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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



1568
Augustine, The City Of God, 18.52


nanI do not think, indeed, that what some have thought or may think is rashly said or believed, that until the time of Antichrist the Church of Christ is not to suffer any persecutions besides those she has already suffered - that is, ten - and that the eleventh and last shall be inflicted by Antichrist. They reckon as the first that made by Nero, the second by Domitian, the third by Trajan, the fourth by Antoninus, the fifth by Severus, the sixth by Maximin, the seventh by Decius, the eighth by Valerian, the ninth by Aurelian, the tenth by Diocletian and Maximian. For as there were ten plagues in Egypt before the people of God could begin to go out, they think this is to be referred to as showing that the last persecution by Antichrist must be like the eleventh plague, in which the Egyptians, while following the Hebrews with hostility, perished in the Red Sea when the people of God passed through on dry land. Yet I do not think persecutions were prophetically signified by what was done in Egypt, however nicely and ingeniously those who think so may seem to have compared the two in detail, not by the prophetic Spirit, but by the conjecture of the human mind, which sometimes hits the truth, and sometimes is deceived. But what can those who think this say of the persecution in which the Lord Himself was crucified? In which number will they put it? And if they think the reckoning is to be made exclusive of this one, as if those must be counted which pertain to the body, and not that in which the Head Himself was set upon and slain, what can they make of that one which, after Christ ascended into heaven, took place in Jerusalem, when the blessed Stephen was stoned; when James the brother of John was slaughtered with the sword; when the Apostle Peter was imprisoned to be killed, and was set free by the angel; when the brethren were driven away and scattered from Jerusalem; when Saul, who afterward became the Apostle Paul, wasted the Church; and when he himself, publishing the glad tidings of the faith he had persecuted, suffered such things as he had inflicted, either from the Jews or from other nations, where he most fervently preached Christ everywhere? Why, then, do they think fit to start with Nero, when the Church in her growth had reached the times of Nero amid the most cruel persecutions; about which it would be too long to say anything? But if they think that only the persecutions made by kings ought to be reckoned, it was king Herod who also made a most grievous one after the ascension of the Lord. And what account do they give of Julian, whom they do not number in the ten? Did not he persecute the Church, who forbade the Christians to teach or learn liberal letters? Under him the elder Valentinian, who was the third emperor after him, stood forth as a confessor of the Christian faith, and was dismissed from his command in the army. I shall say nothing of what he did at Antioch, except to mention his being struck with wonder at the freedom and cheerfulness of one most faithful and steadfast young man, who, when many were seized to be tortured, was tortured during a whole day, and sang under the instrument of torture, until the emperor feared lest he should succumb under the continued cruelties and put him to shame at last, which made him dread and fear that he would be yet more dishonorably put to the blush by the rest. Lastly, within our own recollection, did not Valens the Arian, brother of the foresaid Valentinian, waste the Catholic Church by great persecution throughout the East? But how unreasonable it is not to consider that the Church, which bears fruit and grows through the whole world, may suffer persecution from kings in some nations even when she does not suffer it in others! Perhaps, however, it was not to be reckoned a persecution when the king of the Goths, in Gothia itself, persecuted the Christians with wonderful cruelty, when there were none but Catholics there, of whom very many were crowned with martyrdom, as we have heard from certain brethren who had been there at that time as boys, and unhesitatingly called to mind that they had seen these things? And what took place in Persia of late? Was not persecution so hot against the Christians (if even yet it is allayed) that some of the fugitives from it came even to Roman towns? When I think of these and the like things, it does not seem to me that the number of persecutions with which the Church is to be tried can be definitely stated. But, on the other hand, it is no less rash to affirm that there will be some persecutions by kings besides that last one, about which no Christian is in doubt. Therefore we leave this undecided, supporting or refuting neither side of this question, but only restraining men from the audacious presumption of affirming either of them.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

