceptics do away with life itself, in that they reject all that life consists in. The others say this is false, for they do not deny that we see; they only say that they do not know how we see. We admit the apparent fact, say they, without admitting that it really is what it appears to be. We also perceive that fire burns; as to whether it is its nature to burn, we suspend our judgement. 9.105. We see that a man moves, and that he perishes; how it happens we do not know. We merely object to accepting the unknown substance behind phenomena. When we say a picture has projections, we are describing what is apparent; but if we say that it has no projections, we are then speaking, not of what is apparent, but of something else. This is what makes Timon say in his Python that he has not gone outside what is customary. And again in the Conceits he says:But the apparent is omnipotent wherever it goes;and in his work On the Senses, I do not lay it down that honey is sweet, but I admit that it appears to be so. 9.106. Aenesidemus too in the first book of his Pyrrhonean Discourses says that Pyrrho determines nothing dogmatically, because of the possibility of contradiction, but guides himself by apparent facts. Aenesidemus says the same in his works Against Wisdom and On Inquiry. Furthermore Zeuxis, the friend of Aenesidemus, in his work On Two-sided Arguments, Antiochus of Laodicea, and Apellas in his Agrippa all hold to phenomena alone. Therefore the apparent is the Sceptic's criterion, as indeed Aenesidemus says; and so does Epicurus. Democritus, however, denied that any apparent fact could be a criterion, indeed he denied the very existence of the apparent. 9.107. Against this criterion of appearances the dogmatic philosophers urge that, when the same appearances produce in us different impressions, e.g. a round or square tower, the Sceptic, unless he gives the preference to one or other, will be unable to take any course; if on the other hand, say they, he follows either view, he is then no longer allowing equal value to all apparent facts. The Sceptics reply that, when different impressions are produced, they must both be said to appear; for things which are apparent are so called because they appear. The end to be realized they hold to be suspension of judgement, which brings with it tranquillity like its shadow: so Timon and Aenesidemus declare. 9.108. For in matters which are for us to decide we shall neither choose this nor shrink from that; and things which are not for us to decide but happen of necessity, such as hunger, thirst and pain, we cannot escape, for they are not to be removed by force of reason. And when the dogmatists argue that he may thus live in such a frame of mind that he would not shrink from killing and eating his own father if ordered to do so, the Sceptic replies that he will be able so to live as to suspend his judgement in cases where it is a question of arriving at the truth, but not in matters of life and the taking of precautions. Accordingly we may choose a thing or shrink from a thing by habit and may observe rules and customs. According to some authorities the end proposed by the Sceptics is insensibility; according to others, gentleness. 9.109. 12. TIMONTimon, says our Apollonides of Nicaea in the first book of his commentaries On the Silli, which he dedicated to Tiberius Caesar, was the son of Timarchus and a native of Phlius. Losing his parents when young, he became a stage-dancer, but later took a dislike to that pursuit and went abroad to Megara to stay with Stilpo; then after some time he returned home and married. After that he went to Pyrrho at Elis with his wife, and lived there until his children were born; the elder of these he called Xanthus, taught him medicine, and made him his heir. 9.110. This son was a man of high repute, as we learn from Sotion in his eleventh book. Timon, however, found himself without means of support and sailed to the Hellespont and Propontis. Living now at Chalcedon as a sophist, he increased his reputation still further and, having made his fortune, went to Athens, where he lived until his death, except for a short period which he spent at Thebes. He was known to King Antigonus and to Ptolemy Philadelphus, as his own iambics testify.He was, according to Antigonus, fond of wine, and in the time that he could spare from philosophy he used to write poems. These included epics, tragedies, satyric dramas, thirty comedies and sixty tragedies, besides silli (lampoons) and obscene poems. 9.111. There are also reputed works of his extending to twenty thousand verses which are mentioned by Antigonus of Carystus, who also wrote his life. There are three silli in which, from his point of view as a Sceptic, he abuses every one and lampoons the dogmatic philosophers, using the form of parody. In the first he speaks in the first person throughout, the second and third are in the form of dialogues; for he represents himself as questioning Xenophanes of Colophon about each philosopher in turn, while Xenophanes answers him; in the second he speaks of the more ancient philosophers, in the third of the later, which is why some have entitled it the Epilogue. 9.112. The first deals with the same subjects, except that the poem is a monologue. It begins as follows:Ye sophists, ye inquisitives, come! follow!He died at the age of nearly ninety, so we learn from Antigonus and from Sotion in his eleventh book. I have heard that he had only one eye; indeed he used to call himself a Cyclops. There was another Timon, the misanthrope.Now this philosopher, according to Antigonus, was very fond of gardens and preferred to mind his own affairs. At all events there is a story that Hieronymus the Peripatetic said of him, Just as with the Scythians those who are in flight shoot as well as those who pursue, so, among philosophers, some catch their disciples by pursuing them, some by fleeing from them, as for instance Timon. 9.113. He was quick to perceive anything and to turn up his nose in scorn; he was fond of writing and at all times good at sketching plots for poets and collaborating in dramas. He used to give the dramatists Alexander and Homer materials for their tragedies. When disturbed by maidservants and dogs, he would stop writing, his earnest desire being to maintain tranquillity. Aratus is said to have asked him how he could obtain a trustworthy text of Homer, to which he replied, You can, if you get hold of the ancient copies, and not the corrected copies of our day. He used to let his own poems lie about, sometimes half eaten away. 9.115. Asked once by Arcesilaus why he had come there from Thebes, he replied, Why, to laugh when I have you all in full view! Yet, while attacking Arcesilaus in his Silli, he has praised him in his work entitled the Funeral Banquet of Arcesilaus.According to Menodotus he left no successor, but his school lapsed until Ptolemy of Cyrene re-established it. Hippobotus and Sotion, however, say that he had as pupils Dioscurides of Cyprus, Nicolochus of Rhodes, Euphranor of Seleucia, and Pralus of the Troad. The latter, as we learn from the history of Phylarchus, was a man of such unflinching courage that, although unjustly accused, he patiently suffered a traitor's death, without so much as deigning to speak one word to his fellow-citizens. 9.116. Euphranor had as pupil Eubulus of Alexandria; Eubulus taught Ptolemy, and he again Sarpedon and Heraclides; Heraclides again taught Aenesidemus of Cnossus, the compiler of eight books of Pyrrhonean discourses; the latter was the instructor of Zeuxippus his fellow-citizen, he of Zeuxis of the angular foot, he again of Antiochus of Laodicea on the Lycus, who had as pupils Menodotus of Nicomedia, an empiric physician, and Theiodas of Laodicea; Menodotus was the instructor of Herodotus of Tarsus, son of Arieus, and Herodotus taught Sextus Empiricus, who wrote ten books on Scepticism, and other fine works. Sextus taught Saturninus called Cythenas, another empiricist.
13. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 14.18.2-14.18.4, 14.18.14, 14.18.26-14.18.27 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

14. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 4.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

4.9. 9.But the Egyptian priests, through the proficiency which they made by this exercise, and similitude to divinity, knew that divinity does not pervade through man alone, and that soul is not enshrined in man alone on the earth, but that it nearly passes through all animals. On this account, in fashioning the images of the Gods, they assumed every animal, and for this purpose mixed together the human form and the forms of wild beasts, and again the bodies of birds with the body of a man. For a certain deity was represented by them in a human shape as far as to the neck, but the face was that of a bird, or a lion, or of some other animal. And again, another divine resemblance had a human head, but the other parts were those of certain other animals, some of which had an inferior, but others a superior position; through which they manifested, that these [i.e. brutes and men], through the decision of the Gods, communicated with each other, and that tame and savage animals are nurtured together with us, not without the concurrence of a certain divine will. Hence also, a lion is worshipped as a God, and a certain part of Egypt, which is called Nomos, has the surname of Leontopolis [or the city of the lion], and another is denominated Busiris [from an ox], and another Lycopolis [or the city of the wolf]. For they venerated the power of God which extends to all things through animals which are nurtured together, and which each of the Gods imparts. They also reverenced water and fire the most of all the elements, as being the principal causes of our safety. And these things are exhibited by them in temples; for even now, on opening the sanctuary of Serapis, the worship is performed through fire and water; he who sings the hymns making a libation with water, and exhibiting fire, when, standing on the |120 threshold of the temple, he invokes the God in the language of the Egyptians. Venerating, therefore, these elements, they especially reverence those things which largely participate of them, as partaking more abundantly of what is sacred. But after these, they venerate all animals, and in the village Anubis they worship a man, in which place also they sacrifice to him, and victims are there burnt in honour of him on an altar; but he shortly after only eats that which was procured for him as a man. Hence, as it is requisite to abstain from man, so likewise, from other animals. And farther still, the Egyptian priests, from their transcendent wisdom and association with divinity, discovered what animals are more acceptable to the Gods [when dedicated to them] than man. Thus they found that a hawk is dear to the sun, since the whole of its nature consists of blood and spirit. It also commiserates man, and laments over his dead body, and scatters earth on his eyes, in which these priests believe a solar light is resident. They likewise discovered that a hawk lives many years, and that, after it leaves the present life, it possesses a divining power, is most rational and prescient when liberated from the body, and gives perfection to statues, and moves temples. A beetle will be detested by one who is ignorant of and unskilled in divine concerns, but the Egyptians venerate it, as an animated image of the sun. For every beetle is a male, and emitting its genital seed in a muddy place, and having made it spherical, it turns round the seminal sphere in a way similar to that of the sun in the heavens. It likewise receives a period of twenty-eight days, which is a lunar period. In a similar manner, the Egyptians philosophise about the ram, the crocodile, the vulture, and the ibis, and, in short, about every animal; so that, from their wisdom and transcendent knowledge of divine concerns, they came at length to venerate all animals 11. An unlearned man, however, does not even suspect that they, not being borne along with the stream of the vulgar who know nothing, and not walking in the path of ignorance, but passing beyond the illiterate multitude, and that want of knowledge which befalls every one at first, were led to reverence things which are thought by the vulgar to be of no worth. SPAN
15. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 3.265



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aenesidemus Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 3, 89; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 74; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81
alexander the great Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 74
anaxarchus Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 74; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
antigonus of carystus Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 72, 74
apollodorus of athens Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
appearances Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
apraxia challenge Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
arcesilaus Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71
archilochus Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
aristocles Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71
aristotelianism, criticism of Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 141
aristotle, ethics and politics of Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 20
aristotle Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 3; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
ataraxia Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 20, 73
bett., r. Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 73
biography Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 72, 74
blasphemy, heresy as Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 141
burnyeat, m.f. Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 73
causation, cause Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
character, excellence of Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 73
comic poets Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
consciousness, objective Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
consciousness, subjective Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
consistency Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 73
convention, challenges to Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72, 212
cynics, cyrenaics Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
cynics Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 73, 74
death Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
democritus Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 74; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81, 106
