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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



2303
Cicero, De Oratore, 1.121


quem vero non pudet,—id quod in plerisque video—hunc ego non reprehensione solum, sed etiam poena dignum puto. Equidem et in vobis animum advertere soleo et in me ipso saepissime experior, ut et exalbescam in principiis dicendi et tota mente atque artubus omnibus contremiscam; adulescentulus vero sic initio accusationis exanimatus sum, ut hoc summum beneficium Q. Maximo debuerim, quod continuo consilium dimiserit, simul ac me fractum ac debilitatum metu viderit.'But the speaker who has no shame (as I see to be the case with many) I regard as deserving, not only of rebuke, but of personal castigation. Indeed, what I often observe in you I very frequently experience in myself, that I turn pale in the outset of my speech, and feel a tremor through my whole thoughts, as it were, and limbs. When I was a young man, I was on one occasion so timid in commencing an accusation, that I owed to Q. Maximus the greatest of obligations for immediately dismissing the assembly, as soon as he saw me absolutely disheartened and incapacitated through fear.”


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

12 results
1. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.180-1.182, 2.89, 2.106, 2.124-2.125, 2.135, 2.141, 2.164-2.165, 2.167, 2.169, 2.188, 2.197-2.203 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.180. Quid vero? clarissima M'. Curi causa Marcique Coponi nuper apud centumviros quo concursu hominum, qua exspectatione defensa est? Cum Q. Scaevola, aequalis et conlega meus, homo omnium et disciplina iuris civilis eruditissimus et ingenio prudentiaque acutissimus et oratione maxime limatus atque subtilis atque, ut ego soleo dicere, iuris peritorum eloquentissimus, eloquentium iuris peritissimus, ex scripto testamentorum iura defenderet negaretque, nisi postumus et natus et, ante quam in suam tutelam veniret, mortuus esset, heredem eum esse posse, qui esset secundum postumum et natum et mortuum heres institutus; ego autem defenderem eum hac tum mente fuisse, qui testamentum fecisset, ut, si filius non esset, qui in suam tutelam veniret, M'. Curius esset heres, num destitit uterque nostrum in ea causa in auctoritatibus, in exemplis, in testamentorum formulis, hoc est, in medio iure civili versari? 1.181. Omitto iam plura exempla causarum amplissimarum, quae sunt innumerabilia: capitis nostri saepe potest accidere ut causae versentur in iure. Etenim si C. Mancinum, nobilissimum atque optimum virum atque consularem, cum eum propter invidiam Numantini foederis pater patratus ex s. c. Numantinis dedidisset eumque illi non recepissent posteaque Mancinus domum revenisset neque in senatum introire dubitasset, P. Rutilius, M. filius, tribunus plebis, iussit educi, quod eum civem negaret esse, quia memoria sic esset proditum, quem pater suus aut populus vendidisset aut pater patratus dedidisset, ei nullum esse postliminium, quam possumus reperire ex omnibus rebus civilibus causam contentionemque maiorem quam de ordine, de civitate, de libertate, de capite hominis consularis, praesertim cum haec non in crimine aliquo, quod ille posset infitiari, sed in civili iure consisteret? 1.182. Similique in genere, inferiore ordine, si quis apud nos servisset ex populo foederato seseque liberasset et postea domum revenisset, quaesitum est apud maiores nostros, num is ad suos postliminio redisset et amisisset hanc civitatem. 2.106. Saepe etiam res non sit necne, sed qualis sit quaeritur; ut cum L. Opimi causam defendebat apud populum, audiente me, C. Carbo consul, nihil de C. Gracchi nece negabat, sed id iure pro salute patriae factum esse dicebat; ut eidem Carboni tribuno plebis alia tum mente rem publicam capessenti P. Africanus de Ti. Graccho interroganti responderat iure caesum videri; iure autem omnia defenduntur, quae sunt eius generis, ut aut oportuerit aut licuerit aut necesse fuerit aut imprudentia aut casu facta esse videantur. 