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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



4479
Diogenes Laertius, Lives Of The Philosophers, 7.179


nan7. CHRYSIPPUSChrysippus, the son of Apollonius, came either from Soli or from Tarsus, as Alexander relates in his Successions. He was a pupil of Cleanthes. Before this he used to practise as a long-distance runner; but afterwards he came to hear Zeno, or, as Diocles and most people say, Cleanthes; and then, while Cleanthes was still living, withdrew from his school and attained exceptional eminence as a philosopher. He had good natural parts and showed the greatest acuteness in every branch of the subject; so much so that he differed on most points from Zeno, and from Cleanthes as well, to whom he often used to say that all he wanted was to be told what the doctrines were; he would find out the proofs for himself. Nevertheless, whenever he had contended against Cleanthes, he would afterwards feel remorse, so that he constantly came out with the lines:Blest in all else am I, save only whereI touch Cleanthes: there I am ill-fortuned.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

6 results
1. Numenius Heracleensis, Fragments, 25 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

2. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 2.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 5.2, 6.87, 9.6, 9.61-9.63, 9.96, 10.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

5.2. He seceded from the Academy while Plato was still alive. Hence the remark attributed to the latter: Aristotle spurns me, as colts kick out at the mother who bore them. Hermippus in his Lives mentions that he was absent as Athenian envoy at the court of Philip when Xenocrates became head of the Academy, and that on his return, when he saw the school under a new head, he made choice of a public walk in the Lyceum where he would walk up and down discussing philosophy with his pupils until it was time to rub themselves with oil. Hence the name Peripatetic. But others say that it was given to him because, when Alexander was recovering from an illness and taking daily walks, Aristotle joined him and talked with him on certain matters. 6.87. He flourished in the 113th Olympiad.According to Antisthenes in his Successions, the first impulse to the Cynic philosophy was given to him when he saw Telephus in a certain tragedy carrying a little basket and altogether in a wretched plight. So he turned his property into money, – for he belonged to a distinguished family, – and having thus collected about 200 talents, distributed that sum among his fellow-citizens. And (it is added) so sturdy a philosopher did he become that he is mentioned by the comic poet Philemon. At all events the latter says:In summer-time a thick cloak he would wearTo be like Crates, and in winter rags.Diocles relates how Diogenes persuaded Crates to give up his fields to sheep pasture, and throw into the sea any money he had. 9.6. This book he dedicated in the sanctuary of Artemis and, according to some, he deliberately made it the more obscure in order that none but adepts should approach it, and lest familiarity should breed contempt. of our philosopher Timon gives a sketch in these words:In their midst uprose shrill, cuckoo-like, a mob-reviler, riddling Heraclitus.Theophrastus puts it down to melancholy that some parts of his work are half-finished, while other parts make a strange medley. As a proof of his magimity, Antisthenes in his Successions of Philosophers cites the fact that he renounced his claim to the kingship in favour of his brother. So great fame did his book win that a sect was founded and called the Heracliteans, after him. 9.61. 11. PYRRHOPyrrho of Elis was the son of Pleistarchus, as Diocles relates. According to Apollodorus in his Chronology, he was first a painter; then he studied under Stilpo's son Bryson: thus Alexander in his Successions of Philosophers. Afterwards he joined Anaxarchus, whom he accompanied on his travels everywhere so that he even forgathered with the Indian Gymnosophists and with the Magi. This led him to adopt a most noble philosophy, to quote Ascanius of Abdera, taking the form of agnosticism and suspension of judgement. He denied that anything was honourable or dishonourable, just or unjust. And so, universally, he held that there is nothing really existent, but custom and convention govern human action; for no single thing is in itself any more this than that. 9.62. He led a life consistent with this doctrine, going out of his way for nothing, taking no precaution, but facing all risks as they came, whether carts, precipices, dogs or what not, and, generally, leaving nothing to the arbitrament of the senses; but he was kept out of harm's way by his friends who, as Antigonus of Carystus tells us, used to follow close after him. But Aenesidemus says that it was only his philosophy that was based upon suspension of judgement, and that he did not lack foresight in his everyday acts. He lived to be nearly ninety.This is what Antigonus of Carystus says of Pyrrho in his book upon him. At first he was a poor and unknown painter, and there are still some indifferent torch-racers of his in the gymnasium at Elis. 9.63. He would withdraw from the world and live in solitude, rarely showing himself to his relatives; this he did because he had heard an Indian reproach Anaxarchus, telling him that he would never be able to teach others what is good while he himself danced attendance on kings in their courts. He would maintain the same composure at all times, so that, even if you left him when he was in the middle of a speech, he would finish what he had to say with no audience but himself, although in his youth he had been hasty. often, our informant adds, he would leave his home and, telling no one, would go roaming about with whomsoever he chanced to meet. And once, when Anaxarchus fell into a slough, he passed by without giving him any help, and, while others blamed him, Anaxarchus himself praised his indifference and sang-froid. 9.96. They deny, too, that there is such a thing as a sign. If there is, they say, it must either be sensible or intelligible. Now it is not sensible, because what is sensible is a common attribute, whereas a sign is a particular thing. Again, the sensible is one of the things which exist by way of difference, while the sign belongs to the category of relative. Nor is a sign an object of thought, for objects of thought are of four kinds, apparent judgements on things apparent, non-apparent judgements on things non-apparent, non-apparent on apparent, or apparent on non-apparent; and a sign is none of these, so that there is no such thing as a sign. A sign is not apparent on apparent, for what is apparent needs no sign; nor is it non-apparent on non-apparent, for what is revealed by something must needs appear; 10.2. For some time he stayed there and gathered disciples, but returned to Athens in the archonship of Anaxicrates. And for a while, it is said, he prosecuted his studies in common with the other philosophers, but afterwards put forward independent views by the foundation of the school called after him. He says himself that he first came into contact with philosophy at the age of fourteen. Apollodorus the Epicurean, in the first book of his Life of Epicurus, says that he turned to philosophy in disgust at the schoolmasters who could not tell him the meaning of chaos in Hesiod. According to Hermippus, however, he started as a schoolmaster, but on coming across the works of Democritus turned eagerly to philosophy.
6. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.12 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

