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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



2165
Cassius Dio, Roman History, 53.21.4-53.21.6


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nan1.  Thus Tarquin was deprived of his power, after ruling twenty-five years; and the Romans turned to Brutus and chose him ruler. In order, however, that the rule of one man might not suggest the kingly power, they elected also, as joint-ruler with him, the husband of Lucretia, Tarquinius Collatinus. He was believed to be hostile to the tyrants because of the outrage done to his wife. Now from Tarquin there came envoys to Rome to discuss his restoration; but when they found they were making no progress, . . . Some of these conspirators put to death by Brutus were relatives of Collatinus, who was angry on their account. Accordingly, Brutus so aroused the people against Collatinus that they all but slew him with their own hands; however, they did not do this, but forced him to resign his office. In his place they elected as Brutus' colleague Publius Valerius, whose cognomen was Publicola; this appellation, translated, means Friend of the People, or Most Democratic.,1.  All crowds judge measures by the men who direct them, and of whatever sort they perceive the men to be, they believe that the measures are of the same sort.,2. Every one prefers the untried to the well known, attaching great hope to the uncertain in comparison with what has already gained his hatred.,3a. All changes are very dangerous, and especially do those in governments work the greatest and most numerous evils to both individuals and states. Sensible men, therefore, choose to remain under the same forms continually, even if they be not the best, rather than by changing, now to one, now to another, to be continually unsettled.,8. Every person comes to possess wishes and desires according to his fortunes, and whatever his circumstances be, of like nature are also the opinions he acquires.,9. The business of kingship, more than any other, demands not merely excellence of character, but also great understanding and experience, and it is not possible without these qualities for the man who takes hold of it to show moderation. Many, for example, as if raised unexpectedly to some great height, have not endured their elevation, but being overcome with giddiness, have fallen and not only brought disaster to themselves but at the same time shattered all the interests of their subjects.,11. Dio, Book III. "It is done not merely by the actual men who rule them, but also by those who share the power with those rulers.",4. Dio, Book III. "Whose father also ruled you blamelessly.",5a. Dio, Book III. "Of the fact that he loves you, you could obtain no better proof than his eagerness to live among you.",5b. Dio, Book III. "And he is particularly anxious to recover the property that was originally his.",6. Dio, Book III. "But how would it pay anybody to do this?",7. Dio, Book III. "Even as Romulus also enjoined upon us.",10. And with regard to the future, base your judgment upon what they have done, but do not be deceived by the false professions they make when suppliants. For unholy deeds proceed in every case from a man's real purpose, yet any one may concoct creditable phrases. Judge, accordingly, by what a man has done, not by what he says he will do.,1.  Dio, Book III. "The women made lamentation for a whole year.",2. Valerius, the colleague of Brutus, although he had proved himself the most democratic of men, came near being murdered by the multitude with their own hands; for they suspected him of being eager to become sole sovereign. And they would indeed have slain him, had he not quickly anticipated their action by courting their favour. For upon entering the assembly he lowered the fasces, which he had formerly carried upright, and took away the axes that were bound up with them. After he had in this way assumed an attitude of the deepest humility, he kept a sad countenance for some time, and wept bitterly; and when he at last managed to utter a sound, he spoke in a low, fearful voice, with the suggestion of a quaver.,2a. For to Marcus, when he had proceeded up to the Capitol and was offering vows to the gods in view of the present state of affairs . . .,3. The temple of Jupiter was dedicated by Horatius, as determined by lot, although Valerius made the declaration that his son was dead, and arranged to have this news brought to him during the very performance of his sacred office, in order that Horatius, under the blow of the misfortune and because in general it was impious for any one in grief to fulfil the duties of priest, should yield to him the dedication of the structure.,4.  Horatius, although he did not doubt the report, — for it was noised abroad by many trustworthy persons, — did not, however, surrender his ministry; on the contrary, after bidding them leave unburied the body of his son, as if it were a stranger's, in order that it might not seem to concern his sacred office, he then performed all the necessary ceremonies. ◂ previous next â–¸ Images with borders lead to more information. The thicker the border, the more information. (Details here.) UP TO: Cassius Dio Classical Texts LacusCurtius Home A page or image on this site is in the public domain ONLY if its URL has a total of one *asterisk. If the URL has two **asterisks, the item is copyright someone else, and used by permission or fair use. If the URL has none the item is © Bill Thayer. See my copyright page for details and contact information. Page updated: 16 Apr 11


