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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



1218
Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 35.2
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Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

10 results
1. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2. Plato, Laws, 714, 713 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3. Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.3.2, 2.3.12, 2.3.51-2.3.52 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2.3.2. it was voted by the people to choose thirty men to frame the ancient laws i.e., those of Cleisthenes and Solon, as contrasted with the radical, extreme democracy of more recent times. Cp. Aristot. Const. Ath. 29.17 into a constitution under which to conduct the government. And the following men were chosen: Polychares, Critias, Melobius, Hippolochus, Eucleides, Hieron, Mnesilochus, Chremon, Theramenes, Aresias, Diocles, Phaedrias, Chaereleos, Anaetius, Peison, Sophocles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, Onomacles, 404 B.C. Theognis, Aeschines, Theogenes, Cleomedes, Erasistratus, Pheidon, Dracontides, Eumathes, Aristoteles, Hippomachus, Mnesitheides. 2.3.51. Then he came in again and 404 B.C. said: Senators, I deem it the duty of a leader who is what he ought to be, in case he sees that his friends are being deceived, not to permit it. I, therefore, shall follow that course. Besides, these men who have taken their stand here say that if we propose to let a man go who is manifestly injuring the oligarchy, they will not suffer us to do so. Now it is provided in the new laws that while no one of those who are on the roll of the Three Thousand may be put to death without your vote, the Thirty shall have power of life or death over those outside the roll. I, therefore, he said, strike off this man Theramenes from the roll, with the approval of all the Thirty. That being done, he added, we now condemn him to death. 2.3.52. When Theramenes heard this, he sprang to the altar and said: And I, sirs, said he, beg only bare justice,—that it be not within the power of Critias to strike off either me or whomsoever of you he may wish, but rather that both in your case and in mine the judgment may be rendered strictly in accordance with that law which these men have made regarding those on the roll.
4. Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 184-185, 183 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

5. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 9.1, 25.2-25.4, 26.2-26.4, 27.3-27.5, 29.4, 35.3, 41.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

8. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 13.25-13.32, 14.4.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

