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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



2316
Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.12.4
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24 results
1. Cicero, Brutus, 11, 14-15, 43, 10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2. Cicero, Brutus, 11, 14-15, 43, 10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

10. nam cum inambularem in xysto et essem otiosus domi, M. ad me Brutus, ut consueverat, cum T. Pomponio venit venit Fleckeisen : venerat L , homines cum inter se coniuncti tum mihi ita cari itaque itaque codd. : atque O iucundi, ut eorum aspectu omnis quae me angebat de re publica cura consederit. Quos postquam salutavi: Quid vos, inquam, Brute et Attice ? numquid numquid Nipperdey : nunc quid L tandem novi? Nihil sane, inquit Brutus, quod quidem aut tu audire velis aut ego pro certo dicere audeam.
3. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.51-5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5.51. Sed quid attinet de rebus tam apertis plura requirere? ipsi enim quaeramus a a e RNV nobis stellarum motus contemplationesque rerum caelestium eorumque omnium, quae naturae obscuritate occultantur, cognitiones quem ad modum cognitiones quem ad modum N 2 cogni- tionesque admodum nos moveant, et quid historia delectet, quam solemus persequi usque ad extremum, cum praetermissa repetimus, add. Se. inchoata persequimur. nec vero sum nescius esse utilitatem in historia, non modo voluptatem. 5.52. quid, cum fictas fabulas, e quibus utilitas nulla elici elici dett. dici BERN duci V potest, cum voluptate legimus? quid, cum volumus nomina eorum, qui quid gesserint, gesserunt R nota nobis esse, parentes, patriam, multa praeterea minime necessaria? quid, quod homines infima infirma BE fortuna, nulla spe rerum gerendarum, opifices denique delectantur delectentur RNV historia? maximeque que om. R eos videre possumus res gestas audire et legere velle, qui a spe gerendi absunt confecti senectute. quocirca intellegi necesse est in ipsis rebus, quae discuntur et cognoscuntur, invitamenta invita—menta ( lineola et ta poste- rius ab alt. m. scr., ta in ras. ) N invita mente BE invita|et mente R in vita mentem V inesse, quibus ad discendum cognoscendumque moveamur. 5.51.  But what is the point of inquiring further into matters so obvious? Let us ask ourselves the question, how it is we are interested in the motions of the stars and in contemplating the heavenly bodies and studying all the obscure and secret realms of nature; why we derive pleasure from history, which we are so fond of following up, to the remotest detail, turning back to parts we have omitted, and pushing on to the end when we have once begun. Not that I am unaware that history is useful as well as entertaining. But what of our reading fiction, from which no utility can be extracted? 5.52.  What of our eagerness to learn the names of people who have done something notable, their parentage, birthplace, and many quite unimportant details beside? What of the delight that is taken in history by men of the humblest station, who have no expectation of participating in public life, even mere artisans? Also we may notice that the persons most eager to hear and read of public affairs are those who are debarred by the infirmities of age from any prospect of taking part in them. Hence we are forced to infer that the objects of study and knowledge contain in themselves the allurements that entice us to study and to learning.
4. Cicero, On Laws, 1.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Cicero, On Duties, 5.51-5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6. Cicero, De Oratore, 2.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2.59. Haec cum ille dixisset, 'quid est,' inquit 'Catule?' Caesar; 'ubi sunt, qui Antonium Graece negant scire? Quot historicos nominavit! Quam scienter, quam proprie de uno quoque dixit!' 'Id me hercule' inquit Catulus 'admirans illud iam mirari desino, quod multo magis ante mirabar, hunc, cum haec nesciret, in dicendo posse tantum.' 'Atqui, Catule,' inquit Antonius 'non ego utilitatem aliquam ad dicendum aucupans horum libros et non nullos alios, sed delectationis causa, cum est otium, legere soleo.
7. Cicero, Letters, 1.19.10, 1.20.6, 2.1.1-2.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

8. Cicero, Letters, 1.19.10, 1.20.6, 2.1.1-2.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

9. Cicero, Letters, 1.19.10, 1.20.6, 2.1.1-2.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

10. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.12, 5.12.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