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nan1.  And the management of the funds he [Publicola] assigned to others in order that the men holding the consulship might not possess the great influence that would spring from their having the revenues in their power. Now for the first time treasurers began to be appointed, and they called them quaestors. These in the first place tried capital cases, from which fact they have obtained this title — on account of their questionings and on account of their search for truth as the result of questionings. But later they acquired also management of the public funds and received the additional name of treasurers [tamiai]. After a time the courts were put in charge of others, while these officials continued to manage the funds. But the Sabines, making this also a pretext for war, advanced upon Rome with a large army. Publicola led out the Romans to meet them, and by his excellent generalship all but completely destroyed them. The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment, did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran the Roman territory and discomfited Postumius when he was for the second time consul. And they would have captured him with his entire force, had not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. Then the consuls assaulted them and killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew. After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius, as consuls, made peace with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium, they slew most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and razed the city to the ground. Postumius Cominius and Titus Lartius arrested and put to death some slaves who were conspiring to seize the Capitoline. Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second conspiracy composed of slaves and some others who had joined them; for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot. They surrounded and hemmed in the conspirators and then cut them down. To the informants citizenship and other rewards were given. When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome, the populace demanded that there should be a cancellation of debts, and refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time established a new office to have jurisdiction over both classes. Dictator was the name given to the man honoured with this position, and he possessed power equal in all respects to that of the kings. People hated the name of king on account of the Tarquins, but desiring the benefit to be derived from sole leadership, which seemed to exert a potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution, they chose it under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so far as its authority went, equivalent to the kingship, except that the dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to set out on a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the public funds unless the right were specifically voted. He might try men and put them to death at home as well as on campaigns, and not merely such as belonged to the populace, but also men from the knights and from the senate itself. No one, not even the tribunes, had the power to make any complaint against him or to take any action hostile to him, and no appeal could be taken from him. The office of dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, in order that no such official by lingering on in the midst of so great power and unhampered authority should become haughty and be carried away by a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened later to Julius Caesar, when, contrary to lawful precedent, he had been adjudged worthy of the dictatorship. Zonaras They had recourse to civil strife; and the reason was this. Those whose money gave them influence desired to surpass their inferiors in all respects as though they were their sovereigns, and the weaker citizens, sure of their own equal rights, were unwilling to obey them even in the smallest particular. The one class, insatiate of freedom, sought to enjoy also the possessions of the other; and this other class, uncontrolled in its desire for public honours, was bent also on subjecting the persons of the former class.,1.  Dio, Book IV. "And he [Porsenna] presented to the maiden [Cloelia] not only arms, as some say, but also a horse." Dio, Book IV. "And they not only assigned them [the quaestors?] very different duties from those of the consuls, but also gave them distinct titles." Dio, Book IV. "But they overran the Roman territory." Dio, Book IV. "They ravaged everything up to the wall.",1.  At this time, then, when Lartius became dictator, the populace made no uprising, but presented themselves under arms. But when the Latins had come to terms and were now quiet, the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors somewhat harshly; and the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a throng into the senate. And all the senators would then and there have perished at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons reported that the Volsci had already invaded the country. In the face of such news the populace became calm — not, however, out of leniency toward the senate, but because they expected that body to be destroyed forthwith by the enemy. Hence they did not man the walls or render any assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of payment and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long a period as the campaignshould last and promised to reduce the debts. Then, in consequence of these concessions, they proceeded against the enemy and won the day. Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in general met with no decent treatment, they again raised a clamour and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate and the praetors. But upon the outbreak of another war the praetors decreed a cancelling of debts, though others opposed this measure; and so Marcus Valerius was named dictator. He was of the family of Publicola and was beloved by the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, and they were animated with such zeal (for he had promised them prizes, too) that they conquered not only the Sabines, but also the Volsci and Aequi who were allied with them. As a result, the populace voted many honours to Valerius, among them the title of Maximus; this name, translated, means Greatest. And he, wishing to show the populace some favour, addressed the senate at great length, but could not get it to follow his guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senate-house in a rage, and after delivering to the populace a tirade against the senate, resigned his command. And the populace was all the more provoked to revolt. As for the money-lenders, by insisting in the case of debts upon the very letter of the agreement and refusing to make any concession to the debtors, they both failed to secure the full amount and also lost many other advantages. For poverty with the resulting desperation is a grievous curse, and is, if shared by a large number of people, very difficult to combat. Thus the uncompromising attitude at this time of the rich toward the poor was responsible for very many ills that befell the Romans. For as the soldiery came to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was baffled out and out in frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the debtors were repeatedly abused and maltreated by the money-lenders, they became inflamed to such a pitch of fury that many of the destitute abandoned the city or withdrew from the camp, and like enemies lived on the country. When this situation had been brought about, since numbers came flocking to the side of the seceders, the senators, dreading both that the latter might become more estranged and that the neighbouring tribes might take advantage of the sedition and attack them simultaneously, proposed terms, in which they promised to do everything for them that they desired. But when the others displayed a bolder front than ever and would accept no offer, one of the envoys, Menenius Agrippa, begged them hearken to a fable. After obtaining their consent he spoke as follows: "Once all the Members of the Body began a contention against the Belly. And the Eyes said: 'We give the Hands the power to work and the Feet the power to walk.' And the Tongue and the Lips: 'Through us the counsels of the Heart are made known.' And then the Ears: 'Through us the words of others are conveyed to the Mind.' And the Hands: 'We are the workers and lay up stores of wealth.' And again the Feet: 'We tire ourselves out carrying the whole body in its journeying and working and standing.' And all in a chorus: 'While we labour so, thou alone, free from contribution and labour, like a mistress art served by us all and the fruit of all our labours thou thyself alone dost enjoy.' The Belly herself admitted that this was so, and added: 'If you like, furnish me nothing and leave me unsupplied.' This proposition was accepted, and the Members voted unanimously nevermore to supply the Belly by their common effort. When no food was presented to her, the Hands were not able to work, being relaxed on account of the Belly's need, nor were the Feet possessed of strength, nor did any other of the Members show its proper activity unimpaired, but all were inefficient, slow, or completely motionless. And then they comprehended that the offerings made to the Belly had been supplied no more to her than to themselves and that each one of them incidentally enjoyed the benefit conferred upon her." Through these words the multitude comprehended that the abundance of the prosperous tends also to the advantage of the poor, and that even though the former be advantaged by their loans and though they increase their abundance, the outcome of this is not hurtful to the interests of the many; since, if it were not for the wealth possessed by the rich, the poor would not have in times of need persons to lend to them and would perish under the pressure of want. Thereupon they became milder and were reconciled, after the senate had voted a lightening of their debts and release from seizures therefor.,1.  They feared, however, that when their league had been disbanded they might either find their agreements ineffectual or might be harmed through their separation, being arrested and punished one after another on various pretexts. So they formed a compact to lend aid to one another in case any one of them should be wronged in any particular; and they took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected from their own number two representatives, — and afterward still more, — in order that each class might have a helper and avenger. And this they did not once only, but the idea now conceived in this form kept growing, and they appointed their representative for a year, as to some office. The men were called in the tongue of the Latins tribuni, — the same name that was given to the commanders of a thousand, — but were styled dêmarchoi [leaders of the people] in the Greek language. In order, however, to distinguish between the titles of the tribunes, they added in the one case the phrase "of the soldiers," and in the other the phrase "of the people." Now these tribunes of the people (or dêmarchoi) became responsible for great evils that befell Rome. For though they did not immediately secure the title of magistrates, they gained power beyond all others, defending every one who begged protection and rescuing every one who called upon them not only from private individuals, but from the very magistrates, except the dictators. If any one ever invoked them when absent, he, too, was released from the person holding him prisoner and