demonstration Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81
diocles of magnesia Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
diogenes laertius Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 89; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11, 52, 106
diogenes of babylon Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72, 73, 74
disciplina auguralis, egyptian Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59
disciplina auguralis, hecataeus on Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59
egypt, divination in Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59
elis Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
emotion Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
empedocles Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
enkrateia Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 20
epicureanism Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
epicurus, on nature and the self Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 20, 73, 74, 212
epoche Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71
eratosthenes Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72
ethics, influence of socrates on Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 20
euripides Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
eusebius Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71
ferrari, g.a. Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72
freud, s. Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
fritz, k. von Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72
gnosticism, as sophistical Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 141
goodness, good life Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 20, 72, 73
happiness Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
hecataeus of abdera, attitude toward divination and omens Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59
hegesias Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
hellenistic philosophy, ethics of Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 20
heracles Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
heraclitus Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
homer Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 73, 74; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81, 106
human thought Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11
identity Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
india Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 20, 74
indifference Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
irenaeus, on heresy and sophism Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 141
kathekon, kenos Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72, 73
lacydes Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71
language Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81
lucretius Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
nature, laws of Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
nature, of human beings Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72
nature, of things Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 72, 73
nausiphanes Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 73, 74
nietzsche, friedrich Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 3
numenius Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
objectivism, objectivity Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 73
odysseus Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
parmenides Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
passion Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
philo of athens Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81, 106
philosophy as a way of life Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
philosophy of language Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11
plato Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 212
politics Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 20
posidonius Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
pre-socratics Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11
ptolemy, philadelpus Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
pyrrho Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59; Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 3, 89, 210; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52, 81, 106
pyrrhonism Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11, 81
pyrrhonists Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81
pyrrhos students Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52, 81, 106
robin, l. Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 74
self, concepts of Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 212
self-mastery Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 20
seven sages Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
sextus empiricus Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 74; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11
skeptical investigation Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
skeptical language Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
skeptical phrases Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81
skepticism, metaphysically inclined skepticism Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11
skepticism, pyrrhonian skepticism Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
skepticism Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11
skeptics Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 11, 52, 106
socrates, influence on ethics Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 20
socrates Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 212
sophistry, heresy connected to Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 141
sophists Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 72, 73
sophrosyne Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7, 20
stances, epistemic Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 210
subjectivity Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 212
suicide Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
suspension of judgment Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
theodosius Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 81
timon Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 59; Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52, 81, 106
timon of phlius Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 3, 89, 210; Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 72, 73, 74
tranquility Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
tranquillity Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71
troy Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 52
values, system of' Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 7
voluntarism, epistemological Bett, How to be a Pyrrhonist: The Practice and Significance of Pyrrhonian Scepticism (2019) 210
wilamowitz-moellendorff, u. von Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 71, 72
woodruff, p. Long, From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy (2006) 20
xenophanes Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
zeno of elea Vogt, Pyrrhonian Skepticism in Diogenes Laertius (2015) 106
πιθανολογία Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 141
ἔρις Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 141