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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



12326
Aeschines, Or., 1.173


nanDid you put to death Socrates the sophist, fellow citizens, because he was shown to have been the teacher of Critias, one of the Thirty who put down the democracy, and after that, shall Demosthenes succeed in snatching companions of his own out of your hands, Demosthenes, who takes such vengeance on private citizens and friends of the people for their freedom of speech? At his invitation some of his pupils are here in court to listen to him. For with an eye to business at your expense,Success in this case will increase Demosthenes' reputation, and bring him more pupils and tuition fees. he promises them, as I understand, that he will juggle the issue and cheat your ears, and you will never know it;


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

13 results
1. Homer, Odyssey, 1.1, 10.330 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

2. Antisthenes, Fragments, 51, 195 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3. Antisthenes, Fragments, 51, 195 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

4. Aristophanes, Clouds, 628-803, 816-828, 830, 833, 844-846, 862, 627 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

627. μὰ τὴν ̓Αναπνοὴν μὰ τὸ Χάος μὰ τὸν ̓Αέρα
5. Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.3.42-2.3.44 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2.3.42. Again, the hiring of guardsmen did not please me, for we might have enlisted in our service an equal number of our own citizens, until we, the rulers, should easily have made ourselves masters of our subjects. And further, when I saw that many in the city were becoming hostile to this government and that many were becoming exiles, it did not seem to me best to banish either Thrasybulus or Anytus or Alcibiades; for I knew that by such measures the opposition would be made strong, if once the commons should acquire capable leaders and if those who wished to be leaders should find a multitude of supporters. 2.3.43. Now would the man who offers openly this sort of admonition be fairly regarded as a well-wisher, or as a traitor? It is not, Critias, the men who prevent one’s making enemies in abundance nor the men who teach one how to gain allies in the greatest numbers,—it is not these, I say, who make one’s enemies strong; but it is much rather those who 404 B.C. unjustly rob others of property and put to death people who are guilty of no wrong, who, I say, make their opponents numerous and betray not only their friends but also themselves, and all to satisfy their covetousness. 2.3.44. And if it is not evident in any other way that what I say is true, look at the matter in this way: do you suppose that Thrasybulus and Anytus and the other exiles would prefer to have us follow here the policy which I am urging by word, or the policy which these men are carrying out in deed? For my part, I fancy that now they believe every spot is full of allies, while if the best element in the state were friendly to us, they would count it difficult even to set foot anywhere in the land!
6. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.2.12-1.2.30, 1.2.35, 1.2.40-1.2.48, 4.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.2.12. Among the associates of Socrates were Critias and Alcibiades; and none wrought so many evils to the state. For Critias in the days of the oligarchy bore the palm for greed and violence: Alcibiades, for his part, exceeded all in licentiousness and insolence under the democracy. 1.2.13. Now I have no intention of excusing the wrong these two men wrought the state; but I will explain how they came to be with Socrates . 1.2.14. Ambition was the very life-blood of both: no Athenian was ever like them. They were eager to get control of everything and to outstrip every rival in notoriety. They knew that Socrates was living on very little, and yet was wholly independent; that he was strictly moderate in all his pleasures; and that in argument he could do what he liked with any disputant. 1.2.15. Sharing this knowledge and the principles I have indicated, is it to be supposed that these two men wanted to adopt the simple life of Socrates, and with this object in view sought his society? Did they not rather think that by associating with him they would attain the utmost proficiency in speech and action? 1.2.16. For my part I believe that, had heaven granted them the choice between the life they saw Socrates leading and death, they would have chosen rather to die. Their conduct betrayed their purpose; for as soon as they thought themselves superior to their fellow-disciples they sprang away from Socrates and took to politics; it was for political ends that they had wanted Socrates . 1.2.17. But it may be answered: Socrates should have taught his companions prudence before politics. I do not deny it; but I find that all teachers show their disciples how they themselves practise what they teach, and lead them on by argument. And I know that it was so with Socrates : he showed his companions that he was a gentleman himself, and talked most excellently of goodness and of all things that concern man. 1.2.18. I know further that even those two were prudent so long as they were with Socrates, not from fear of fine or blow, but because at that time they really believed in prudent conduct. 1.2.19. But many self-styled lovers of wisdom may reply: A just man can never become unjust; a prudent man can never become wanton; in fact no one having learned any kind of knowledge can become ignorant of it. I do not hold with this view. Cyropaedia VII. v. 75. Against Antisthenes. I notice that as those who do not train the body cannot perform the functions proper to the body, so those who do not train the soul cannot perform the functions of the soul: for they cannot do what they ought to do nor avoid what they ought not to do. 1.2.20. For this cause fathers try to keep their sons, even if they are prudent lads, out of bad company: for the society of honest men is a training in virtue, but the society of the bad is virtue’s undoing. As one of the poets says: From the good shalt thou learn good things; but if thou minglest with the bad thou shalt lose even what thou hast of wisdom. Theognis And another says: Ah, but a good man is at one time noble, at another base. unknown 1.2.21. My testimony agrees with theirs; for I see that, just as poetry is forgotten unless it is often repeated, so instruction, when no longer heeded, fades from the mind. To forget good counsel is to forget the experiences that prompted the soul to desire prudence: and when those are forgotten, it is not surprising that prudence itself is forgotten. 1.2.22. I see also that men who take to drink or get involved in love intrigues lose the power of caring about right conduct and avoiding evil. For many who are careful with their money no sooner fall in love than they begin to waste it: and when they have spent it all, they no longer shrink from making more by methods which they formerly avoided because they thought them disgraceful. 