was either brought before the populace by them or was set free. And if ever they saw fit that anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether the person acting were a private citizen or a magistrate; and if the populace or the senate was about to do or to vote anything and a single tribune opposed it, the action or the vote became null and void. As time went on, they were allowed, or allowed themselves, to summon the senate, to punish anybody who disobeyed them, to practise divination, and to hold court. And in the case of anything that was unlawful for them to do, they gained their point by their incontestable opposition to every project undertaken by others. For they introduced laws to the effect that whoever should obstruct them by deed or word, be he private citizen or magistrate, should be "devoted" and under a curse. This being "devoted" meant destruction; for this was the term applied to everything that was consecrated, like a victim, for slaughter. The tribunes themselves were termed by the multitude sacrosanct, since they served as sacred walls, so to speak, for the shelter of such as invoked them; for sacra among the Romans means "walls," and sancta "sacred." Many of their actions were unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls into prison and put men to death without granting them a hearing. Nobody ventured to oppose them; or, in case anyone did, he himself became "devoted." If, however, persons were not condemned by all the tribunes, they would call to their help those who had not concurred in the verdict, and so were given a regular trial before the tribunes themselves or before a jury or before the populace, and were subject to the deciding vote. In the course of time the number of the tribunes was fixed at ten, and as a result of this most of their power was overthrown. Zonaras,1.  To a large extent success is the result of planning secretly, acting at the opportune moment, following one's own counsel, and having no chance to fall back upon any one else, but being obliged to take upon one's self the responsibility for the outcome, whatever it be.  <,2.  So it was that they sundered their former relations, wherein they had been wont harmoniously to assist each other with mutual profit, and no longer made distinctions between the citizen and the foreigner. Indeed, both classes disdained moderation, the one setting its heart upon an extreme of authority, the other upon an extreme of resistance to servitude; and, as a result, they not only failed of these objects but at the same time inflicted upon each other many grievous injuries, partly in requital for wrongs received and partly by way of anticipating others. Hence more than all the rest of mankind they were at variance save in the midst of the gravest of dangers incurred in the course of the successive wars that were due chiefly to their own dissensions; hence, for the sake of the respite, many of the foremost men on numerous occasions brought on these conflicts purposely. From this beginning, then, they suffered far more harm from each other than from outside nations. And in view of these circumstances I am led to prophesy that they cannot possibly be deprived of either their power or their sway, unless they shall be brought low by their own contentions.,4. Furthermore they were indignant because the senators were not of the same mind after obtaining something from them as they were while requesting it, but after making them many fine promises while in the midst of danger, failed to perform the slightest one of them when safety had been secured.,5. So, in order to they might not fight as a single army but that each nation should have to struggle separately in defence of its own territory and so become easier to conquer, they divided the army.,6. The populace, as soon as Valerius, the dictator, became a private citizen, began a most bitter contest, going so far even as to make changes in the government. The well-to‑do classes insisted, in the case of debts, upon the very letter of the agreement, refusing to abate one iota of it, and so they both failed to secure its fulfilment and were deprived of many other advantages; they had failed to recognize the fact that extreme poverty is a most grievous curse, and that the desperation which results from it, especially if shared by a large number of people, is very difficult to combat.,7.  This is why not a few politicians voluntarily choose the course which is expedient in preference to that which is absolutely just. Justice is often worsted in an encounter with human nature and sometimes suffers total extinction, whereas expediency, by parting with a mere fragment of justice, preserves the greater portion of it intact. Thus the uncompromising attitude of the rich class toward the poor was responsible for very many ills that befell the Romans.,8.  Indeed, among the many remedies afforded them against delays in the payment of debts, was one to the effect that in case several persons had been lending to one man, they had authority to divide his body piecemeal according to the proportionate amounts that he was owing. And yet, however well this principle may have been recognized, it surely had never been put into practice. For how could a nation have proceeded to such lengths of cruelty when it frequently granted to those convicted of some crime a refuge for their safety and allowed such as were thrust from the cliffs of the Capitoline to live in case they survived the experience?,9. Those who were owing debts took possession of a certain hill, and after placing one Gaius at their head, proceeded to secure their food from the contrary as from hostile territory, thereby demonstrating that laws were weaker than arms, and justice weaker than their desperation. The senators, fearing both that these men might become more estranged and that the neighbouring tribes might, in view of the crisis, attack them simultaneously, proposed terms to the seceders, offering everything that they hoped might please them.,10.  