3.12. In the next place, since he reproaches us with the existence of heresies in Christianity as being a ground of accusation against it, saying that when Christians had greatly increased in numbers, they were divided and split up into factions, each individual desiring to have his own party; and further, that being thus separated through their numbers, they confute one another, still having, so to speak, one name in common, if indeed they still retain it. And this is the only thing which they are yet ashamed to abandon, while other matters are determined in different ways by the various sects. In reply to which, we say that heresies of different kinds have never originated from any matter in which the principle involved was not important and beneficial to human life. For since the science of medicine is useful and necessary to the human race, and many are the points of dispute in it respecting the manner of curing bodies, there are found, for this reason, numerous heresies confessedly prevailing in the science of medicine among the Greeks, and also, I suppose, among those barbarous nations who profess to employ medicine. And, again, since philosophy makes a profession of the truth, and promises a knowledge of existing things with a view to the regulation of life, and endeavours to teach what is advantageous to our race, and since the investigation of these matters is attended with great differences of opinion, innumerable heresies have consequently sprung up in philosophy, some of which are more celebrated than others. Even Judaism itself afforded a pretext for the origination of heresies, in the different acceptation accorded to the writings of Moses and those of the prophets. So, then, seeing Christianity appeared an object of veneration to men, not to the more servile class alone, as Celsus supposes, but to many among the Greeks who were devoted to literary pursuits, there necessarily originated heresies - not at all, however, as the result of faction and strife, but through the earnest desire of many literary men to become acquainted with the doctrines of Christianity. The consequence of which was, that, taking in different acceptations those discourses which were believed by all to be divine, there arose heresies, which received their names from those individuals who admired, indeed, the origin of Christianity, but who were led, in some way or other, by certain plausible reasons, to discordant views. And yet no one would act rationally in avoiding medicine because of its heresies; nor would he who aimed at that which is seemly entertain a hatred of philosophy, and adduce its many heresies as a pretext for his antipathy. And so neither are the sacred books of Moses and the prophets to be condemned on account of the heresies in Judaism.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
academy, the (of plato) Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 546
algra, keimpe Jedan, Stoic Virtues: Chrysippus and the Religious Character of Stoic Ethics (2009) 174
almsgiving Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228
aristotle, dissension with plato Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 546
asceticism Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
biography/biographical Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219, 228
conversion, models/variations Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219, 228
conversion, philosophical Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219, 228
disciple Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228
discipline Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
education/educational Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
forschner, maximilian Jedan, Stoic Virtues: Chrysippus and the Religious Character of Stoic Ethics (2009) 174
goal/telos of philosophical life Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
heresy, rabbinic judaism, influence of historiographical outlook of the philosophical schools Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 546
heresy, rabbinic judaism Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 546
initiation Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219, 228
lifestyle Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228
love Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228
medicine Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
mentor Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 546
mind Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
philosopher, new Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219, 228
philosophical schools, as influencing rabbinic treatment of heresy' Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 546
philosophy, philosophical Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219, 228
physics Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
priest, property, sharing/renouncing of Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228
relationship Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
renunciation Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228
socratic Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 219
way of life Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228
works Despotis and Lohr, Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions (2022) 228