2.124. Tum Crassus, 'tu vero,' inquit 'Antoni, perge, ut instituisti; neque enim est boni neque liberalis parentis, quem procrearis et eduxeris, eum non et vestire et ornare, praesertim cum te locupletem esse negare non possis. Quod enim ornamentum, quae vis, qui animus, quae dignitas illi oratori defuit, qui in causa peroranda non dubitavit excitare reum consularem et eius diloricare tunicam et iudicibus cicatrices adversas senis imperatoris ostendere? qui idem, hoc accusante Sulpicio, cum hominem seditiosum furiosumque defenderet, non dubitavit seditiones ipsas ornare ac demonstrare gravissimis verbis multos saepe impetus populi non iniustos esse, quos praestare nemo posset; multas etiam e re publica seditiones saepe esse factas, ut cum reges essent exacti, ut cum tribunicia potestas esset constituta; illam Norbani seditionem ex luctu civium et ex Caepionis odio, qui exercitum amiserat, neque reprimi potuisse et iure esse conflatam? 2.125. Potuit hic locus tam anceps, tam inauditus, tam lubricus, tam novus sine quadam incredibili vi ac facultate dicendi tractari? Quid ego de Cn. Manli, quid de Q. Regis commiseratione dicam? Quid de aliis innumerabilibus? In quibus hoc non maxime enituit quod tibi omnes dant, acumen quoddam singulare, sed haec ipsa, quae nunc ad me delegare vis, ea semper in te eximia et praestantia fuerunt.' 2.164. Si res tota quaeritur, definitione universa vis explicanda est, sic: "si maiestas est amplitudo ac dignitas civitatis, is eam minuit, qui exercitum hostibus populi Romani tradidit, non qui eum, qui id 2.165. fecisset, populi Romani potestati tradidit." Sin pars, partitione, hoc modo: "aut senatui parendum de salute rei publicae fuit aut aliud consilium instituendum aut sua sponte faciendum; aliud consilium, superbum; suum, adrogans; utendum igitur fuit consilio senatus." Si ex vocabulo, ut Carbo: "si consul est, qui consulit patriae 2.167. Ex coniunctis sic argumenta ducuntur: "si pietati summa tribuenda laus est, debetis moveri, cum Q. Metellum tam pie lugere videatis." Ex genere autem: "si magistratus in populi Romani esse potestate debent, quid Norbanum accusas, cuius tribunatus 2.169. esse debemus?" At ex dissimilitudine: "si barbarorum est in diem vivere, nostra consilia sempiternum tempus spectare debent." Atque utroque in genere et similitudinis et dissimilitudinis exempla sunt ex aliorum factis aut dictis aut eventis et fictae narrationes saepe ponendae. Iam ex contrario: 2.188. Haec sunt illa, quae me ludens Crassus modo flagitabat, cum a me divinitus tractari solere diceret et in causa M'. Aquili Gaique Norbani non nullisque aliis quasi praeclare acta laudaret, quae me hercule ego, Crasse, cum a te tractantur in causis, horrere soleo: tanta vis animi, tantus impetus, tantus dolor oculis, vultu, gestu, digito denique isto tuo significari solet; tantum est flumen gravissimorum optimorumque verborum, tam integrae sententiae, tum verae, tam novae, tam sine pigmentis fucoque puerili, ut mihi non solum tu incendere iudicem, sed ipse ardere videaris. 2.197. Quamquam te quidem quid hoc doceam, qui in accusando sodali meo tantum incendium non oratione solum, sed etiam multo magis vi et dolore et ardore animi concitaras, ut ego ad id restinguendum vix conarer accedere? Habueras enim tu omnia in causa superiora: vim, fugam, lapidationem, crudelitatem tribuniciam in Caepionis gravi miserabilique casu in iudicium vocabas; deinde principem et senatus et civitatis, M. Aemilium, lapide percussum esse constabat; vi pulsum e templo L. Cottam et T. Didium, cum intercedere vellent rogationi, nemo poterat negare. 2.198. Accedebat ut haec tu adulescens pro re publica queri summa cum dignitate existimarere; ego, homo censorius, vix satis honeste viderer seditiosum civem et in hominis consularis calamitate crudelem posse defendere. Erant optimi cives iudices, bonorum virorum plenum forum, vix ut mihi tenuis quaedam venia daretur excusationis, quod tamen eum defenderem, qui mihi quaestor fuisset. Hic ego quid dicam me artem aliquam adhibuisse? Quid fecerim, narrabo; si placuerit, vos meam defensionem in aliquo artis loco reponetis. 2.199. Omnium seditionum genera, vitia, pericula conlegi eamque orationem ex omni rei publicae nostrae temporum varietate repetivi conclusique ita, ut dicerem, etsi omnes semper molestae seditiones fuissent, iustas tamen fuisse non nullas et prope necessarias. Tum illa, quae modo Crassus commemorabat, egi: neque reges ex hac civitate exigi neque tribunos plebis creari neque plebiscitis totiens consularem potestatem minui neque provocationem, patronam illam civitatis ac vindicem libertatis, populo Romano dari sine nobilium dissensione potuisse; ac, si illae seditiones saluti huic civitati fuissent, non continuo, si quis motus populi factus esset, id C. Norbano in nefario crimine atque in fraude capitali esse ponendum. Quod si umquam populo Romano concessum esset ut iure incitatus videretur, id quod docebam saepe esse concessum, nullam illa causa iustiorem fuisse. Tum omnem orationem traduxi et converti in increpandam Caepionis fugam, in deplorandum interitum exercitus: sic et eorum dolorem, qui lugebant suos, oratione refricabam et animos equitum Romanorum, apud quos tum iudices causa agebatur, ad Q. Caepionis odium, a quo erant ipsi propter iudicia abalienati, renovabam. 