The latter at first maintained a bold front, but were brought to reason in a remarkable way. When they kept up a series of disorderly shouts, Agrippa, one of the envoys, begged them to hearken to a fable, and having obtained their consent, spoke as follows: "Once all the Members of Man began a contention against the Belly, declaring that they worked and toiled without food or drink, being at the beck and call of the Belly in everything, whereas it endured no labour and alone got its fill of nourishment.,11.  And finally they voted that the Hands should no longer convey aught to the Mouth nor the latter receive anything, to the end that the Belly might so far as possible come to lack both food and drink and so perish. Now when this decision had been reached and put into execution, at first the entire body began to wither away and next it gave out and collapsed. Accordingly, the Members through their own desperate state grew conscious that in the Belly lay their own salvation and restored to it its nourishment.",12.  On hearing this the multitude comprehended that the abundance of the prosperous also supports the cause of the poor; therefore they became milder and were reconciled on being granted a release from their debts and from seizures therefor. These terms, then, were voted by the senate.,14. And it did not seem to be inconsistent with human nature, and to many others also, some willingly, some unwillingly . . . Whenever a large number of men band together and seek their own advantage by violence, they have for the time being some equitable agreement and display boldness, but later they become divided and are punished on various pretexts.,15. Through the tendency, natural to most persons, to differ with their fellow officials, — since it is always difficult for a number of men to attain harmony, especially in a position of any influence, — all their power was being dissipated and torn to shreds; for none of their resolutions was valid in case even one of them opposed it. They had originally received their office for no other purpose than to resist such as were oppressing anybody, and this he who tried to prevent any measure from being carried into effect was sure to prove stronger than those who supported it. For as if by very nature, yet more by reason of jealousy, fellow-officials invariably quarrel; and it is difficult for a number of men, especially in a position of influence, to attain harmony. No sooner did others, planning to shatter their influence, go to intriguing, in order that dissension might make them weaker, than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to the one party and some to the other. If even one of them opposed a measure, he rendered the decision of the rest null and void. Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sat at the entrance and watched proceedings, and in case anything failed to please them, they would then and there oppose it. Next they were invited inside. Later, however, the ex-tribunes became members of the senate, and finally some of the senators even sought to be tribunes — unless one chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept; for after choosing the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and advancing them to so great power, they feared that a patrician might turn this power to contrary purposes and use it against them. But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his status to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly. And a number of the most prominent patricians actually did renounce their nobility, through desire for the immense influence possible, and so became tribunes. Such was the origin of the power of the tribunes. In addition to them the people chose two aediles to be their assistants in the matter of documents. These took charge of everything that was submitted in writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it, so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently, but later they were charged, among other duties, with the supervision of the provision market, whence they came to be called agoranomoi [market-overseers] by the Greeks. ◂ previous next â–¸ Images with borders lead to more information. The thicker the border, the more information. (Details here.) UP TO: Cassius Dio Classical Texts LacusCurtius Home A page or image on this site is in the public domain ONLY if its URL has a total of one *asterisk. If the URL has two **asterisks, the item is copyright someone else, and used by permission or fair use. If the URL has none the item is © Bill Thayer. See my copyright page for details and contact information. Page updated: 16 Apr 11,12.  After this the Tarquins endeavoured on several occasions, by forming alliances with tribes bordering on Roman territory, to recover the kingdom; but they all perished in the battles save the sire, who was also called Superbus, that is, Proud. Subsequently he found his way to Cumae, among the Oscans, and there died.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

5 results
1. New Testament, Acts, 17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 6.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

4. Tacitus, Annals, 2.42.2, 6.41, 12.49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