18 results
1. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

2. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 2.4.18-2.4.21, 5.11.17, 10.1.34, 12.4.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.4.18.  To narratives is annexed the task of refuting and confirming them, styled anaskeue and kataskeue, from which no little advantage may be derived. This may be done not merely in connexion with fiction and stories transmitted by the poets, but with the actual records of history as well. For instance we may discuss the credibility of the story that a raven settled on the head of Valerius in the midst of a combat and with its wings and beak struck the eyes of the Gaul who was his adversary, and a quantity of arguments may be produced on either side: 2.4.19.  or we may discuss the tradition that Scipio was begotten by a serpent, or that Romulus was suckled by a she-wolf, or the story of Numa and Egeria. As regards Greek history, it allows itself something very like poetic licence. Again the time and place of some particular occurrence and sometimes even the persons concerned often provide matter for discussion: Livy for instance is frequently in doubt as to what actually occurred and historians often disagree. 2.4.20.  From this our pupil will begin to proceed to more important themes, such as the praise of famous men and the denunciation of the wicked. Such tasks are profitable in more than one respect. The mind is exercised by the variety and multiplicity of the subject matter, while the character is moulded by the contemplation of virtue and vice. Further wide knowledge of facts is thus acquired, from which examples may be drawn if circumstances so demand, such illustrations being of the utmost value in every kind of case. 2.4.21.  It is but a step from this to practice in the comparison of the respective merits of two characters. This is of course a very similar theme to the preceding, but involves a duplication of the subject matter and deals not merely with the nature of virtues and vices, but with their degree as well. But the method to be followed in panegyric and invective will be dealt with in its proper place, as it forms the third department of rhetoric. 5.11.17.  A similar method is to be pursued in quoting from the fictions of the poets, though we must remember that they will be of less force as proofs. The same supreme authority, the great master of eloquence, shows us how we should employ such quotations. 12.4.1.  Above all, our orator should be equipped with a rich store of examples both old and new: and he ought not merely to know those which are recorded in history or transmitted by oral tradition or occur from day to day, but should not neglect even those fictitious examples invented by the great poets.
3. Tertullian, To Scapula, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

3. However, as we have already remarked, it cannot but distress us that no state shall bear unpunished the guilt of shedding Christian blood; as you see, indeed, in what took place during the presidency of Hilarian, for when there had been some agitation about places of sepulture for our dead, and the cry arose, No are - no burial-grounds for the Christians, it came that their own are, their threshing-floors, were a-wanting, for they gathered in no harvests. As to the rains of the bygone year, it is abundantly plain of what they were intended to remind men - of the deluge, no doubt, which in ancient times overtook human unbelief and wickedness; and as to the fires which lately hung all night over the walls of Carthage, they who saw them know what they threatened; and what the preceding thunders pealed, they who were hardened by them can tell. All these things are signs of God's impending wrath, which we must needs publish and proclaim in every possible way; and in the meanwhile we must pray it may be only local. Sure are they to experience it one day in its universal and final form, who interpret otherwise these samples of it. That sun, too, in the metropolis of Utica, with light all but extinguished, was a portent which could not have occurred from an ordinary eclipse, situated as the lord of day was in his height and house. You have the astrologers, consult them about it. We can point you also to the deaths of some provincial rulers, who in their last hours had painful memories of their sin in persecuting the followers of Christ. Vigellius Saturninus, who first here used the sword against us, lost his eyesight. Claudius Lucius Herminianus in Cappadocia, enraged that his wife had become a Christian, had treated the Christians with great cruelty: well, left alone in his palace, suffering under a contagious malady, he boiled out in living worms, and was heard exclaiming, Let nobody know of it, lest the Christians rejoice, and Christian wives take encouragement. Afterwards he came to see his error in having tempted so many from their steadfastness by the tortures he inflicted, and died almost a Christian himself. In that doom which overtook Byzantium, C cilius Capella could not help crying out, Christians, rejoice! Yes, and the persecutors who seem to themselves to have acted with impunity shall not escape the day of judgment. For you we sincerely wish it may prove to have been a warning only, that, immediately after you had condemned Mavilus of Adrumetum to the wild beasts, you were overtaken by those troubles, and that even now for the same reason you are called to a blood-reckoning. But do not forget the future.
4. Cyprian, Letters To Jovian, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

5. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

6. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

7. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

8. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

9. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.15 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

