Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

2334

Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.73
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Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

16 results
1. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 111 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) 111. non modo malitiosius gessisset sui quaestus aut commodi causa verum etiam neglegentius, cum maiores summum admisisse dedecus existimabant. itaque mandati constitutum constitutum ς est iudicium non minus turpe quam furti, credo, propterea quod quibus in rebus ipsi interesse non possumus, in eis in his A φψ operae nostrae vicaria fides amicorum supponitur; quam qui laedit, oppugnat omnium commune praesidium et, quantum in ipso est, disturbat vitae societatem. non enim possumus omnia per nos agere; alius in alia est re magis utilis. idcirco amicitiae comparantur ut commune commodum mutuis officiis gubernetur.
2. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.58, 2.2.94, 2.2.102, 2.2.106-2.2.108, 2.2.110, 2.2.114, 2.4.72, 2.4.74-2.4.75, 2.4.78-2.4.80, 2.4.82, 2.4.135, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
3. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.67-2.68 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
4. Horace, Odes, 3.30.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
5. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
6. Livy, Per., 51 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
7. Ovid, Fasti, 5.579-5.596 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) 5.579. A temple, and be called the Avenger, if I win.’ 5.580. So he vowed, and returned rejoicing from the rout. 5.581. Nor is he satisfied to have earned Mars that name 5.582. But seeks the standards lost to Parthian hands 5.583. That race protected by deserts, horses, arrows 5.584. Inaccessible, behind their encircling rivers. 5.585. The nation’s pride had been roused by the death 5.586. of the Crassi, when army, leader, standards all were lost. 5.587. The Parthians kept the Roman standards, ornament 5.588. of war, and an enemy bore the Roman eagle. 5.589. That shame would have remained, if Italy’s power 5.590. Had not been defended by Caesar’s strong weapons. 5.591. He ended the old reproach, a generation of disgrace: 5.592. The standards were regained, and knew their own. 5.593. What use now the arrows fired from behind your backs 5.594. Your deserts and your swift horses, you Parthians? 5.595. You carry the eagles home: offer your unstrung bows: 5.596. Now you no longer own the emblems of our shame.
8. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 126 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
9. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 126 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
10. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.20, 8.194, 28.34, 33.142, 36.32 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
11. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
12. Tacitus, Agricola, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
13. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8.46.2, 8.46.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 8.46.2. It is clear that Augustus was not the first to carry away from the vanquished votive offerings and images of gods, but was only following an old precedent. For when Troy was taken and the Greeks were dividing up the spoils, Sthenelus the son of Capaneus was given the wooden image of Zeus Herceius (of the Courtyard); and many years later, when Dorians were migrating to Sicily, Antiphemus the founder of Gela, after the sack of Omphace, a town of the Sicanians, removed to Gela an image made by Daedalus. 8.46.4. Again, the people of Cyzicus, compelling the people of Proconnesus by war to live at Cyzicus, took away from Proconnesus an image of Mother Dindymene. The image is of gold, and its face is made of hippopotamus teeth instead of ivory. So the emperor Augustus only followed a custom in vogue among the Greeks and barbarians from of old. The image of Athena Alea at Rome is as you enter the Forum made by Augustus.
14. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell.
15. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) 2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell.
16. Strabo, Geography, 12.3.34, 12.3.37 12.3.34. Now in the times of the kings the affairs of Comana were administered in the manner already described, but when Pompey took over the authority, he appointed Archelaus priest and included within his boundaries, in addition to the sacred land, a territory of two schoeni (that is, sixty stadia) in circuit and ordered the inhabitants to obey his rule. Now he was governor of these, and also master of the temple-servants who lived in the city, except that he was not empowered to sell them. And even here the temple-servants were no fewer in number than six thousand. This Archelaus was the son of the Archelaus who was honored by Sulla and the Senate, and was also a friend of Gabinius, a man of consular rank. When Gabinius was sent into Syria, Archelaus himself also went there in the hope of sharing with him in his preparations for the Parthian War, but since the Senate would not permit him, he dismissed that hope and found another of greater importance. For it happened at that time that Ptolemaeus, the father of Cleopatra, had been banished by the Egyptians, and his daughter, elder sister of Cleopatra, was in possession of the kingdom; and since a husband of royal family was being sought for her, Archelaus proffered himself to her agents, pretending that he was the son of Mithridates Eupator; and he was accepted, but he reigned only six months. Now this Archelaus was slain by Gabinius in a pitched battle, when the latter was restoring Ptolemaeus to his kingdom. 12.3.37. The whole of the country around is held by Pythodoris, to whom belong, not only Phanaroea, but also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. Concerning Phanaroea I have already spoken. As for Zelitis, it has a city Zela, fortified on a mound of Semiramis, with the sanctuary of Anaitis, who is also revered by the Armenians. Now the sacred rites performed here are characterized by greater sanctity; and it is here that all the people of Pontus make their oaths concerning their matters of greatest importance. The large number of temple-servants and the honors of the priests were, in the time of the kings, of the same type as I have stated before, but at the present time everything is in the power of Pythodoris. Many persons had abused and reduced both the multitude of temple-servants and the rest of the resources of the sanctuary. The adjacent territory, also, was reduced, having been divided into several domains — I mean Zelitis, as it is called (which has the city Zela on a mound); for in, early times the kings governed Zela, not as a city, but as a sacred precinct of the Persian gods, and the priest was the master of the whole thing. It was inhabited by the multitude of temple-servants, and by the priest, who had an abundance of resources; and the sacred territory as well as that of the priest was subject to him and his numerous attendants. Pompey added many provinces to the boundaries of Zelitis, and named Zela, as he did Megalopolis, a city, and he united the latter and Culupene and Camisene into one state; the latter two border on both Lesser Armenia and Laviansene, and they contain rock-salt, and also an ancient fortress called Camisa, now in ruins. The later Roman prefects assigned a portion of these two governments to the priests of Comana, a portion to the priest of Zela, and a portion to Ateporix, a dynast of the family of tetrarchs of Galatia; but now that Ateporix has died, this portion, which is not large, is subject to the Romans, being called a province (and this little state is a political organization of itself, the people having incorporated Carana into it, from which fact its country is called Caranitis), whereas the rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus.