11. Cicero, Letters, 1.19.10, 1.20.6, 2.1.1-2.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

12. Polybius, Histories, 2.56, 3.47.6-3.47.9, 3.48.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2.56. 1.  Since, among those authors who were contemporaries of Aratus, Phylarchus, who on many points is at variance and in contradiction with him, is by some received as trustworthy,,2.  it will be useful or rather necessary for me, as I have chosen to rely on Aratus' narrative for the history of the Cleomenic war, not to leave the question of their relative credibility undiscussed, so that truth and falsehood in their writings may no longer be of equal authority.,3.  In general Phylarchus through his whole work makes many random and careless statements;,4.  but while perhaps it is not necessary for me at present to criticize in detail the rest of these, I must minutely examine such as relate to events occurring in the period with which I am now dealing, that of the Cleomenic war.,5.  This partial examination will however be quite sufficient to convey an idea of the general purpose and character of his work.,6.  Wishing, for instance, to insist on the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians and also on that of Aratus and the Achaeans, he tells us that the Mantineans, when they surrendered, were exposed to terrible sufferings and that such were the misfortunes that overtook this, the most ancient and greatest city in Arcadia, as to impress deeply and move to tears all the Greeks.,7.  In his eagerness to arouse the pity and attention of his readers he treats us to a picture of clinging women with their hair dishevelled and their breasts bare, or again of crowds of both sexes together with their children and aged parents weeping and lamenting as they are led away to slavery.,8.  This sort of thing he keeps up throughout his history, always trying to bring horrors vividly before our eyes.,9.  Leaving aside the ignoble and womanish character of such a treatment of his subject, let us consider how far it is proper or serviceable to history.,10.  A historical author should not try to thrill his readers by such exaggerated pictures, nor should he, like a tragic poet, try to imagine the probable utterances of his characters or reckon up all the consequences probably incidental to the occurrences with which he deals, but simply record what really happened and what really was said, however commonplace.,11.  For the object of tragedy is not the same as that of history but quite the opposite. The tragic poet should thrill and charm his audience for the moment by the verisimilitude of the words he puts into his characters' mouths, but it is the task of the historian to instruct and convince for all time serious students by the truth of the facts and the speeches he narrates,,12.  since in the one case it is the probable that takes precedence, even if it be untrue, in the other it is the truth, the purpose being to confer benefit on learners.,13.  Apart from this, Phylarchus simply narrates most of such catastrophes and does not even suggest their causes or the nature of these causes, without which it is impossible in any case to feel either legitimate pity or proper anger.,14.  Who, for instance, does not think it an outrage for a free man to be beaten? but if this happen to one who was the first to resort to violence, we consider that he got only his desert, while where it is done for the purpose of correction or discipline, those who strike free men are not only excused but deemed worthy of thanks and praise.,15.  Again, to kill a citizen is considered the greatest of crimes and that deserving the highest penalty, but obviously he who kills a thief or adulterer is left untouched, and the slayer of a traitor or tyrant everywhere meets with honour and distinction.,16.  So in every such case the final criterion of good and evil lies not in what is done, but in the different reasons and different purposes of the doer. 3.47.6.  Some of the writers who have described this passage of the Alps, from the wish to impress their readers by the marvels they recount of these mountains, are betrayed into two vices ever most alien to true history; for they are compelled to make both false statements and statements which contradict each other. 3.47.7.  While on the one hand introducing Hannibal as a commander of unequalled courage and foresight, they incontestably represent him to us as entirely wanting in prudence 3.47.8.  and again, being unable to bring their series of falsehoods to any close or issue they introduce gods and the sons of gods into the sober history of the facts. 3.47.9.  By representing the Alps as being so steep and rugged that not only horses and troops accompanied by elephants, but even active men on foot would have difficult in passing, and at the same time picturing to us the desolation of the country as being such, that unless some god or hero had met Hannibal and showed him the way, his whole army would have gone astray and perished utterly, they unquestionably fall into both the above vices. 3.48.8.  The natural consequence is that they get into the same difficulties as tragic dramatists all of whom, to bring their dramas to a close, require a deus ex machina, as the data they choose on which to found their plots are false and contrary to reasonable probability.
13. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.13, 4.25, 4.51 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4.25.  With a reason, as follows: "They who think that the sins of youth deserve indulgence are deceived, because that time of life does not constitute a hindrance to sound studious activities. But they act wisely who chastise the young with especial severity in order to inculcate at the age most opportune for it the desire to attain those virtues by which they can order their whole lives." We should insert maxims only rarely, that we may be looked upon as pleading the case, not preaching morals. When so interspersed, they will add much distinction. Furthermore, the hearer, when he perceives that an indisputable principle drawn from practical life is being applied to a cause, must give it his tacit approval. Reasoning by Contraries is the figure which, of two opposite statements, uses one so as neatly and directly to prove the other, as follows: "Now how should you expect one who has ever been hostile to his own interests to be friendly to another's?" Again: "Now why should you think that one who is, as you have learned, a faithless friend, can be an honourable enemy? Or how should you expect a person whose arrogance has been insufferable in private life, to be agreeable and not forget himself when in power, and one who in ordinary conversation and among friends has never spoken the truth, to refrain from lies before public assemblies?" Again: "Do we fear to fight them on the level plain when we have hurled them down from the hills? When they outnumbered us, they were no match for us; now that we outnumber them, do we fear that they will conquer us? 4.51.  Vivid Description is the name for the figure which contains a clear, lucid, and impressive exposition of the consequences of an act, as follows: "But, men of the jury, if by your votes you free this defendant, immediately, like a lion released from his cage, or some foul beast loosed from his chains, he will slink and prowl about in the forum, sharpening his teeth to attack every one's property, assaulting every man, friend and enemy, known to him or unknown, now despoiling a good name, now attacking a life, now bringing ruin upon a house and its entire household, shaking the republic from its foundations. Therefore, men of the jury, cast him out from the state, free every one from fear, and finally, think of yourselves. For if you release this creature without punishment, believe me, gentlemen, it is against yourselves that you will have let loose a wild and savage beast." Again: "For if you inflict a heavy penalty upon the defendant, men of the jury, you will at once by a single judgement have taken many lives. His aged father, who has set the entire hope of his last years on this young man, will have no reason for wishing to stay alive. His small children, deprived of their father's aid, will be exposed as objects of scorn and contempt to their father's enemies. His entire household will collapse under this undeserved calamity. But his enemies, when once they have won the bloody palm by the most cruel of victories, will exult over the miseries of these unfortunates, and will be found insolent on the score of deeds as well as of words." Again: "For none of you, fellow citizens, fails to see what miseries usually follow upon the capture of a city. Those who have borne arms against the victors are forthwith slain with extreme cruelty. of the rest, those who by reason of youth and strength can endure hard labour are carried off into slavery, and those who cannot are deprived of life. In short, at one and the same time a house blazes up by the enemy's torch, and they whom nature or free choice has joined in the bonds of kinship or of sympathy are dragged apart. of the children, some are torn from their parents' arms, others murdered on their parents' bosom, still others violated at their parents' feet. No one, men of the jury, can, by words, do justice to the deed, nor reproduce in language the magnitude of the disaster." With this kind of figure either indignation or pity can be aroused, when the consequences of an act, taken together as a whole, are concisely set forth in a clear style.
14. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 17.13, 19.6-19.8, 20.71 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

