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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



2273
Cicero, Brutus, 58-62


est igitur sic apud ilium in nono ut opinor annali: additur orator Cornelius suaviloquenti ore Cethegus Marcus Tuditano conlega Marcu' Tuditano collega Schutz : Marcus studio collegam L Marci filius— et oratorem appellat et suaviloquentiam tribuit, quae nunc quidem non tam est in plerisque (latrant enim iam quidam oratores, non loquuntur), sed est ea laus eloquentiae certe maxima— is dictust ollis dictust ollis Gronovius : dictus L popularibus olim, qui tum vivebant homines atque aevum agitabant agitabant Gronovius : agebant L , flos delibatus populi— probe vero;In his ninth book of Annals, he has mentioned him in the following terms:Additur orator Corneliu' suaviloquentiOre Cethegus Marcu', Tuditano collega,Marci Filius."Add the orator M. Cornelius Cethegus, so much admired for his mellifluent tongue; who was the colleague of Tuditanus, and the son of Marcus."He expressly calls him an orator, you see, and attributes to him a remarkable sweetness of speech; which, even now a-days, is an excellence of which few are possessed: for some of our modern orators are so insufferably harsh, that they may rather be said to bark than to speak. But what the poet so much admires in his friend, may certainly be considered as one of the principal ornaments of eloquence. He adds;is dictus, ollis popularibus olim,Qui tum vivebant homines, atque aevum agitabant,Flos delibatus populi."He was called by his contemporaries, the choicest Flower of the State.


ut enim hominis decus ingenium, sic ingeni ipsius lumen est eloquentia, qua virum excellentem praeclare tum illi homines florem populi esse dixerunt— Suadaeque suadaeque vulg .: suadas F1, suadis F2, suadae F3 medulla. Peiqw\ quam vocant Graeci, cuius effector est orator, hanc Suadam appellavit Ennius [eius autem Cethegum medullam fuisse vult eius ... vult secl. Schütz ], ut, quam deam in Pericli labris labris F2 : libris F1 codd. scripsit Eupolis sessitavisse, huius hic medullam nostrum oratorem fuisse 25 dixerit.A very elegant compliment! for as the glory of a man is the strength of his mental capacity, so the brightest ornament of that is eloquence; in which, whoever had the happiness to excel, was beautifully styled, by the ancients, the Flower of the State; and, as the poet immediately subjoins,Suadaeque medulla:"the very marrow and quintessence of Persuasion."That which the Greeks call Peitho [Persuasion and which it is the chief business of an orator to effect, is here called Suada by Ennius; and of this he commends Cethegus as the quintessence; so that he makes the Roman orator to be himself the very substance of that amiable goddess, who is said by Eupolis to have dwelt on the lips of Pericles.


at hic Cethegus consul cum P. Tuditano fuit bello Punico secundo quaestorque his his vulg. : is codd. consulibus M. Cato modo plane annis CXL ante me consulem; et id ipsum nisi unius esset Enni testimonio cognitum, hunc vetustas, ut alios fortasse multos, oblivione obruisset. Illius autem aetatis qui sermo fuerit ex Naevianis scriptis intellegi potest. His enim consulibus, ut in veteribus commentariis scriptum est, Naevius est mortuus; quamquam Varro noster diligentissi- mus investigator antiquitatis putat in hoc erratum vitamque Naevi producit longius. Nam Plautus P. Claudio L. Porcio viginti annis post illos quos ante dixi consulibus mortuus est, Catone censore.This Cethegus was joint-consul with P. Tuditanus in the second Punic war (204 B.C.); at which time also M. Cato was quaestor, about one hundred and forty years before I myself was promoted to the consulship (63 B.C.); which circumstance would have been absolutely lost, if it had not been recorded by Ennius; and the memory of that illustrious citizen, as has probably been the case of many others, would have been obliterated by the rust of antiquity. The manner of speaking which was then in vogue, may easily be collected from the writings of Naevius: for Naevius died, as we learn from the memoirs of the times, when the persons above-mentioned were consuls; though Varro, a most accurate investigator of historical truth, thinks there is a mistake in this, and fixes the death of Naevius something later. For Plautus died in the consulship of P. Claudius and L. Porcius (184 B.C.), twenty years after the consulship of the persons we have been speaking of, and when Cato was censor.