10. Augustine, Confessions, 2.3.5, 8.5.10, 10.9.16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

11. Augustine, The City of God, 18.2, 19.13, 21.14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

18.2. The society of mortals spread abroad through the earth everywhere, and in the most diverse places, although bound together by a certain fellowship of our common nature, is yet for the most part divided against itself, and the strongest oppress the others, because all follow after their own interests and lusts, while what is longed for either suffices for none, or not for all, because it is not the very thing. For the vanquished succumb to the victorious, preferring any sort of peace and safety to freedom itself; so that they who chose to die rather than be slaves have been greatly wondered at. For in almost all nations the very voice of nature somehow proclaims, that those who happen to be conquered should choose rather to be subject to their conquerors than to be killed by all kinds of warlike destruction. This does not take place without the providence of God, in whose power it lies that any one either subdues or is subdued in war; that some are endowed with kingdoms, others made subject to kings. Now, among the very many kingdoms of the earth into which, by earthly interest or lust, society is divided (which we call by the general name of the city of this world), we see that two, settled and kept distinct from each other both in time and place, have grown far more famous than the rest, first that of the Assyrians, then that of the Romans. First came the one, then the other. The former arose in the east, and, immediately on its close, the latter in the west. I may speak of other kingdoms and other kings as appendages of these. Ninus, then, who succeeded his father Belus, the first king of Assyria, was already the second king of that kingdom when Abraham was born in the land of the Chaldees. There was also at that time a very small kingdom of Sicyon, with which, as from an ancient date, that most universally learned man Marcus Varro begins, in writing of the Roman race. For from these kings of Sicyon he passes to the Athenians, from them to the Latins, and from these to the Romans. Yet very little is related about these kingdoms, before the foundation of Rome, in comparison with that of Assyria. For although even Sallust, the Roman historian, admits that the Athenians were very famous in Greece, yet he thinks they were greater in fame than in fact. For in speaking of them he says, The deeds of the Athenians, as I think, were very great and magnificent, but yet somewhat less than reported by fame. But because writers of great genius arose among them, the deeds of the Athenians were celebrated throughout the world as very great. Thus the virtue of those who did them was held to be as great as men of transcendent genius could represent it to be by the power of laudatory words. This city also derived no small glory from literature and philosophy, the study of which chiefly flourished there. But as regards empire, none in the earliest times was greater than the Assyrian, or so widely extended. For when Ninus the son of Belus was king, he is reported to have subdued the whole of Asia, even to the boundaries of Libya, which as to number is called the third part, but as to size is found to be the half of the whole world. The Indians in the eastern regions were the only people over whom he did not reign; but after his death Semiramis his wife made war on them. Thus it came to pass that all the people and kings in those countries were subject to the kingdom and authority of the Assyrians, and did whatever they were commanded. Now Abraham was born in that kingdom among the Chaldees, in the time of Ninus. But since Grecian affairs are much better known to us than Assyrian, and those who have diligently investigated the antiquity of the Roman nation's origin have followed the order of time through the Greeks to the Latins, and from them to the Romans, who themselves are Latins, we ought on this account, where it is needful, to mention the Assyrian kings, that it may appear how Babylon, like a first Rome, ran its course along with the city of God, which is a stranger in this world. But the things proper for insertion in this work in comparing the two cities, that is, the earthly and heavenly, ought to be taken mostly from the Greek and Latin kingdoms, where Rome herself is like a second Babylon. At Abraham's birth, then, the second kings of Assyria and Sicyon respectively were Ninus and Europs, the first having been Belus and Ægialeus. But when God promised Abraham, on his departure from Babylonia, that he should become a great nation, and that in his seed all nations of the earth should be blessed, the Assyrians had their seventh king, the Sicyons their fifth; for the son of Ninus reigned among them after his mother Semiramis, who is said to have been put to death by him for attempting to defile him by incestuously lying with him. Some think that she founded Babylon, and indeed she may have founded it anew. But we have told, in the sixteenth book, when or by whom it was founded. Now the son of Ninus and Semiramis, who succeeded his mother in the kingdom, is also called Ninus by some, but by others Ninias, a patronymic word. Telexion then held the kingdom of the Sicyons. In his reign times were quiet and joyful to such a degree, that after his death they worshipped him as a god by offering sacrifices and by celebrating games, which are said to have been first instituted on this occasion. 19.13. The peace of the body then consists in the duly proportioned arrangement of its parts. The peace of the irrational soul is the harmonious repose of the appetites, and that of the rational soul the harmony of knowledge and action. The peace of body and soul is the well-ordered and harmonious life and health of the living creature. Peace between man and God is the well-ordered obedience of faith to eternal law. Peace between man and man is well-ordered concord. Domestic peace is the well-ordered concord between those of the family who rule and those who obey. Civil peace is a similar concord among the citizens. The peace of the celestial city is the perfectly ordered and harmonious enjoyment of God, and of one another in God. The peace of all things is the tranquillity of order. Order is the distribution which allots things equal and unequal, each to its own place. And hence, though the miserable, in so far as they are such, do certainly not enjoy peace, but are severed from that tranquillity of order in which there is no disturbance, nevertheless, inasmuch