17.13. 1.  So while the city was being taken, many and varied were the scenes of destruction within the walls. Enraged by the arrogance of the Theban proclamation, the Macedonians pressed upon them more furiously than is usual in war, and shrieking curses flung themselves on the wretched people, slaying all whom they met without sparing any.,2.  The Thebans, for their part, clinging desperately to their forlorn hope of victory, counted their lives as nothing and when they met a foeman, grappled with him and drew his blows upon themselves. In the capture of the city, no Theban was seen begging the Macedonians to spare his life, nor did they in ignoble fashion fall and cling to the knees of their conquerors.,3.  But neither did the agony of courage elicit pity from the foe nor did the day's length suffice for the cruelty of their vengeance. All the city was pillaged. Everywhere boys and girls were dragged into captivity as they wailed piteously the names of their mothers. In sum, households were seized with all their members, and the city's enslavement was complete.,4.  of the men who remained, some, wounded and dying, grappled with the foe and were slain themselves as they destroyed their enemy; others, supported only by a shattered spear, went to meet their assailants and, in their supreme struggle, held freedom dearer than life.,5.  As the slaughter mounted and every corner of the city was piled high with corpses, no one could have failed to pity the plight of the unfortunates. For even Greeks — Thespians, Plataeans and Orchomenians and some others hostile to the Thebans who had joined the king in the campaign — invaded the city along with him and now demonstrated their own hatred amid the calamities of the unfortunate victims.,6.  So it was that many terrible things befell the city. Greeks were mercilessly slain by Greeks, relatives were butchered by their own relatives, and even a common dialect induced no pity. In the end, when night finally intervened, the houses had been plundered and children and women and aged persons who had fled into the temples were torn from sanctuary and subjected to outrage without limit. 19.6. 1.  Agathocles, who was greedy for power, had many advantages for the accomplishment of his design. Not only as general was he in command of the army, but moreover, when news came that some rebels were assembling an army in the interior near Erbita, without rousing suspicion he obtained authority to enrol as soldiers what men he chose.,2.  Thus by feigning a campaign against Erbita he enrolled in the army the men of Morgantina and the other cities of the interior who had previously served with him against the Carthaginians.,3.  All these were very firmly attached to Agathocles, having received many benefits from him during the campaigns, but they were unceasingly hostile to the Six Hundred, who had been magistrates of the oligarchy in Syracuse, and hated the populace in general because they were forced to carry out its orders. These soldiers numbered about three thousand, being both by inclination and by deliberate choice most suitable tools for the overthrow of the democracy. To them he added those of the citizens who because of poverty and envy were hostile to the pretensions of the powerful.,4.  As soon as he had everything ready, he ordered the soldiers to report at daybreak at the Timoleontium; and he himself summoned Peisarchus and Diocles, who were regarded as the leaders of the society of the Six Hundred, as if he wished to consult them on some matter of common interest. When they had come bringing with them some forty of their friends, Agathocles, pretending that he himself was being plotted against, arrested all of them, accused them before the soldiers, saying that he was being seized by the Six Hundred because of his sympathy for the common people, and bewailed his fate.,5.  When, however, the mob was aroused and with a shout urged him not to delay but to inflict the just penalty on the wrongdoers out of hand, he gave orders to the trumpeters to give the signal for battle and to the soldiers to kill the guilty persons and to plunder the property of the Six Hundred and their supporters.,6.  All rushed out to take part in the plunder, and the city was filled with confusion and great calamity; for the members of the aristocratic class, not knowing the destruction that had been ordained for them, were dashing out of their homes into the streets in their eagerness to learn the cause of the tumult, and the soldiers, made savage both by greed and by anger, kept killing these men who, in their ignorance of the situation, were presenting their bodies bare of any arms that would protect them. 19.7. 1.  The narrow passages were severally occupied by soldiers, and the victims were murdered, some in the streets, some in their houses. Many, too, against whom there had been no charge whatever, were slain when they sought to learn the cause of the massacre. For the armed mob having seized power did not distinguish between friend and foe, but the man from whom it had concluded most profit was to be gained, him it regarded as an enemy.,2.  