hunc igitur Cethegum consecutus est aetate Cato, qui annis ix viiii FG2 : iiii H : iiii codd. post eum fuit consul. Eum nos ut perveterem habemus, qui L. Marcio M'. Manilio consulibus mortuus est, annis lxxxvi ipsis ante me consuler. nec vero habeo quemquam antiquiorem, cuius quidem scripta pro- ferenda putem, nisi nisi codd. : nisi si Manutius quem Appi Caeci oratio haec ipsa de Pyrrho et non nullae mortuorum laudationes forte delectant delectent maluit Ernesti .Cato, therefore, must have been younger than Cethegus, for he was consul nine years after him (195 B.C.): but we always consider him as a person of the remotest antiquity, though he died in the consulship of Lucius Marcius and M'. Manilius (149 B.C.), and but eighty-three years before my own promotion to the same office. He is certainly, however, the most ancient orator we have, whose writings may claim our attention; unless any one is pleased with the above-mentioned speech of Appius, on the peace with Pyrrhus, or with a set of panegyrics on the dead, which, I own, are still extant.


et hercules eae quidem eae quidem F2 : hae quidem M : equidem codd. exstant: ipsae enim familiae sua quasi ornamenta ac monumenta servabant et ad usum, si quis eiusdem generis occidisset, et ad memoriam laudum domesticarum et ad inlustrandam nobilitatem suam. Quam- 20 quam his laudationibus historia rerum nostrarum est facta mendosior. Multa enim scripta sunt in eis eis vulg. : his L quae facta non sunt: falsi triumphi, plures consulatus, genera etiam falsa et ad plebem a plebe maluit Lambinus transitiones, cum homines humiliores in alienum eiusdem nominis infunderentur genus; ut si ego me a M'. Tullio esse dicerem, qui patricius cum Servio Sulpicio consul anno x post exactos reges fuit.For it was customary in most families of note to preserve their images, their trophies of honour, and their memoirs, either to adorn a funeral when any of the family deceased, or to perpetuate the fame of their ancestors, or prove their own nobility. But the truth of history has been much corrupted by these laudatory essays; for many circumstances were recorded in them which never existed; such as false triumphs, a pretended succession of consulships, and false alliances and elevations, when men of inferior rank were confounded with a noble family of the same name: as if I myself should pretend that I am descended from M'. Tullius, who was a patrician, and shared the consulship with Servius Sulpicius, about ten years after the expulsion of the kings (500 B.C.).


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

11 results
1. Ennius, Annales, 308, 156 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

2. Cicero, Brutus, 59-61, 76, 57 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

57. dicitur etiam C. Flaminius, is qui tribunus plebis legem de agro Gallico et Piceno viritim dividundo tulerit, qui consul apud Trasumennum Tarsumennum L ; cf. Quint. i. 5, 13 sit tulerit... sit L : tulit... est Schütz interfectus, ad populum valuisse dicendo. Q. etiam Maximus Verrucosus orator habitus est temporibus illis et Q. Metellus, is qui bello Punico secundo cum L. Veturio Philone consul fuit. quem vero exstet et de quo sit memoriae proditum de quo ... proditum incl. Jahn eloquen- tem fuisse et ita esse habitum, primus est M. Cornelius Cethegus, cuius eloquentiae est auctor et idoneus quidem mea sententia Q. Ennius, praesertim cum et ipse eum audi- verit et scribat de mortuo: ex quo nulla suspicio est amici tiae causa esse mentitum mentitum L : ementitum Bake .
3. Cicero, Brutus, 58-61, 76, 57 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