Subjects of this text:

subject	book bibliographic info
aediles	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
aeneas	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 62, 70
aesculapius,temple at agrigentum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
africa	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
agrigentum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
alexander the great,and the alexander mosaic	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
alexander the great,repatriates greek art from persia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
alexander the great	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61
antium	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
apollo	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
artemis	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 15, 59, 60, 61, 70
athens	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 79
beard,m	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 70
carthage,and restoration of cultural property	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
carthage	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61, 62, 63, 64, 70
cimbri	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
corinth	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 59
corinthian bronze	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
cornelius cinna,l.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
cornelius scipio aemilianus,p.,repatriates art works to sicily	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
cornelius scipio africanus,p	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61, 62, 64, 70
diana	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 15, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
eliade,m	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 66
elymians	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 60, 61
forum,roman	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 70
gela	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
greece	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61
heraclius of syracuse	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
himera	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
imitatio	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
julius caesar,c.,his aedileship	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
libraries	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
lilybaeum	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 60
lucian,de domo	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
magna mater,temple at engyion	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
marius,c.,defeats cimbri	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
marius priscus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
maximus	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 15
mercury	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
monster,their communicative value	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
myron	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
nero	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
objects,and identity	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
objects,repatriation of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
objects,their communicative value	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80, 82
objects,viewer response to	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
ovid	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
persia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
pietas	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 63, 64
plutarch,on elite versus non-elite viewers	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
portico	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
praxiteles,diana	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
preference for realism,on scipios restoration of property	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
prosecutes marius priscus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
pyrrhus,healing powers of	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
pyrrhus	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61, 62
religio	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 62, 63
repetundae	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 60
rome,forum romanum	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
rome,nemus dianae	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
rome,temple of concordia	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 79
rome,temple of divus augustus,victoria in	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
rome,temple of felicitas	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 79
rome,temple of fortuna seiani	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
rome,temple of honos et virtus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 79
segesta	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 15, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
sicily,cultural property restored to	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
sicily	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 68
statuary	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
stesichorus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
sthenius of thermae	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
syracuse	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 59
tacitus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
termini imerse	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
thermae	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
treaties	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 62
triumph	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
troy	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61
tullius cicero,m.,on scipio aemilianus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
tullius cicero,m.	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 82
tyndaris	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
verres,c.,looting of sicily	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
verres,c.,loots himera	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
verres,c	Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 15, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70
viewers,elite versus non-elite	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80, 82
virtus'	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80
virtus	Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 79