Therefore one could see the whole city filled with outrage, slaughter, and all manner of lawlessness. For some men because of long-existing hatred abstained from no form of insult against the objects of their enmity now that they had the opportunity to accomplish whatever seemed to gratify their rage; others, thinking by the slaughter of the wealthy to redress their own poverty, left no means untried for their destruction.,3.  Some broke down the doors of houses, others mounted to the housetops on ladders, still others struggled against men who were defending themselves from the roofs; not even to those who fled into the temples did their prayers to the gods bring safety, but reverence due the gods was overthrown by men.,4.  In time of peace and in their own city Greeks dared commit these crimes against Greeks, relatives against kinsfolk, respecting neither common humanity nor solemn compacts nor gods, crimes such that there is no one — I do not say no friend but not even any deadly enemy if he but have a spark of compassion in his soul — who would not pity the fate of the victims. 19.8. 1.  All the gates of the city were closed, and more than four thousand persons were slain on that day whose only crime was to be of gentler birth than the others. of those who fled, some who rushed for the gates were arrested, while others who cast themselves from the walls escaped to the neighbouring cities; some, however, who in panic cast themselves down before they looked, crashed headlong to their doom.,2.  The number of those who were driven from their native city was more than six thousand, most of whom fled to the people of Acragas where they were accorded proper care.,3.  The party of Agathocles spent the day in the murder of their fellow citizens, nor did they abstain from outrage and crime against women, but they thought that those who had escaped death would be sufficiently punished by the violation of their kindred. For it was reasonable to suppose that the husbands and fathers would suffer something worse than death when they thought of the violence done their wives and the shame inflicted upon their unmarried daughters.,4.  We must keep our accounts of these events free from the artificially tragic tone that is habitual with historians, chiefly because of our pity for the victims, but also because no one of our readers has a desire to hear all the details when his own understanding can readily supply them.,5.  For men who by day in the streets and throughout the market place were bold to butcher those who had done no harm need no writer to set forth what they did at night when by themselves in the homes, and how they conducted themselves toward orphaned maidens and toward women who were bereft of any to defend them and had fallen into the absolute power of their direst enemies.,6.  As for Agathocles, when two days had passed, since he was now sated with the slaughter of his fellow citizens, after gathering together the prisoners, he let Deinocrates go because of their former friendship, but of the others he killed those who were most bitterly hostile and exiled the rest. 20.71. 1.  When with all speed Agathocles had crossed from Libya into Sicily, he summoned a part of his army and went to the city of Segesta, which was an ally. Because he was in need of money, he forced the well-to‑do to deliver to him the greater part of their property, the city at that time having a population of about ten thousand.,2.  Since many were angry at this and were holding meetings, he charged the people of Segesta with conspiring against him and visited the city with terrible disasters. For instance, the poorest of the people he brought to a place outside the city beside the river Scamander and slaughtered them; but those who were believed to have more property he examined under torture and compelled each to tell him how much wealth he had; and some of them he broke on the wheel, others he placed bound in the catapults and shot forth, and by applying knucklebones with violence to some, he caused them severe pain.,3.  He also invented another torture similar to the bull of Phalaris: that is, he prepared a brazen bed that had the form of a human body and was surrounded on every side by bars; on this he fixed those who were being tortured and roasted them alive, the contrivance being superior to the bull in this respect, that those who perishing in anguish were visible.,4.  As for the wealthy women, he tortured some of them by crushing their ankles with iron pincers, he cut off the breasts of others, and by placing bricks on the lower part of the backs of those who were pregt, he forced the expulsion of the foetus by the pressure. While the tyrant in this way was seeking all the wealth, great panic prevailed throughout the city, some burning themselves up along with their houses, and others gaining release from life by hanging.,5.  Thus Segesta, encountering a single day of disaster, suffered the loss of all her men from youth upward. Agathocles then took the maidens and children across to Italy and sold them to the Bruttians, leaving not even the name of the city; but he changed the name to Dicaeopolis and gave it as dwelling to the deserters.
15. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