57. dicitur etiam C. Flaminius, is qui tribunus plebis legem de agro Gallico et Piceno viritim dividundo tulerit, qui consul apud Trasumennum Tarsumennum L ; cf. Quint. i. 5, 13 sit tulerit... sit L : tulit... est Schütz interfectus, ad populum valuisse dicendo. Q. etiam Maximus Verrucosus orator habitus est temporibus illis et Q. Metellus, is qui bello Punico secundo cum L. Veturio Philone consul fuit. quem vero exstet et de quo sit memoriae proditum de quo ... proditum incl. Jahn eloquen- tem fuisse et ita esse habitum, primus est M. Cornelius Cethegus, cuius eloquentiae est auctor et idoneus quidem mea sententia Q. Ennius, praesertim cum et ipse eum audi- verit et scribat de mortuo: ex quo nulla suspicio est amici tiae causa esse mentitum mentitum L : ementitum Bake .
4. Cicero, In Verrem, 5.14.36 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo, 17, 16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 5.17.2-5.17.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5.17.2.  They were met by the senate, which had decreed a triumph in honour of their leader, and also by all the people, who received the army with bowls of wine and tables spread with viands. When they came into the city, the consul triumphed according to the custom followed by the kings when they conducted the trophy-bearing processions and the sacrifices, and having consecrated the spoils to the gods, he observed that day as sacred and gave a banquet to the most distinguished of the citizens. But on the next day he arrayed himself in dark clothing, and placing the body of Brutus, suitably adorned, upon a magnificent bier in the Forum, he called the people together in assembly, and advancing to the tribunal, delivered the funeral oration in his honour. 5.17.3.  Whether Valerius was the first who introduced this custom among the Romans or whether he found it already established by the kings and adopted it, I cannot say for certain; but I do know from my acquaintance with universal history, as handed down by the most ancient poets and the most celebrated historians, that it was an ancient custom instituted by the Romans to celebrate the virtues of illustrious men at their funerals and that the Greeks were not the authors of it. 5.17.4.  For although these writers have given accounts of funeral games, both gymnastic and equestrian, held in honour of famous men by their friends, as by Achilles for Patroclus and, before that, by Heracles for Pelops, yet none of them makes any mention of eulogies spoken over the deceased except the tragic poets at Athens, who, out of flattery to their city, invented this legend also in the case of those who were buried by Theseus. For it was only at some late period that the Athenians added to their custom the funeral oration, having instituted it either in honour of those who died in defence of their country at Artemisium, Salamis and Plataea, or on account of the deeds performed at Marathon. But even the affair at Marathon — if, indeed, the eulogies delivered in honour of the deceased really began with that occasion — was later than the funeral of Brutus by sixteen years. 5.17.5.  However, if anyone, without stopping to investigate who were the first to introduce these funeral orations, desires to consider the custom in itself and to learn in which of the two nations it is seen at its best, he will find that it is observed more wisely among the Romans than among the Athenians. For, whereas the Athenians seem to have ordained that these orations should be pronounced at the funerals of those only who have died in war, believing that one should determine who are good men solely on the basis of the valour they show at their death, even though in other respects they are without merit 5.17.6.  the Romans, on the other hand, appointed this honour to be paid to all their illustrious men, whether as commanders in war or as leaders in the civil administration they have given wise counsels and performed noble deeds, and this not alone to those who have died in war, but also to those who have met their end in any manner whatsoever, believing that good men deserve praise for every virtue they have shown during their lives and not solely for the single glory of their death.
7. Persius, Satires, 3.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

8. Persius, Saturae, 3.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

9. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.139 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

10. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 11.3.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

11.3.31.  For there is good reason for the saying we so often hear, "He must be a barbarian or a Greek": since we may discern a man's nationality from the sound of his voice as easily as we test a coin by its ring. If these qualities be present, we shall have those harmonious accents of which Ennius expresses his approval when he describes Cethegus as one whose "words rang sweetly," and avoid the opposite effect, of which Cicero expresses his disapproval by saying, "They bark, not plead." For there are many faults of which I spoke in the first book when I discussed the method in which the speech of children should be formed, since I thought it more appropriate to mention them in connexion with a period of life when it is still possible to correct them.
11. Augustine, The City of God, 2.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