13.25. 1.  "If, as is likely, you will make an end of the war, what better time will you find than the present, in which you will make your humane treatment of the prostrate the occasion for friendship? For do not assume that the Athenian people have become completely exhausted by their disaster in Sicily, seeing that they hold sway over practically all the islands of Greece and retain the supremacy over the coasts of both Europe and Asia.,2.  Indeed once before, after losing three hundred triremes together with their crews in Egypt, they compelled the King, who seemed to hold the upper hand, to accept ignominious terms of peace, and again, when their city had been razed to the ground by Xerxes, after a short time they defeated him also and won for themselves the leadership of Greece.,3.  For that city has a clever way, in the midst of the greatest misfortunes, of making the greatest growth in power and of never adopting a policy that is mean-spirited. It would be a fine thing, therefore, instead of increasing their enmity, to have the Athenians as allies after sparing the prisoners.,4.  For if we put them to death we shall merely be indulging our anger, sating a fruitless passion, whereas if we put them under guard, we shall have the gratitude of the men we succoured and the approbation of all other peoples. 13.26. 1.  "Yes, some will answer, but there are Greeks who have executed their prisoners. What of it? If praise accrues to them from that deed, let us nevertheless imitate those who have paid heed to their reputation; but if we are the first by whom they are accused, let us not ourselves commit the same crimes as those who by their own admission have sinned.,2.  So long as the men who entrusted their lives to our good faith have suffered no irremediable punishment, all men will justly censure the Athenian people; but if they hear that, contrary to the generally accepted customs of mankind, faith has been broken with the captives, they will shift their accusation against us. For in truth, if it can be said of any other people, the prestige of the city of the Athenians deserves our reverence, and we may well return to them our gratitude for the benefactions they have bestowed upon man.,3.  For it is they who first gave to the Greeks a share in a food gained by cultivation of the soil, which, though they had received it from the gods for their exclusive use, they made available to all. They it was who discovered laws, by the application of which the manner of men's living has advanced from the savage and unjust existence to a civilized and just society. It was they who first, by sparing the lives of any who sought refuge with them, contrived to cause the laws on suppliants to prevail among all men, and since they were the authors of these laws, we should not deprive them of their protection. So much to all of you; but some among you I shall remind of the claims of human kindness. 13.27. 1.  "All you who in that city have participated in its eloquence and learning, show mercy to men who offer their country as a school for the common use of mankind; and do all you, who have taken part in the most holy Mysteries, save the lives of those who initiated you, some by way of showing gratitude for kindly services already received and others, who look forward to partaking of them, not in anger depriving yourselves of that hope.,2.  For what place is there to which foreigners may resort for a liberal education once the city of the Athenians has been destroyed? Brief is the hatred aroused by the wrong they have committed, but important and many are their accomplishments which claim goodwill. "But apart from consideration for the city, one might, in examining the prisoners individually, find those who would justly receive mercy. For the allies of Athens, being under constraint because of the superior power of their rulers, were compelled to join the expedition.,3.  It follows, then, that if it is just to take vengeance upon those who have done wrong from design, it would be fitting to treat as worthy of leniency those who sin against their will. What shall I say of Nicias, who from the first, after initiating his policy in the interest of the Syracusans, was the only man to oppose the expedition against Sicily, and who has continually looked after the interests of Syracusans resident in Athens and served as their proxenus?,4.  It would be extraordinary indeed that Nicias, who had sponsored our cause as a politician in Athens, should be punished, and that he should not be accorded humane treatment because of the goodwill he has shown toward us but because of his service in business of his country should meet with implacable punishment, and that Alcibiades, the man who brought on the war against the Syracusans, should escape his deserved punishment both from us and from the Athenians, whereas he who has proved himself by common consent the most humane among Athenians should not even meet with the mercy accorded to all men.,5.  Therefore for my part, when I consider the change in his circumstances, I pity his lot. For formerly, as one of the most distinguished of all Greeks and applauded for his knightly character, he was one to be deemed happy and was admired in every city;,6.  but now, with hands bound behind his back in a tunic squalid in appearance, he has experienced the piteous state of captivity, as if Fortune wished to give, in the life of this man, an example of her power. The prosperity which Fortune gives it behooves us to bear as human beings should and not show barbarous savagery toward men of our own race. 13.28. 1.  Such were the arguments used by Nicolaüs in addressing the people of Syracuse and before he ceased he had won the sympathy of his hearers. But the Laconian Gylippus, who still maintained implacable his hatred of Athenians, mounting the rostrum began his argument with that topic.,2.  "I am greatly surprised, men of Syracuse, to see that you so quickly, on a matter in which you have suffered grievously by deeds, are moved to change your minds by words. For if you who, in order to save your city from desolation, faced peril against men who came to destroy your country, have become relaxed in temper, why, then, should we who have suffered no wrong exert ourselves?,3.  Do you in heaven's name, men of Syracuse, grant me pardon as I set forth my counsel with all frankness; for, being a Spartan, I have also a Spartan's manner of speech. And first of all one might inquire how Nicolaüs can say, 'Show mercy to the Athenians,' who have rendered his old age piteous because childless, and how, coming before the Assembly in mourner's dress, he can weep and say that you should show pity to the murderers of his own children.,4.  For that man is no longer equitable who ceases to think of his nearest of kin after their death but elects to save the lives of his bitterest foes. Why how many of you who are assembled here have mourned sons who have been slain in the war?" (Many of the audience at least raised a great outcry.),5.  And Gylippus interrupting it said, "Do you see, Nicolaüs, those who by their outcry proclaim their misfortune? And how many of you look in vain for brothers or relatives or friends whom you have lost?" (A far greater number shouted agreement.),6.  Gylippus then continued: "Do you observe, Nicolaüs, the multitude of those who have suffered because of Athenians? All these, though guilty of no wrong done to Athenians, have been robbed of their nearest kinsmen, and they are bound to hate the Athenians in as great a measure as they have loved their own. 13.29. 1.  "Will it not be strange, men of Syracuse, if those who have perished chose death on your behalf of their own accord, but that you on their behalf shall not exact punishment from even your bitterest enemies? and that, though you praise those who gave their very lives to preserve their country's freedom, you shall make it a matter of greater moment to preserve the lives of the murderers than to safeguard the honour of these men?,2.  You have voted to embellish at public expense the tombs of the departed; yet what fairer embellishment will you find than the punishing of their slayers? Unless, by Zeus, it would be by enrolling them among your citizens, you should wish to leave living trophies of the departed.,3.  But, it may be said, they have renounced the name of enemies and have become suppliants. On what grounds, pray, would this humane treatment have been accorded them? For those who first established our ordices regarding these matters prescribed mercy for the unfortunates, but punishment for those who from sheer depravity practise iniquity.,4.  In which category, now, are we to place the prisoners? In that of unfortunates? Why, what Fortune compelled them, who had suffered no wrong, to make war on Syracuse, to abandon peace, which all men praise, and to come here with the purpose of destroying your city?,5.  