16. Horace, Odes, 3.29 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

3.29. When Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall; but when he saw the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined battle with them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after them; 3.29. 4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire, both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity) where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais.
17. Livy, History, 21.21-21.22, 21.31 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

18. Sallust, Catiline, 3.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

19. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.203, 7.791 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.203. (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then 7.791. close to my journey's end, thou spoilest me
20. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 1.1.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

21. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.337 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

22. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 8.3.62-8.3.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

8.3.62.  It is a great gift to be able to set forth the facts on which we are speaking clearly and vividly. For oratory fails of its full effect, and does not assert itself as it should, if its appeal is merely to the hearing, and if the judge merely feels that the facts on which he has to give his decision are being narrated to him, and not displayed in their living truth to the eyes of the mind. 8.3.63.  But since different views have been held with regard to this art of representation, I shall not attempt to divide it into all its different departments, whose number is ostentatiously multiplied by certain writers, but shall content myself with touching on those which appear to me to be absolutely necessary. There is, then, to begin with, one form of vividness which consists in giving an actual word-picture of a scene, as in the passage beginning, "Forthwith each hero tiptoe stood erect." Other details follow which give us such a picture of the two boxers confronting each other for the fight, that it could not have been clearer had we been actual spectators. 8.3.64.  Cicero is supreme in this department, as in others. Is there anybody so incapable of forming a mental picture of a scene that, when he reads the following passage from the Verrines, he does not seem not merely to see the actors in the scene, the place itself and their very dress, but even to imagine to himself other details that the orator does not describe? "There on the shore stood the praetor, the representative of the Roman people, with slippered feet, robed in a purple cloak, a tunic streaming to his heels, and leaning on the arm of this worthless woman. 8.3.65.  For my own part, I seem to see before my eyes his face, his eyes, the unseemly blandishments of himself and his paramour, the silent loathing and frightened shame of those who viewed this scene. 8.3.66.  At times, again, the picture which we endeavour to present is fuller in detail, as, for example, in the following description of a luxurious banquet, which is also from Cicero, since he by himself is capable of supplying admirable examples of every kind of oratorical ornament: "I seemed to see some entering, some leaving the room, some reeling under the influence of the wine, others yawning with yesterday's potations. The floor was foul with wine-smears, covered with wreaths half-withered and littered with fishbones. 8.3.67.  What more would any man have seen who had actually entered the room? So, too, we may move our hearers to tears by the picture of a captured town. For the mere statement that the town was stormed, while no doubt it embraces all that such a calamity involves, has all the curtness of a dispatch, and fails to penetrate to the emotions of the hearer. 8.3.68.  But if we expand all that the one word "stormed" includes, we shall see the flames pouring from house and temple, and hear the crash of falling roofs and one confused clamour blent of many cries: we shall behold some in doubt whither to fly, others clinging to their nearest and dearest in one last embrace, while the wailing of women and children and the laments of old men that the cruelty of fate should have spared them to see that day will strike upon our ears. 8.3.69.  Then will come the pillage of treasure sacred and profane, the hurrying to and fro of the plunderers as they carry off their booty or return to seek for more, the prisoners driven each before his own inhuman captor, the mother struggling to keep her child, and the victors fighting over the richest of the spoil. For though, as I have already said, the sack of a city includes all these things, it is less effective to tell the whole news at once than to recount it detail by detail. 8.3.70.  And we shall secure the vividness we seek, if only our descriptions give the impression of truth, nay, we may even add fictitious incidents of the type which commonly occur. The same vivid impression may be produced also by the mention of the accidents of each situation: "Chill shudderings shake my limbs And all my blood is curdled cold with fear;" or "And trembling mothers clasped Their children to their breast. 8.3.71. Though the attainment of such effects is, in my opinion, the highest of all oratorical gifts, it is far from difficult of attainment. Fix your eyes on nature and follow her. All eloquence is concerned with the activities of life, while every man applies to himself what he hears from others, and the mind is always readiest to accept what it recognises to be true to nature. 8.3.72. The invention of similes has also provided an admirable means of illuminating our descriptions. Some of these are designed for insertion among our arguments to help our proof, while others are devised to make our pictures yet more vivid; it is with this latter class of simile that I am now specially concerned. The following are good examples:— "Thence like fierce wolves beneath the cloud of night," or "Like the bird that flies Around the shore and the fish-haunted reef, Skimming the deep.
23. Augustine, The City of God, 5.26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