2.21. But if our adversaries do not care how foully and disgracefully the Roman republic be stained by corrupt practices, so long only as it holds together and continues in being, and if they therefore pooh-pooh the testimony of Sallust to its utterly wicked and profligate condition, what will they make of Cicero's statement, that even in his time it had become entirely extinct, and that there remained extant no Roman republic at all? He introduces Scipio (the Scipio who had destroyed Carthage) discussing the republic, at a time when already there were presentiments of its speedy ruin by that corruption which Sallust describes. In fact, at the time when the discussion took place, one of the Gracchi, who, according to Sallust, was the first great instigator of seditions, had already been put to death. His death, indeed, is mentioned in the same book. Now Scipio, at the end of the second book, says: As among the different sounds which proceed from lyres, flutes, and the human voice, there must be maintained a certain harmony which a cultivated ear cannot endure to hear disturbed or jarring, but which may be elicited in full and absolute concord by the modulation even of voices very unlike one another; so, where reason is allowed to modulate the diverse elements of the state, there is obtained a perfect concord from the upper, lower, and middle classes as from various sounds; and what musicians call harmony in singing, is concord in matters of state, which is the strictest bond and best security of any republic, and which by no ingenuity can be retained where justice has become extinct. Then, when he had expatiated somewhat more fully, and had more copiously illustrated the benefits of its presence and the ruinous effects of its absence upon a state, Pilus, one of the company present at the discussion, struck in and demanded that the question should be more thoroughly sifted, and that the subject of justice should be freely discussed for the sake of ascertaining what truth there was in the maxim which was then becoming daily more current, that the republic cannot be governed without injustice. Scipio expressed his willingness to have this maxim discussed and sifted, and gave it as his opinion that it was baseless, and that no progress could be made in discussing the republic unless it was established, not only that this maxim, that the republic cannot be governed without injustice, was false, but also that the truth is, that it cannot be governed without the most absolute justice. And the discussion of this question, being deferred till the next day, is carried on in the third book with great animation. For Pilus himself undertook to defend the position that the republic cannot be governed without injustice, at the same time being at special pains to clear himself of any real participation in that opinion. He advocated with great keenness the cause of injustice against justice, and endeavored by plausible reasons and examples to demonstrate that the former is beneficial, the latter useless, to the republic. Then, at the request of the company, L lius attempted to defend justice, and strained every nerve to prove that nothing is so hurtful to a state as injustice; and that without justice a republic can neither be governed, nor even continue to exist. When this question has been handled to the satisfaction of the company, Scipio reverts to the original thread of discourse, and repeats with commendation his own brief definition of a republic, that it is the good of the people. The people he defines as being not every assemblage or mob, but an assemblage associated by a common acknowledgment of law, and by a community of interests. Then he shows the use of definition in debate; and from these definitions of his own he gathers that a republic, or good of the people, then exists only when it is well and justly governed, whether by a monarch, or an aristocracy, or by the whole people. But when the monarch is unjust, or, as the Greeks say, a tyrant; or the aristocrats are unjust, and form a faction; or the people themselves are unjust, and become, as Scipio for want of a better name calls them, themselves the tyrant, then the republic is not only blemished (as had been proved the day before), but by legitimate deduction from those definitions, it altogether ceases to be. For it could not be the people's good when a tyrant factiously lorded it over the state; neither would the people be any longer a people if it were unjust, since it would no longer answer the definition of a people - an assemblage associated by a common acknowledgment of law, and by a community of interests. When, therefore, the Roman republic was such as Sallust described it, it was not utterly wicked and profligate, as he says, but had altogether ceased to exist, if we are to admit the reasoning of that debate maintained on the subject of the republic by its best representatives. Tully himself, too, speaking not in the person of Scipio or any one else, but uttering his own sentiments, uses the following language in the beginning of the fifth book, after quoting a line from the poet Ennius, in which he said, Rome's severe morality and her citizens are her safeguard. This verse, says Cicero, seems to me to have all the sententious truthfulness of an oracle. For neither would the citizens have availed without the morality of the community, nor would the morality of the commons without outstanding men have availed either to establish or so long to maintain in vigor so grand a republic with so wide and just an empire. Accordingly, before our day, the hereditary usages formed our foremost men, and they on their part retained the usages and institutions of their fathers. But our age, receiving the republic as a chef-d'oeuvre of another age which has already begun to grow old, has not merely neglected to restore the colors of the original, but has not even been at the pains to preserve so much as the general outline and most outstanding features. For what survives of that primitive morality which the poet called Rome's safeguard? It is so obsolete and forgotten, that, far from practising it, one does not even know it. And of the citizens what shall I say? Morality has perished through poverty of great men; a poverty for which we must not only assign a reason, but for the guilt of which we must answer as criminals charged with a capital crime. For it is through our vices, and not by any mishap, that we retain only the name of a republic, and have long since lost the reality. This is the confession of Cicero, long indeed after the death of Africanus, whom he introduced as an interlocutor in his work De Republica, but still before the coming of Christ. Yet, if the disasters he bewails had been lamented after the Christian religion had been diffused, and had begun to prevail, is there a man of our adversaries who would not have thought that they were to be imputed to the Christians? Why, then, did their gods not take steps then to prevent the decay and extinction of that republic, over the loss of which Cicero, long before Christ had come in the flesh, sings so mournful a dirge? Its admirers have need to inquire whether, even in the days of primitive men and morals, true justice flourished in it; or was it not perhaps even then, to use the casual expression of Cicero, rather a colored painting than the living reality? But, if God will, we shall consider this elsewhere. For I mean in its own place to show that - according to the definitions in which Cicero himself, using Scipio as his mouthpiece, briefly propounded what a republic is, and what a people is, and according to many testimonies, both of his own lips and of those who took part in that same debate - Rome never was a republic, because true justice had never a place in it. But accepting the more feasible definitions of a republic, I grant there was a republic of a certain kind, and certainly much better administered by the more ancient Romans than by their modern representatives. But the fact is, true justice has no existence save in that republic whose founder and ruler is Christ, if at least any choose to call this a republic; and indeed we cannot deny that it is the people's good. But if perchance this name, which has become familiar in other connections, be considered alien to our common parlance, we may at all events say that in this city is true justice; the city of which Holy Scripture says, Glorious things are said of you, O city of God.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
apud Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222
auctor Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222
augustine Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
clothing Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 124
cornelius cethegus, m. (cos. 204 bce) Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 228
dico Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
ennius, and petrarch Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
ennius, as authority Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 225
ennius, as witness Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 225
ennius Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 225, 228
ennius annales Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 225
exstat Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222
furniture Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 124
genres of latin poetry, epic Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 225
historiography Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222
illud Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
inquit Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
loquor Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
lucilius Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 225
petrarch Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
poeta Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
praeclarus Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222
quintilian Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 228
scipio aemilianus Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
tableware Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 124
tuditanus, p. sempronius (cos. 204 bce) Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222
uersus Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 228
uetustas Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222, 225
ut Culík-Baird, Cicero and the Early Latin Poets (2022) 222
virtue Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 124
wine' Romana Berno, Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History (2023) 124