1.2.23. How then can it be impossible for one who was prudent to lose his prudence, for one who was capable of just action to become incapable? To me indeed it seems that whatever is honourable, whatever is good in conduct is the result of training, and that this is especially true of prudence. For in the same body along with the soul are planted the pleasures which call to her: Abandon prudence, and make haste to gratify us and the body. 1.2.24. And indeed it was thus with Critias and Alcibiades. So long as they were with Socrates, they found in him an ally who gave them strength to conquer their evil passions. But when they parted from him, Critias fled to Thessaly, and got among men who put lawlessness before justice; while Alcibiades, on account of his beauty, was hunted by many great ladies, and because of his influence at Athens and among her allies he was spoilt by many powerful men: and as athletes who gain an easy victory in the games are apt to neglect their training, so the honour in which he was held, the cheap triumph he won with the people, led him to neglect himself. 1.2.25. Such was their fortune: and when to pride of birth, confidence in wealth, vainglory and much yielding to temptation were added corruption and long separation from Socrates, what wonder if they grew overbearing? 1.2.26. For their wrongdoing, then, is Socrates to be called to account by his accuser? And does he deserve no word of praise for having controlled them in the days of their youth, when they would naturally be most reckless and licentious? Other cases, at least, are not so judged. 1.2.27. For what teacher of flute, lyre, or anything else, after making his pupils proficient, is held to blame if they leave him for another master, and then turn out incompetent? What father, whose son bears a good character so long as he is with one master, but goes wrong after he has attached himself to another, throws the blame on the earlier teacher? Is it not true that the worse the boy turns out with the second, the higher is his father’s praise of the first? Nay, fathers themselves, living with their sons, are not held responsible for their boys’ wrongdoing if they are themselves prudent men. 1.2.28. This is the test which should have been applied to Socrates too. If there was anything base in his own life, he might fairly have been thought vicious. But, if his own conduct was always prudent, how can he be fairly held to blame for the evil that was not in him? 1.2.29. Nevertheless, although he was himself free from vice, if he saw and approved of base conduct in them, he would be open to censure. Well, when he found that Critias loved Euthydemus IV. ii. 1. and wanted to lead him astray, he tried to restrain him by saying that it was mean and unbecoming in a gentleman to sue like a beggar to the object of his affection, whose good opinion he coveted, stooping to ask a favour that it was wrong to grant. 1.2.30. As Critias paid no heed whatever to this protest, Socrates, it is said, exclaimed in the presence of Euthydemus and many others, Critias seems to have the feelings of a pig: he can no more keep away from Euthydemus than pigs can help rubbing themselves against stones. 1.2.35. Since you are ignorant, Socrates, said Charicles in an angry tone, we put our order into language easier to understand. You may not hold any converse whatever with the young. Well then, said Socrates, that there may be no question raised about my obedience, please fix the age limit below which a man is to be accounted young. So long, replied Charicles, as he is not permitted to sit in the Council, because as yet he lacks wisdom. You shall not converse with anyone who is under thirty. 1.2.40. Indeed, there is a story told of Alcibiades, that, when he was less than twenty years old, he had a talk about laws with Pericles, his guardian, the first citizen in the State. 1.2.41. Tell me, Pericles, he said, can you teach me what a law is? Certainly, he replied. Then pray teach me. For whenever I hear men praised for keeping the laws, it occurs to me that no one can really deserve that praise who does not know what a law is. 1.2.42. Well, Alcibiades, there is no great difficulty about what you desire. You wish to know what a law is. Laws are all the rules approved and enacted by the majority in assembly, whereby they declare what ought and what ought not to be done. Do they suppose it is right to do good or evil? Good, of course, young man, — not evil. 1.2.43. But if, as happens under an oligarchy, not the majority, but a minority meet and enact rules of conduct, what are these? Whatsoever the sovereign power in the State, after deliberation, enacts and directs to be done is known as a law. If, then, a despot, being the sovereign power, enacts what the citizens are to do, are his orders also a law? Yes, whatever a despot as ruler enacts is also known as a law. 1.2.44. But force, the negation of law, what is that, Pericles? Is it not the action of the stronger when he constrains the weaker to do whatever he chooses, not by persuasion, but by force? That is my opinion. Then whatever a despot by enactment constrains the citizens to do without persuasion, is the negation of law? I think so: and I withdraw my answer that whatever a despot enacts without persuasion is a law. 1.2.45. And when the minority passes enactments, not by persuading the majority, but through using its power, are we to call that force or not? Everything, I think, that men constrain others to do without persuasion, whether by enactment or not, is not law, but force. It follows then, that whatever the assembled majority, through using its power over the owners of property, enacts without persuasion is not law, but force? 1.2.46. Alcibiades, said Pericles, at your age, I may tell you, we, too, were very clever at this sort of thing. For the puzzles we thought about and exercised our wits on were just such as you seem to think about now. Ah, Pericles, cried Alcibiades, if only I had known you intimately when you were at your cleverest in these things! 1.2.47. So soon, then, as they presumed themselves to be the superiors of the politicians, they no longer came near Socrates . For apart from their general want of sympathy with him, they resented being cross-examined about their errors when they came. Politics had brought them to Socrates, and for politics they left him. 1.2.48. But Criton was a true associate of Socrates, as were Chaerophon, Chaerecrates, Hermogenes, Simmias, Cebes, Phaedondas, and others who consorted with him not that they might shine in the courts or the assembly, but that they might become gentlemen, and be able to do their duty by house and household, and relatives and friends, and city and citizens. of these not one, in his youth or old age, did evil or incurred censure.
7. Xenophon, Symposium, 4.64 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