2.200. Quod ubi sensi me in possessionem iudici ac defensionis meae constitisse, quod et populi benevolentiam mihi conciliaram, cuius ius etiam cum seditionis coniunctione defenderam, et iudicum animos totos vel calamitate civitatis vel luctu ac desiderio propinquorum vel odio proprio in Caepionem ad causam nostram converteram, tum admiscere huic generi orationis vehementi atque atroci genus illud alterum, de quo ante disputavi, lenitatis et mansuetudinis coepi: me pro meo sodali, qui mihi in liberum loco more maiorum esse deberet, et pro mea omni fama prope fortunisque decernere; nihil mihi ad existimationem turpius, nihil ad dolorem acerbius accidere posse, quam si is, qui saepe alienissimis a me, sed meis tamen civibus saluti existimarer fuisse, sodali meo auxilium ferre non potuissem. 2.201. Petebam a iudicibus ut illud aetati meae, ut honoribus, ut rebus gestis, si iusto, si pio dolore me esse adfectum viderent, concederent; praesertim si in aliis causis intellexissent omnia me semper pro amicorum periculis, nihil umquam pro me ipso deprecatum. Sic in illa omni defensione atque causa, quod esse in arte positum videbatur, ut de lege Appuleia dicerem, ut quid esset minuere maiestatem explicarem, perquam breviter perstrinxi atque attigi; his duabus partibus orationis, quarum altera commendationem habet, altera concitationem, quae minime praeceptis artium sunt perpolitae, omnis est a me illa causa tractata, ut et acerrimus in Caepionis invidia renovanda et in meis moribus erga meos necessarios declarandis mansuetissimus viderer: ita magis adfectis animis iudicum quam doctis, tua, Sulpici, est a nobis tum accusatio victa.' 2.202. Hic Sulpicius, 'vere hercle,' inquit 'Antoni, ista commemoras; nam ego nihil umquam vidi, quod tam e manibus elaberetur, quam mihi tum est elapsa illa ipsa causa. Cum enim, quem ad modum dixisti, tibi ego non iudicium, sed incendium tradidissem, quod tuum principium, di immortales, fuit! qui timor! quae dubitatio, quanta haesitatio tractusque verborum! Ut tu illud initio, quod tibi unum ad ignoscendum homines dabant, tenuisti, te pro homine pernecessario, quaestore tuo, dicere! Quam tibi primum munisti ad te audiendum viam. 2.203. Ecce autem, cum te nihil aliud profecisse arbitrarer, nisi ut homines tibi civem improbum defendenti ignoscendum propter necessitudinem arbitrarentur, serpere occulte coepisti, nihil dum aliis suspicantibus, me vero iam pertimescente, ut illam non Norbani seditionem, sed populi Romani iracundiam neque eam iniustam, sed meritam ac debitam fuisse defenderes. Deinde qui locus a te praetermissus est in Caepionem? Ut tu illa omnia odio, invidia, misericordia miscuisti! Neque haec solum in defensione, sed etiam in Scauro ceterisque meis testibus, quorum testimonia non refellendo, sed ad eundem impetum populi confugiendo refutasti;
2. Cicero, Republic, 1.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.65. Et Scipio: Est omnino, cum de illo genere rei publicae, quod maxime probo, quae sentio, dixero, accuratius mihi dicendum de commutationibus rerum publicarum, etsi minime facile eas in ea re publica futuras puto. Sed huius regiae prima et certissima est illa mutatio: Cum rex iniustus esse coepit, perit illud ilico genus, et est idem ille tyrannus, deterrimum genus et finitimum optimo; quem si optimates oppresserunt, quod ferme evenit, habet statum res publica de tribus secundarium; est enim quasi regium, id est patrium consilium populo bene consulentium principum. Sin per se populus interfecit aut eiecit tyrannum, est moderatior, quoad sentit et sapit, et sua re gesta laetatur tuerique vult per se constitutam rem publicam. Si quando aut regi iusto vim populus attulit regnove eum spoliavit aut etiam, id quod evenit saepius, optimatium sanguinem gustavit ac totam rem publicam substravit libidini suae (cave putes autem mare ullum aut flammam esse tantam, quam non facilius sit sedare quam effrenatam insolentia multitudinem), tum fit illud, quod apud Platonem est luculente dictum, si modo id exprimere Latine potuero; difficile factu est, sed conabor tamen.
3. Cicero, Pro Caecina, 77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