Consequently let those who of their free will chose an unjust war bear its hard consequences with courage, and let not those who, if they had conquered, would have kept implacable their cruelty toward you, now that they have been thwarted in their purpose, beg off from punishment by appealing to the human kindness which is due to the prayer of a suppliant.,6.  And if they stand convicted of having suffered their serious defeats because of wickedness and greed, let them not blame Fortune for them nor summon to their aid the name of 'supplication'. For that term is reserved among men for those who are pure in heart but have found Fortune unkind.,7.  These men, however, whose lives have been crammed with every malefaction, have left for themselves no place in the world which will admit them to mercy and refuge. 13.30. 1.  "For what utterly shameful deed have they not planned, what deed most shocking have they not perpetrated? It is a distinctive mark of greed that a man, not being content with his own gifts of Fortune, covets those which are distant and belong to someone else; and this these men have done. For though the Athenians were the most prosperous of all the Greeks, dissatisfied with their felicity as if were a heavy burden, they longed to portion out to colonists Sicily, separated as it was from them by so great and expanse of sea, for they had sold the inhabitants into slavery.,2.  It is a terrible thing to begin a war, when one has not first been wronged; yet that is what they did. For though they were your friends until then, on a sudden, without warning, with an armament of such strength they laid siege to Syracusans.,3.  It is characteristic of arrogant men, anticipating the decision of Fortune, to decree the punishment of peoples not yet conquered; and this also they have left undone. For before the Athenians ever set foot in Sicily they approved a resolution to sell into slavery the citizens of Syracuse and Selinus and to compel the remaining Sicilians to pay tribute. When there is to be found in the same men greediness, treachery, arrogance, what person in his right mind would show them mercy?,4.  How then, mark you, did the Athenians treat the Mitylenaeans? Why after conquering them, although the Mitylenaeans had no intention of doing them any wrong but only desired their freedom, they voted to put to the sword all the inhabitants of the city. A cruel and barbarous deed.,5.  And that crime too they committed Greeks, against allies, against men who had often been their benefactors. Let them not now complain if, after having done such things to the rest of mankind, they themselves shall receive like punishment; for it is altogether just that a man should accept his lot without complaint when he is himself affected by the law he has laid down for others.,6.  What shall I say also of the Melians, whom they reduced by siege and slew from the youth upward? and of the Scionaeans, who, although their kinsmen, shared the same fate as the Melians?,7.  Consequently two peoples who had fallen foul of Attic fury had left not even any of their number to perform the rites over the bodies of their dead. It is not Scythians who committed such deeds, but the people who claim to excel in love of mankind have by their decrees utterly destroyed these cities. Consider now what they would have done if they had sacked the city of the Syracusans; for men who dealt with their kinsmen with such savagery would have devised a harsher punishment for a people with whom they had no ties of blood. 13.31. 1.  "There is, therefore, no just measure of mercy in store for them to call upon, since as for the use of it on the occasion of their own mishaps they themselves have destroyed it. Where is it worth their while to flee for safety? To gods, whom they have chosen to rob of their traditional honours? To men, whom they have visited only to enslave? Do they call upon Demeter and Corê and their Mysteries now that they have laid waste the sacred island of these goddesses?,2.  Yes, some will say, but not the whole people of the Athenians are to blame, but only Alcibiades who advised this expedition. We shall find, however, that in most cases their advisers pay every attention to the wishes of their audience, so that the voter suggests to the speaker words that suit his own purpose. For the speaker is not the master of the multitude, but the people, by adopting measures that are honest, train the orator to propose what is best.,3.  If we shall pardon men guilty of irrevocable injustices when they lay the responsibility upon their advisers, we shall indeed be providing wicked with an easy defence! It is clear that nothing in the world could be more unjust than that, while in the case of benefactions it is not the advisers but the people who receive the thanks of the recipients, in the matter of injustices the punishment is passed on to the speakers.,4.  "Yet some have lost their reasoning powers to such a degree as to assert that it is Alcibiades, over whom we have no power, who should be punished, but that we should release the prisoners, who are being led to their deserved punishment, and thus make it known to the world that the people of the Syracusans have no righteous indignation against base men.,5.  But if the advocates of the war have in truth been the cause of it, let the people blame the speakers for the consequences of their deception, but you will with justice punish the people for the wrongs which you have suffered. And, speaking generally, if they committed the wrongs with full knowledge that they were so doing, because of their very intention they deserve punishment, but if they entered the war without a considered plan, even so they should not be let off, in order that they may not grow accustomed to act offhand in matters which affect the lives of other men. For it is not just that the ignorance of the Athenians should bring destruction to Syracusans or that in a case where the crime is irremediable, the criminals should retain a vehicle of defence. 13.32. 1.  "Yet, by Zeus, someone will say, Nicias took the part of the Syracusans in the debate and was the only one who advised against making war. As for what he said there we know it by hearsay, but what has been done here we have witnessed with our own eyes.,2.  For the man who there opposed the expedition was here commander of the armament; he who takes the part of Syracusans in debate walled off your city; and he who is humanely disposed toward you, when Demosthenes and all the others wished to break off the siege, alone compelled them to remain and continue the war. Therefore for my part I do not believe that his words should have greater weight with you than his deeds, report than experience, things unseen than things that have been witnessed by all.,3.  "Yet, by Zeus, someone will say, it is a good thing not to make our enmity eternal. Very well, then, after the punishment of the malefactors you will, if you so agree, put an end to your enmity in a suitable manner. For it is not just that men who treat their captives like slaves when they are the victors, should, when they in turn are the vanquished, be objects of pity as if they had done no wrong. And though they will have been freed of paying the penalty for their deeds, by specious pleas they will remember the friendship only so long as it is to their advantage.,4.  For I omit to mention the fact that, if you take this course, you will be wronging not only many others but also the Lacedaemonians, who for your sake both entered upon the war over there and also sent you aid here; for they might have been well content to maintain peace and look on while Sicily was being laid waste.,5.  Consequently, if you free the prisoners and thus enter into friendly relations with Athens, you will be looked upon as traitors to your allies and, when it is in your water to weaken the common enemy, by releasing so great a number of soldiers you will make our enemy again formidable. For I could never bring myself to believe that Athenians, after getting themselves involved in so bitter an enmity, will keep the friendly relation unbroken; on the contrary, while they are weak they will feign goodwill, but when they have recovered their strength, they will carry their original purpose to completion.,6.  I therefore adjure you all, in the name of Zeus and all the gods, not to save the lives of your enemies, not to leave your allies in the lurch, not again for a second time to bring peril upon your country. You yourselves, men of Syracuse, if you let these men go and then some ill befalls you, will leave for yourselves not even a respectable defence.
9. Plutarch, Cimon, 14.3-14.4, 15.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