5.26. And on this account, Theodosius not only preserved during the lifetime of Gratian that fidelity which was due to him, but also, after his death, he, like a true Christian, took his little brother Valentinian under his protection, as joint emperor, after he had been expelled by Maximus, the murderer of his father. He guarded him with paternal affection, though he might without any difficulty have got rid of him, being entirely destitute of all resources, had he been animated with the desire of extensive empire, and not with the ambition of being a benefactor. It was therefore a far greater pleasure to him, when he had adopted the boy, and preserved to him his imperial dignity, to console him by his very humanity and kindness. Afterwards, when that success was rendering Maximus terrible, Theodosius, in the midst of his perplexing anxieties, was not drawn away to follow the suggestions of a sacrilegious and unlawful curiosity, but sent to John, whose abode was in the desert of Egypt - for he had learned that this servant of God (whose fame was spreading abroad) was endowed with the gift of prophecy - and from him he received assurance of victory. Immediately the slayer of the tyrant Maximus, with the deepest feelings of compassion and respect, restored the boy Valentinianus to his share in the empire from which he had been driven. Valentinianus being soon after slain by secret assassination, or by some other plot or accident, Theodosius, having again received a response from the prophet, and placing entire confidence in it, marched against the tyrant Eugenius, who had been unlawfully elected to succeed that emperor, and defeated his very powerful army, more by prayer than by the sword. Some soldiers who were at the battle reported to me that all the missiles they were throwing were snatched from their hands by a vehement wind, which blew from the direction of Theodosius' army upon the enemy; nor did it only drive with greater velocity the darts which were hurled against them, but also turned back upon their own bodies the darts which they themselves were throwing. And therefore the poet Claudian, although an alien from the name of Christ, nevertheless says in his praises of him, O prince, too much beloved by God, for you Æolus pours armed tempests from their caves; for you the air fights, and the winds with one accord obey your bugles. But the victor, as he had believed and predicted, overthrew the statues of Jupiter, which had been, as it were, consecrated by I know not what kind of rites against him, and set up in the Alps. And the thunderbolts of these statues, which were made of gold, he mirthfully and graciously presented to his couriers who (as the joy of the occasion permitted) were jocularly saying that they would be most happy to be struck by such thunderbolts. The sons of his own enemies, whose fathers had been slain not so much by his orders as by the vehemence of war, having fled for refuge to a church, though they were not yet Christians, he was anxious, taking advantage of the occasion, to bring over to Christianity, and treated them with Christian love. Nor did he deprive them of their property, but, besides allowing them to retain it, bestowed on them additional honors. He did not permit private animosities to affect the treatment of any man after the war. He was not like Cinna, and Marius, and Sylla, and other such men, who wished not to finish civil wars even when they were finished, but rather grieved that they had arisen at all, than wished that when they were finished they should harm any one. Amid all these events, from the very commencement of his reign, he did not cease to help the troubled church against the impious by most just and merciful laws, which the heretical Valens, favoring the Arians, had vehemently afflicted. Indeed, he rejoiced more to be a member of this church than he did to be a king upon the earth. The idols of the Gentiles he everywhere ordered to be overthrown, understanding well that not even terrestrial gifts are placed in the power of demons, but in that of the true God. And what could be more admirable than his religious humility, when, compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates, he avenged the grievous crime of the Thessalonians, which at the prayer of the bishops he had promised to pardon, and, being laid hold of by the discipline of the church, did pece in such a way that the sight of his imperial loftiness prostrated made the people who were interceding for him weep more than the consciousness of offense had made them fear it when enraged? These and other similar good works, which it would be long to tell, he carried with him from this world of time, where the greatest human nobility and loftiness are but vapor. of these works the reward is eternal happiness, of which God is the giver, though only to those who are sincerely pious. But all other blessings and privileges of this life, as the world itself, light, air, earth, water, fruits, and the soul of man himself, his body, senses, mind, life, He lavishes on good and bad alike. And among these blessings is also to be reckoned the possession of an empire, whose extent He regulates according to the requirements of His providential government at various times. Whence, I see, we must now answer those who, being confuted and convicted by the most manifest proofs, by which it is shown that for obtaining these terrestrial things, which are all the foolish desire to have, that multitude of false gods is of no use, attempt to assert that the gods are to be worshipped with a view to the interest, not of the present life, but of that which is to come after death. For as to those who, for the sake of the friendship of this world, are willing to worship vanities, and do not grieve that they are left to their puerile understandings, I think they have been sufficiently answered in these five books; of which books, when I had published the first three, and they had begun to come into the hands of many, I heard that certain persons were preparing against them an answer of some kind or other in writing. Then it was told me that they had already written their answer, but were waiting a time when they could publish it without danger. Such persons I would advise not to desire what cannot be of any advantage to them; for it is very easy for a man to seem to himself to have answered arguments, when he has only been unwilling to be silent. For what is more loquacious than vanity? And though it be able, if it like, to shout more loudly than the truth, it is not, for all that, more powerful than the truth. But let men consider diligently all the things that we have said, and if, perchance, judging without party spirit, they shall clearly perceive that they are such things as may rather be shaken than torn up by their most impudent garrulity, and, as it were, satirical and mimic levity, let them restrain their absurdities, and let them choose rather to be corrected by the wise than to be lauded by the foolish. For if they are waiting an opportunity, not for liberty to speak the truth, but for license to revile, may not that befall them which Tully says concerning some one, Oh, wretched man! Who was at liberty to sin? Wherefore, whoever he be who deems himself happy because of license to revile, he would be far happier if that were not allowed him at all; for he might all the while, laying aside empty boast, be contradicting those to whose views he is opposed by way of free consultation with them, and be listening, as it becomes him, honorably, gravely, candidly, to all that can be adduced by those whom he consults by friendly disputation.
24. Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, 2.738-2.749 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aeneas Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
aetiology Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
alps Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 68
ammianus marcellinus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 11
apennines Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
argumentum, intended for writing Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
argumentum Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
aristotle Giusti, Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries (2018) 252; Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114
arrian Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 3
artisans Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