77. sententiam et aequitatem plurimum valere oportere, libidinis, verbo ac littera ius omne intorqueri: vos statuite, recuperatores, utrae voces vobis honestiores et utiliores esse videantur. hoc loco percommode accidit quod non adest is qui paulo ante adfuit et adesse nobis frequenter in hac causa solet, vir ornatissimus, C. Aquilius; nam ipso praesente de virtute eius et prudentia timidius dicerem, quod et ipse pudore quodam adficeretur ex sua laude et me similis ratio pudoris a praesentis laude tardaret; cuius auctoritati dictum est ab illa causa concedi nimium non oportere. non vereor de tali viro ne plus dicam quam vos aut sentiatis aut apud vos commemorari velitis.
4. Ovid, Fasti, 2.813-2.814 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

2.813. Now day had dawned: she sat with hair unbound 2.814. Like a mother who must go to her son’s funeral.
5. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.72, 10.368-10.372 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

6. Ovid, Tristia, 3.1.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

7. Vergil, Aeneis, 10.846-10.859, 10.870-10.871 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

10.846. Juno made answer: “Can it be thy mind 10.847. gives what thy words refuse, and Turnus' life 10.848. if rescued, may endure? Yet afterward 10.849. ome cruel close his guiltless day shall see— 10.850. or far from truth I stray! O, that I were 10.851. the dupe of empty fears! and O, that thou 10.852. wouldst but refashion to some happier end 10.854. She ceased; and swiftly from the peak of heaven 10.855. moved earthward, trailing cloud-wrack through the air 10.856. and girdled with the storm. She took her way 10.857. to where Troy 's warriors faced Laurentum's line. 10.858. There of a hollow cloud the goddess framed 10.859. a shape of airy, unsubstantial shade 10.870. and hurled a hissing spear with distant aim; 10.871. the thing wheeled round and fled. The foe forthwith
8. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 11.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

9. Statius, Thebais, 11.482-11.496 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10. Tacitus, Annals, 11.25, 14.49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