6.41.  About this date, the Cietae, a tribe subject to Archelaus of Cappadocia, pressed to conform with Roman usage by making a return of their property and submitting to a tribute, migrated to the heights of the Tauric range, and, favoured by the nature of the country, held their own against the unwarlike forces of the king; until the legate Marcus Trebellius, despatched by Vitellius from his province of Syria with four thousand legionaries and a picked force of auxiliaries, drew his lines round the two hills which the barbarians had occupied (the smaller is known as Cadra, the other as Davara) and reduced them to surrender — those who ventured to make a sally, by the sword, the others by thirst. Meanwhile, with the acquiescence of the Parthians, Tiridates took over Nicephorium, Anthemusias, and the other cities of Macedonian foundation, carrying Greek names, together with the Parthic towns of Halus and Artemita; enthusiasm running high, as Artabanus, with his Scythian training, had been execrated for his cruelty and it was hoped that Roman culture had mellowed the character of Tiridates. 12.49.  The procurator of Cappadocia was Julius Paelignus, a person made doubly contemptible by hebetude of mind and grotesqueness of body, yet on terms of the greatest intimacy with Claudius during the years of retirement when he amused his sluggish leisure with the society of buffoons. The Paelignus had mustered the provincial militia, with the avowed intention of recovering Armenia; but, while he was plundering our subjects in preference to the enemy, the secession of his troops left him defenceless against the barbarian incursions, and he made his way to Radamistus, by whose liberality he was so overpowered that he voluntarily advised him to assume the kingly emblem, and assisted at its assumption in the quality of sponsor and satellite. Ugly reports of the incident spread; and, to make it clear that not all Romans were to be judged by the standard of Paelignus, the legate Helvidius Priscus was sent with a legion to deal with the disturbed situation as the circumstances might require. Accordingly, after crossing Mount Taurus in haste, he had settled more points by moderation than by force, when he was ordered back to Syria, lest he should give occasion for a Parthian war.
5. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 55.10, 57.17, 57.17.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

55.10. 1.  Augustus limited the number of people to be supplied with grain, a number not previously fixed, to two hundred thousand; and, as some say, he distributed largess of sixty denarii to each man.,1a. How the Forum of Augustus was dedicated.,1b. How the Temple of Mars therein was dedicated.,2.  . . . to Mars, and that he himself and his grandsons should go there as often as they wished, while those who were passing from the class of boys and were being enrolled among the youths of military age should invariably do so; that those who were sent out to commands abroad should make that their starting-point;,3.  that the senate should take its votes there in regard to the granting of triumphs, and that the victors after celebrating them should dedicate to this Mars their sceptre and their crown; that such victors and all others who receive triumphal honours should have their statues in bronze erected in the Forum;,4.  that in case military standards captured by the enemy were ever recovered they should be placed in the temple; that a festival should be celebrated besides the steps of the temple by the cavalry commanders of each year; that a nail should be driven into it by the censors at the close of their terms;,5.  and that even senators should have the right of contracting to supply the horses that were to compete in the Circensian games, and also to take general charge of the temple, just as had been provided by law in the case of the temples of Apollo and of Jupiter Capitolinus.,6.  These matters settled, Augustus dedicated this temple of Mars, although he had granted to Gaius and Lucius once for all the right to consecrate all such buildings by virtue of a kind of consular authority that they exercised in the time-honoured manner. And they did, in fact, have the management of the Circensian games on this occasion, while their brother Agrippa took part along with the boys of the first families in the equestrian exercise called "Troy.",7.  Two hundred and sixty lions were slaughtered in the Circus. There was a gladiatorial combat in the Saepta, and a naval battle between the "Persians" and the "Athenians" was given on the spot where even to‑day some relics of it are still pointed out.,8.  These, it will be understood, were the names given to the contestants; and the "Athenians" prevailed as of old. Afterwards water was let into the Circus Flaminius and thirty-six crocodiles were there slaughtered. Augustus, however, did not serve as consul during all these days, but after holding office for a short time, gave the title of the consulship to another.,9.  These were the celebrations in honour of Mars. To Augustus himself a sacred contest was voted in Neapolis, the Campanian city, nominally because he had restored it when it was prostrated by earthquake and fire, but in reality because its inhabitants, alone of the Campanians, tried in a manner to imitate the customs of the Greeks.,10.  He also was given the strict right to the title of "Father"; for hitherto he had merely been addressed by that title without the formality of a decree. Moreover, he now for the first time appointed two prefects over the Praetorians, Quintus Ostorius Scapula and Publius Salvius Aper, — for I, too, apply this name "prefect" solely to them, of all who exercise a similar office, inasmuch as it has won its way into general use.,11.  Pylades, the dancer, gave a festival, though he did not perform any of the work himself, since he was very old, but merely wore the insignia of office and provided the cost of the entertainment; and the praetor Quintus Crispinus also gave one. I mention this only because it was on this occasion that knights and women of distinction were brought upon the stage.,12.  