4.64. It is the witnessing of your talent at achieving such a result that makes me judge you an excellent go-between. For the man who can recognize those who are fitted to be mutually helpful and can make them desire one another’s acquaintance, that man, in my opinion, could also create friendship between cities and arrange suitable marriages, and would be a very valuable acquisition as friend or ally for both states and individuals. But you got indigt, as if you had received an affront, when I said that you were a good go-between. But, indeed, that is all over now, he replied; for with this power mine I shall find my soul chock-full of riches. And so this round of discourse was brought to a close.
8. Aeschines, Letters, 1.11, 1.70, 1.72, 1.78, 1.128-1.130, 1.141-1.142, 1.166, 1.170, 1.172-1.173, 1.175-1.176, 1.196, 2.151, 2.180, 3.162, 3.174, 3.179-3.180 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

9. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 27.5 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

10. Antisthenes of Rhodes, Fragments, 51, 195 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

11. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.38 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

2.38. For this he was most envied; and especially because he would take to task those who thought highly of themselves, proving them to be fools, as to be sure he treated Anytus, according to Plato's Meno. For Anytus could not endure to be ridiculed by Socrates, and so in the first place stirred up against him Aristophanes and his friends; then afterwards he helped to persuade Meletus to indict him on a charge of impiety and corrupting the youth.The indictment was brought by Meletus, and the speech was delivered by Polyeuctus, according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History. The speech was written by Polycrates the sophist, according to Hermippus; but some say that it was by Anytus. Lycon the demagogue had made all the needful preparations.
12. Aeschines, Or., 1.11, 1.45, 1.70, 1.72, 1.119, 1.128-1.130, 1.136-1.137, 1.141-1.142, 1.166-1.167, 1.170-1.172, 1.174-1.176, 1.185, 1.188, 1.190, 1.196, 2.148, 2.151, 2.180, 3.162, 3.174, 3.179-3.180

13. Demosthenes, Orations, 19.246-19.250



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
accusation Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
achilles (and patroclus) Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
aeschines,against timarchus Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
aeschines,on demosthenes sophistry Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
aeschines Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148; Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214; Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46, 50, 61
age groups Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
alcibiades Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
anecdote Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
animal imagery Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
antikles Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
antiphon,anti-rhetoric Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
antiphon,antisthenes Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
anytus,alcibiades mistreatment of Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
apaideusia Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
aristarchos Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
athens,and identity Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
athens,athenians Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
citizen Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
deception,and sophistry Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
deception,association with rhetoric Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
deception,opposed to hoplitism Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
deinotes legein (cleverness at speaking) Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
democracy,athenian,and noble lies,and its oratory Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
democracy,athenian,thucydides depiction of Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
democracy Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148; Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
demosthenes,attacks aeschines as sophist Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
demosthenes,life of,political rise Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 118
demosthenes,representation of deceit Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
demosthenes,works,on the crown Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
demosthenes Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214; Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46, 50, 61
dinarchus Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
education Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46, 50
euripides,supplices Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
gossip Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46
gymnasia Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46
harmodius (and aristogeiton) Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
hegesandros Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
hermes Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
hetairesis Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46
homer Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
logography' Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 118
logography (speech-writing) Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
meidias Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
metic,metics Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
misgolas Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 50
nicodemos Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
odysseus,in homer Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
pericles,on deceit Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
philip Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46
phocians Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
phēmē Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46
plato Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
polycrates Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
praeteritio Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 61
rhetoric,of anti-rhetoric Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
socrates Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
sophistry,accusations of Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
sophistry,vignettes of Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
space control Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148
sparta,agoge Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
sparta,education system Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
thucydides,funeral speech Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
timarchus Michalopoulos et al. (2021), The Rhetoric of Unity and Division in Ancient Literature, 46, 50
topoi,and interplay with creative strategy Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 214
xenophon,and spartan custom Hesk (2000), Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens, 35
xenophon Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 148