as they are deservedly and justly miserable, they are by their very misery connected with order. They are not, indeed, conjoined with the blessed, but they are disjoined from them by the law of order. And though they are disquieted, their circumstances are notwithstanding adjusted to them, and consequently they have some tranquillity of order, and therefore some peace. But they are wretched because, although not wholly miserable, they are not in that place where any mixture of misery is impossible. They would, however, be more wretched if they had not that peace which arises from being in harmony with the natural order of things. When they suffer, their peace is in so far disturbed; but their peace continues in so far as they do not suffer, and in so far as their nature continues to exist. As, then, there may be life without pain, while there cannot be pain without some kind of life, so there may be peace without war, but there cannot be war without some kind of peace, because war supposes the existence of some natures to wage it, and these natures cannot exist without peace of one kind or other. And therefore there is a nature in which evil does not or even cannot exist; but there cannot be a nature in which there is no good. Hence not even the nature of the devil himself is evil, in so far as it is nature, but it was made evil by being perverted. Thus he did not abide in the truth, John 8:44 but could not escape the judgment of the Truth; he did not abide in the tranquillity of order, but did not therefore escape the power of the Ordainer. The good imparted by God to his nature did not screen him from the justice of God by which order was preserved in his punishment; neither did God punish the good which He had created, but the evil which the devil had committed. God did not take back all He had imparted to his nature, but something He took and something He left, that there might remain enough to be sensible of the loss of what was taken. And this very sensibility to pain is evidence of the good which has been taken away and the good which has been left. For, were nothing good left, there could be no pain on account of the good which had been lost. For he who sins is still worse if he rejoices in his loss of righteousness. But he who is in pain, if he derives no benefit from it, mourns at least the loss of health. And as righteousness and health are both good things, and as the loss of any good thing is matter of grief, not of joy - if, at least, there is no compensation, as spiritual righteousness may compensate for the loss of bodily health - certainly it is more suitable for a wicked man to grieve in punishment than to rejoice in his fault. As, then, the joy of a sinner who has abandoned what is good is evidence of a bad will, so his grief for the good he has lost when he is punished is evidence of a good nature. For he who laments the peace his nature has lost is stirred to do so by some relics of peace which make his nature friendly to itself. And it is very just that in the final punishment the wicked and godless should in anguish bewail the loss of the natural advantages they enjoyed, and should perceive that they were most justly taken from them by that God whose benign liberality they had despised. God, then, the most wise Creator and most just Ordainer of all natures, who placed the human race upon earth as its greatest ornament, imparted to men some good things adapted to this life, to wit, temporal peace, such as we can enjoy in this life from health and safety and human fellowship, and all things needful for the preservation and recovery of this peace, such as the objects which are accommodated to our outward senses, light, night, the air, and waters suitable for us, and everything the body requires to sustain, shelter, heal, or beautify it: and all under this most equitable condition, that every man who made a good use of these advantages suited to the peace of this mortal condition, should receive ampler and better blessings, namely, the peace of immortality, accompanied by glory and honor in an endless life made fit for the enjoyment of God and of one another in God; but that he who used the present blessings badly should both lose them and should not receive the others. 21.14. Quite exceptional are those who are not punished in this life, but only afterwards. Yet that there have been some who have reached the decrepitude of age without experiencing even the slightest sickness, and who have had uninterrupted enjoyment of life, I know both from report and from my own observation. However, the very life we mortals lead is itself all punishment, for it is all temptation, as the Scriptures declare, where it is written, Is not the life of man upon earth a temptation? Job 7:1 For ignorance is itself no slight punishment, or want of culture, which it is with justice thought so necessary to escape, that boys are compelled, under pain of severe punishment, to learn trades or letters; and the learning to which they are driven by punishment is itself so much of a punishment to them, that they sometimes prefer the pain that drives them to the pain to which they are driven by it. And who would not shrink from the alternative, and elect to die, if it were proposed to him either to suffer death or to be again an infant? Our infancy, indeed, introducing us to this life not with laughter but with tears, seems unconsciously to predict the ills we are to encounter. Zoroaster alone is said to have laughed when he was born, and that unnatural omen portended no good to him. For he is said to have been the inventor of magical arts, though indeed they were unable to secure to him even the poor felicity of this present life against the assaults of his enemies. For, himself king of the Bactrians, he was conquered by Ninus king of the Assyrians. In short, the words of Scripture, An heavy yoke is upon the sons of Adam, from the day that they go out of their mother's womb till the day that they return to the mother of all things, Sirach 40:1 - these words so infallibly find fulfillment, that even the little ones, who by the layer of regeneration have been freed from the bond of original sin in which alone they were held, yet suffer many ills, and in some instances are even exposed to the assaults of evil spirits. But let us not for a moment suppose that this suffering is prejudicial to their future happiness, even though it has so increased as to sever soul from body, and to terminate their life in that early age.
12. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 31 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

13. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 31 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

14. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 31 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

15. Libanius, Letters, 1434 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

16. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 2.1, 2.6, 2.10, 3.3.2-3.3.3, 7.33.19, 7.43.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

17. Symmachus, Letters, 4.18.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

18. Symmachus, Letters, 4.18.5



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
adrianople, battle of Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 160
agathonike, martyr Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
ammianus marcellinus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
antichrist Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 160
asklepiades, martyr Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
athanaric Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159
athens Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 76
augustine, career and intellectual development, student at madaura Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
augustine, confessiones Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
augustine, on grammar Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
augustine, platonism, neoplatonism Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
augustine, st, city of god Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 198
augustine, st Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 64, 77, 159, 198
augustus, theology Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 198
ausonius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77, 78
bemarchius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
cappadocia/cappadocians, christianity Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
cassius dio Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
castor Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
christianity/christians, persecution Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
christianity Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159, 160, 198
church Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159, 198
comparison Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159
constantius ii Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159
decius, emperor Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
decius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
declamations Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
diocletian Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78, 159
earthquakes Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
egypt Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159
enargeia Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 76
eschatology Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 198
eunapius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
eusebius of caesarea, church father Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
exempla Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 64, 76
eyewitnesses Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 76
firmilianus, bishop Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
florus, historian Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
god Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159, 160
grammar Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
greece Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
herodotus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
historiography, classical or pagan Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 76, 77, 78
julian, emperor Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148; Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78, 159
justin Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
karpos, martyr Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
libanius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
licinius serenianus, governor Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
litterae, litteratura Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
livy Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
marcus aurelius, emperor Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
marius victorinus Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
martyrs/martyrdom Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
medicine Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
meliton of sardeis, christian writer and bishop Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
moses Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 76
neolithic/chalcolithic age (ca. Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
nicomachus flavianus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
oratoria' Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
orosius, and augustine Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 198
orosius, audience Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 160
orosius, moralism Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 160
orosius, theology of history Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 198
paeanius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
panegyric Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159, 160
papylos, martyr Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
pergamon, christianity Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
pergamon, martyrs Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
persecutions of christians Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
philosophy Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
pionius, martyr Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
poetry Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 64, 78
praxagoras Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
prohaeresius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
providence Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 160
quintilian Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 64
remus, and ancient historiography Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 76, 77, 78
remus, rhetoric, school of Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 64, 77
rome Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 198
sabina, martyr Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
sagaris, bishop and martyr Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
simplicianus of milan Pollmann and Vessey, Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions (2007) 148
staphylius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 77
suetonius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
symmachus Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
thraseas, bishop Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (2019) 539
uranius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78
valens Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 159
varro, m. terentius Van Nuffelen, Orosius and the Rhetoric of History (2012) 78