of this, however, Augustus took no account; but when he at length discovered that his daughter Julia was so dissolute in her conduct as actually to take part in revels and drinking bouts at night in the Forum and on the very rostra, he became exceedingly angry.,13.  He had surmised even before this time that she was not leading a straight life, but refused to believe it. For those who hold positions of command, it appears, are acquainted with everything else better than with their own affairs; and although their own deeds do not escape the knowledge of their associates, they have no precise information regarding what their associates do.,14.  In the present instance, when Augustus learned what was going on, he gave way to a rage so violent that he could not keep the matter to himself, but went so far as to communicate it to senate. As a result Julia was banished to the island of Pandateria, lying off Campania, and her mother Scribonia voluntarily accompanied her.,15.  of the men who had enjoyed her favours, Iullus Antonius, on the ground that his conduct had been prompted by designs upon the monarchy, was put to death along with other prominent persons, while the remainder were banished to islands. And since there was a tribune among them, he was not tried until he had completed his term of office.,16.  As a result of this affair many other women, too, were accused of similar behaviour, but the emperor would not entertain all the suits; instead, he set a definite date as a limit and forbade all prying into what had occurred previous to that time. For although in the case of his daughter he would show no mercy, remarking that he would rather have been Phoebe's father than hers, he nevertheless was disposed to spare the rest. This Phoebe had been a freedwoman of Julia's and her accomplice, and had voluntarily taken her own life before she could be punished. It was for this that Augustus praised her.,17.  Gaius assumed command of the legions on the Ister with peaceful intent. Indeed, he fought no war, not because no war broke out, but because he was learning to rule in quiet and safety, while the dangerous undertakings were regularly assigned to others.,18.  When the Armenians revolted and the Parthians joined with them, Augustus was distressed and at a loss what to do. For he himself was not fit for campaigning by reason of age, while Tiberius, as has been stated, had already withdrawn, and he did not dare send any other influential man; as for Gaius and Lucius, they were young and inexperienced in affairs. Nevertheless, under the stress of necessity, he chose Gaius, gave him the proconsular authority and a wife, — in order that he might also have the increased dignity that attached to a married man, — and appointed advisers to him.,19.  Gaius accordingly set out and was everywhere received with marks of distinction, as befitted one who was the emperor's grandson and was even looked upon as his son. Even Tiberius went to Chios and paid court to him, thus endeavouring to clear himself of suspicion; indeed, he humiliated himself and grovelled at the feet, not only of Gaius, but also of all the associates of Gaius. And Gaius, after going to Syria and meeting with no great success, was wounded.,20.  When the barbarians heard of Gaius' expedition, Phrataces sent men to Augustus to explain what had occurred and to demand the return of his brothers on condition of his accepting peace. The emperor sent him a letter in reply, addressed simply to "Phrataces," without the appellation of "king," in which he directed him to lay aside the royal name and to withdraw from Armenia. Thereupon the Parthian, so far from being cowed, wrote back in a generally haughty tone, styling himself "King of Kings" and addressing Augustus simply as "Caesar." Tigranes did not at once send any envoys, but when Artabazus somewhat later fell ill and died, he sent gifts to Augustus, in view of the fact that his rival had been removed,,21.  and though he did not mention the name "king" in his letter, he really did petition Augustus for the kingship. Influenced by these considerations and at the same time fearing the war with the Parthians, the emperor accepted the gifts and bade him go with good hopes to Gaius in Syria. . . . others who marched against them from Egypt, and did not yield until a tribune from the pretorian guard was sent against them. This man in the course of time checked their incursions, with the result that for a long period no senator governed the cities in this region. 57.17. 1.  The following year Gaius Caecilius and Lucius Flaccus received the title of consuls. And when some brought Tiberius money at the beginning of the year, he would not accept it and published an edict regarding this very practice, in which he used a word that was not Latin.,2.  After thinking it over at night he sent for all who were experts in such matters, for he was extremely anxious to have his diction irreproachable. Thereupon one Ateius Capito declared: "Even if no one has previously used this expression, yet now because of you we shall all cite it as an example of classical usage." But a certain Marcellus replied: "You, Caesar, can confer Roman citizenship upon men, but not upon words.",3.  And the emperor did this man no harm for his remark, in spite of its extreme frankness. His anger was aroused, however, against Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, because this prince, after having once grovelled before him in order to gain his assistance as advocate when accused by his subjects in the time of Augustus,,4.  