asia minor Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 64
atticus Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 3; Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 114, 115
augustine, st, city of god Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 11
augustine, st, on rhetoric Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 11
bene facere and bene dicere, conflation Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
biography Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 181
body, metaphor for speech and text, latin Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 114, 115
body, metaphor for speech and text Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 114, 115
body, political Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
body, synoptic Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 115
body Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 114, 115
brevitasbrevity Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
caracalla Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
caria Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
carthage, in the aeneid Giusti, Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries (2018) 252
carya Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
caryatids, function in de architectura Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
caryatids Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
cassius dio Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
characterisation, and individuation Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
characterisation, and typification Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
characterisation, by comparison Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
cicero Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 2, 3, 63, 64, 68; Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79, 111, 114, 115
ciceromarcus tullius cicero, modicum corpus Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 114, 115
commentarii Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 115
commodus Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
contrasts (in narrative) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
corpus architecturae Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 115
cowardice Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
danger Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
de architectura, and greek knowledge Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114, 115
de architectura, literariness and textuality Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 115
decline Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 181
demosthenes Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
diodorus siculus Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 115
dionysius of halicarnassus Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 3; Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 115
elagabalus Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
emotions Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
epaminondas Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 63
etymology Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
exempla Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
experientiality Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
gratia Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
hannibal Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 68; Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
haste Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
historia, anceps and triceps Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
historia Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
historiography' Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 181
historiography Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
history and historiography, figured as body Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
imagination Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
intellectual culture, rome Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114, 115
intratextual(ity) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
knowledge, common bond Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
literary criticism Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
livy Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 63, 64, 68
lucceius Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 2, 3, 63, 64; Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79, 111, 114, 115
lucullus Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 64
mantinea Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 63
marcus antonius (orator) Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 3
minds (of in-text characters) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
mithridates Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 64
moles, john Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114, 115
narratio Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
pattern(ing) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
periplus Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
philistus of syracuse, author of sicelica Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 115
pleasure (in historiography) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
plot (narrative) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
plots, aristotelian Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114
poetry Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
poikilia (in narrative) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
polybius Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 68
providence Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 11
pupius piso calpurnianus Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 63
quintilian Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 66
quintus tullius cicero Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 115
reader response Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
readers, active engagement/response Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
readers, control over narrative Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
readers, expectations Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
readers, pleasure Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
repetition (narrative) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
rhetoric Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
sallust Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 3, 64
second sophistic Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 11
senses Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
severus alexander Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
sharpness of focus, textual virtue Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114
shipwrecks Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 109
size Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
strabo Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 3
suspense Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
synopsis Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114
syntaxis, associated with bodies Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 115
teleology Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
themistocles Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 63, 64
thucydides Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
tullius cicero, m. Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 181
tyrtaeus, universalism, qualitative Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114
varietas variety or vicissitude Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79, 114, 115
varro marcus terentius varro Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 79
vergil, aeneid Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 11
vergil Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 11, 66
vitruvius, and cicero Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 114, 115
vitruvius, and history Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111, 114, 115
vitruvius, doubts about reliability Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 111
woodman, a. j. Oksanish, Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction (2019) 114, 115
youth/young (rulers) Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 316
zama Baumann and Liotsakis, Reading History in the Roman Empire (2022) 68