11.25.  The emperor's speech was followed by a resolution of the Fathers, and the Aedui became the first to acquire senatorial rights in the capital: a concession to a long-standing treaty and to their position as the only Gallic community enjoying the title of brothers to the Roman people. Much at the same time, the Caesar adopted into the body of patricians all senators of exceptionally long standing or of distinguished parentage: for by now few families remained of the Greater and Lesser Houses, as they were styled by Romulus and Lucius Brutus; and even those selected to fill the void, under the Cassian and Saenian laws, by the dictator Caesar and the emperor Augustus were exhausted. Here the censor had a popular task, and he embarked upon it with delight. How to remove members of flagrantly scandalous character, he hesitated; but adopted a lenient method, recently introduced, in preference to one in the spirit of old-world severity, advising each offender to consider his case himself and to apply for the privilege of renouncing his rank: that leave would be readily granted; and he would publish the names of the expelled and the excused together, so that the disgrace should be softened by the absence of anything to distinguish between censorial condemnation and the modesty of voluntary resignation. In return, the consul Vipstanus proposed that Claudius should be called Father of the Senate:— "The title Father of his Country he would have to share with others: new services to the state ought to be honoured by unusual phrases." But he personally checked the consul as carrying flattery to excess. He also closed the lustrum, the census showing 5,984,072 citizens. And now came the end of his domestic blindness: before long, he was driven to note and to avenge the excesses of his wife — only to burn afterwards for an incestuous union. 14.49.  The independence of Thrasea broke through the servility of others, and, on the consul authorizing a division, he was followed in the voting by all but a few dissentients — the most active sycophant in their number being Aulus Vitellius, who levelled his abuse at all men of decency, and, as is the wont of cowardly natures, lapsed into silence when the reply came. The consuls, however, not venturing to complete the senatorial decree in form, wrote to the emperor and stated the opinion of the meeting. He, after some vacillation between shame and anger, finally wrote back that "Antistius, unprovoked by any injury, had given utterance to the most intolerable insults upon the sovereign. For those insults retribution had been demanded from the Fathers; and it would have been reasonable to fix a penalty proportioned to the gravity of the offence. Still, as he had proposed to check undue severity in their sentence, he would not interfere with their moderation; they must decide as they pleased — they had been given liberty even to acquit." These observations, and the like, were read aloud, and the imperial displeasure was evident. The consuls, however, did not change the motion on that account; Thrasea did not waive his proposal; nor did the remaining members desert the cause they had approved; one section, lest it should seem to have placed the emperor in an invidious position; a majority, because there was safety in their numbers; Thrasea, through his usual firmness of temper, and a desire not to let slip the credit he had earned.
11. Tacitus, Histories, 1.78, 4.72 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.78.  With the same generosity Otho tried to win over the support of communities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent additional families. To the whole people of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauritania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia and Africa, more for display than to the lasting advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity of the situation and the anxieties that were forced upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate. It was believed that he also brought up the question of celebrating Nero's memory with the hope of winning over the Roman people; and in fact some set up statues of Nero; moreover on certain days the people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho's nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero Otho; he himself remained undecided, from fear to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title. 4.72.  On the next day Cerialis entered the colony of the Treviri. His soldiers were eager to plunder the town and said "This is Classicus's native city, and Tutor's as well; they are the men whose treason has caused our legions to be besieged and massacred. What monstrous crime had Cremona committed? Yet Cremona was torn from the very bosom of Italy because she delayed the victors one single night. This colony stands on the boundaries of Germany, unharmed, and rejoices in the spoils taken from our armies and in the murder of our commanders. The booty may go to the imperial treasury: it is enough for us to set fire to this rebellious colony and to destroy it, for in that way we can compensate for the destruction of so many of our camps." Cerialis feared the disgrace that he would suffer if men were to believe that he imbued his troops with a spirit of licence and cruelty, and he therefore checked their passionate anger: and they obeyed him, for now that they had given up civil war, they were more moderate with reference to foreign foes. Their attention was then attracted by the sad aspect which the legions summoned from among the Mediomatrici presented. These troops stood there, downcast by the consciousness of their own guilt, their eyes fixed on the ground: when the armies met, there was no exchange of greetings; the soldiers made no answer to those who tried to console or to encourage them; they remained hidden in their tents and avoided the very light of day. It was not so much danger and fear as a sense of their shame and disgrace that paralyzed them, while even the victors were struck dumb. The latter did not dare to speak or make entreaty, but by their tears and silence they continued to ask forgiveness for their fellows, until Cerialis at last quieted them by saying that fate was responsible for all that had resulted from the differences between the soldiers and their commanders or from the treachery of their enemies. He urged them to consider this as the first day of their service and of their allegiance, and he declared that neither the emperor nor he remembered their former misdeeds. Then they were taken into the same camp with the rest, and a proclamation was read in each company forbidding any soldier in quarrel or dispute to taunt a comrade with treason or murder.
12. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 2.470-2.471, 3.520 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
antonius, marcus (orator and speaker in de oratore) Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
aristotle, rhetorical theory Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
blushing, and pudor Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
causa curiana Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
conscience Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
crassus, lucius licinius (orator and speaker in de oratore) Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
de legibus Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
de oratore Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
de re publica Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
gracchus, gaius Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
humor Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
kenney, e. j. Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
lucretia Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
medea Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
myrrha Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
oratory, famous speeches Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
otho Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
pietas (personified) Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
polybius Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
princeps civilis, and verecundia Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
pudor, and blushing Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
pudor, and speech Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
rhetoric, theory of Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
rhetorica ad herennium Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
scaevola, quintus mucius (pontifex) Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 41
speech, and pudor Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
tisiphone Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174
verecundia, and princeps civilis' Kaster, Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome (2005) 174