10. Plutarch, Pericles, 9.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

9.2. In the beginning, as has been said, pitted as he was against the reputation of Cimon, he tried to ingratiate himself with the people. And since he was the inferior in wealth and property, by means of which Cimon would win over the poor,—furnishing a dinner every day to any Athenian who wanted it, bestowing raiment on the elderly men, and removing the fences from his estates that whosoever wished might pluck the fruit,—Pericles, outdone in popular arts of this sort, had recourse to the distribution of the people’s own wealth. This was on the advice of Damonides, of the deme Oa, as Aristotle has stated. Aristot. Const. Ath. 27.4 .


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aeschines, against ctesiphon Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
aeschines, family and education Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
aeschylus Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 405
archons, archons, qualifications for Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
areopagus, council of Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109, 141
areopagus Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398
aristides Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
aristocracy, aristocrats, aristocratic Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109, 141
aristophanes Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 405
aristotle Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 232; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109, 141
aristotles constitution of the athenians (athenaion politeia) Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398, 405
arthmius of zelea Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
assembly, athenian (ekklesia) Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
athens Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398, 405
atrometus Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
bribery Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
chabrias, as an athenian defeat Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
cimon Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
citizens Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
civil strife Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
cleisthenes Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
commoners Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
constitution, ancestral Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
constitution Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
courts Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
crowns, honorific, for demosthenes Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
ctesiphon, his decree for demosthenes Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
demagogue Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
demes (demoi) Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
democracy, ancient and modern, greek versus athenian Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
democracy, ancient and modern, naval power and Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
democracy, ancient and modern, origins of Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
demos (damos), empowerment of Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
demosthenes, desertion at chaeronea in Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
diodorus siculus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 737
empire Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
ephialtes Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109, 141
ephorus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 737
fleet Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 405
foreign policy Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
four hundred, the (oligarchs) Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
graphē paranomōn, shut down by oligarchs Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
judges Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 405
law, athenian. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 232
law, medieval Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 41
law Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
marathon, battle of, as miltiades victory Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
marathon, battle of, painting in the stoa poikile Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
miltiades, as victor at marathon Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
miltiades, in honours discourse Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
nicolaus of syracuse Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 737
oligarchs, oligarchy, danger of return of Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
participation in government, based on birth Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
participation in government, based on wealth Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
participation in government, by all citizens Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
participation in government, property qualification for Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
pay, for attending the assembly, for jurors Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
peloponnesian war Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398
pericles, citizenship law of Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
pericles Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 405; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
persia, persians Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
persian wars Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
philip (syracusan) Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 737
philistus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 737
phyle, democrats returning from Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
plato Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 232
plutarch Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109, 141
politics Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398
public and private litigation. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 232
public office, officials, accountability of Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
punishment. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 232
reform Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
rhodes, p. Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398
rule of law. Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 232
sicilian expedition Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 737
solon Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 405; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 41; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
sources Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
sparta, spartans Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
thirty, the (oligarchs), in power Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 319
thirty Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398, 405
thirty tyrants Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 737
thucydides Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 398
tyranny, tyrants Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 109
wasps Poet and Orator: A Symbiotic Relationship in Democratic Athens (2019)" 405
wealth Raaflaub Ober and Wallace, Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece (2007) 141
writing, written law.' Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 41