had afterwards slighted him on the occasion of his visit to Rhodes, yet had paid court to Gaius when the latter went to Asia. Therefore Tiberius now summoned him on the charge of rebellious conduct and left his fate to the decision of the senate, although the man was not only stricken in years, but also a great sufferer from gout, and was furthermore believed to be demented.,5.  As a matter of fact, he had once lost his mind to such an extent that a guardian was appointed over his domain by Augustus; nevertheless, at the time in question he was no longer weak-witted, but was merely feigning, in the hope of saving himself by this expedient. And he would now have been put to death, had not someone in testifying against him stated that he had once said: "When I get back home, I will show him what sort of sinews I possess." So great a shout of laughter went up at this — for the man was not only unable to stand, but could not even sit up — that Tiberius gave up his purpose of putting him to death.,6.  In fact, the prince's condition was so serious that he was carried into the senate in a covered litter (for it was customary even for men, whenever one of them came there feeling ill, to be carried in reclining, and even Tiberius sometimes did so), and he spoke a few words leaning out of the litter.,7.  So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.,8.  For not only did he refrain scrupulously from the possessions of others — so long, that is, as he practised any virtue at all — and would not even accept the inheritances that were left to him by testators who had relatives, but he actually contributed vast sums both to cities and to private individuals, and would not accept any honour or praise for these acts.,9.  When embassies came from cities or provinces, he never dealt with them alone, but caused a number of others to participate in the deliberations, especially men who had once governed these peoples. 57.17.7.  So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
acropolis (athens) Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
aias, son of teukros, priest-dynast Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
altar Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
archelais Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
archelaos ii, client-king in cilicia Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
areopagus Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
ariobarzanes, king of the medes Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
armenia, and rough cilicia Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
armenia/armenians, orontid and artaxiad dynasty Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
artavasdes iv, armenian king Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
augustus, emperor Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
augustus Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
cappadocia, roman province Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
cappadocia/cappadocians, transformation into roman province Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
cassius dio Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
christianity / christians Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
cilicia/cilicians, client-kings in the julio-claudian period Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
city, sacred /\u2009holy city Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
city Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
colonies/colonization, roman Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
cult Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
elite Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
erato, armenian queen Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
eschatology Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
gaius caesar, grandson of augustus Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
jews / judaism Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
kaisareia (tyana) Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
komana (kumani), temple state and city in cappadocia Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
mazaka Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
memory Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
mysteries, eleusinian mysteries Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
neolithic/chalcolithic age (ca. Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
olba Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
paul Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
phasis river Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
priest(ess)/priesthood, teucrids Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
roma (as goddess) Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
rome, romans Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
rome/romans, age of augustus Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the imperial period Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
sacralisation Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
space, sacred space /\u2009landscape Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
space, space as palimpsest' Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben, Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity (2020) 37
temple state/land, hittite Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
tiberius emperor Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
tigranes iv, armenian king Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
tigranes v, armenian king Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
tomb, cenotaph of gaius Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
tyana (tuwana) Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
veranius, quintus, governor Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326
vonones, armenian king Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 326