|1. Hebrew Bible, Song of Songs, 3.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dreams and visions, examples, Hebrew Bible • Dreams and visions, examples, Homer • exemplum/example(s)
Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 126; van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 98
3.1 עַל־מִשְׁכָּבִי בַּלֵּילוֹת בִּקַּשְׁתִּי אֵת שֶׁאָהֲבָה נַפְשִׁי בִּקַּשְׁתִּיו וְלֹא מְצָאתִיו׃3.1 עַמּוּדָיו עָשָׂה כֶסֶף רְפִידָתוֹ זָהָב מֶרְכָּבוֹ אַרְגָּמָן תּוֹכוֹ רָצוּף אַהֲבָה מִבְּנוֹת יְרוּשָׁלִָם׃ ' None
3.1 By night on my bed I sought him whom my soul loveth; I sought him, but I found him not.'' None
|2. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 2.12-2.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • apologetic, examples of • exemplum/exempla
Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 160; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 92
2.12 וַיִּפֶן כֹּה וָכֹה וַיַּרְא כִּי אֵין אִישׁ וַיַּךְ אֶת־הַמִּצְרִי וַיִּטְמְנֵהוּ בַּחוֹל׃ 2.13 וַיֵּצֵא בַּיּוֹם הַשֵּׁנִי וְהִנֵּה שְׁנֵי־אֲנָשִׁים עִבְרִים נִצִּים וַיֹּאמֶר לָרָשָׁע לָמָּה תַכֶּה רֵעֶךָ׃ 2.14 וַיֹּאמֶר מִי שָׂמְךָ לְאִישׁ שַׂר וְשֹׁפֵט עָלֵינוּ הַלְהָרְגֵנִי אַתָּה אֹמֵר כַּאֲשֶׁר הָרַגְתָּ אֶת־הַמִּצְרִי וַיִּירָא מֹשֶׁה וַיֹּאמַר אָכֵן נוֹדַע הַדָּבָר׃ 2.15 וַיִּשְׁמַע פַּרְעֹה אֶת־הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה וַיְבַקֵּשׁ לַהֲרֹג אֶת־מֹשֶׁה וַיִּבְרַח מֹשֶׁה מִפְּנֵי פַרְעֹה וַיֵּשֶׁב בְּאֶרֶץ־מִדְיָן וַיֵּשֶׁב עַל־הַבְּאֵר׃'' None
2.12 And he looked this way and that way, and when he saw that there was no man, he smote the Egyptian, and hid him in the sand. 2.13 And he went out the second day, and, behold, two men of the Hebrews were striving together; and he said to him that did the wrong: ‘Wherefore smitest thou thy fellow?’ 2.14 And he said: ‘Who made thee a ruler and a judge over us? thinkest thou to kill me, as thou didst kill the Egyptian?’ And Moses feared, and said: ‘Surely the thing is known.’ 2.15 Now when Pharaoh heard this thing, he sought to slay Moses. But Moses fled from the face of Pharaoh, and dwelt in the land of Midian; and he sat down by a well.'' None
|3. Homer, Iliad, 4.1-4.2, 4.5-4.19, 4.22-4.27, 4.29, 4.34-4.36, 5.801-5.811, 11.714-11.716, 14.315-14.316, 15.80, 22.71-22.76 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chrysippus, uses examples from literature • Dreams and visions, examples, Homer • anthropo-philautia, epistemic, examples of • emotions, examples of • epic, exempla from • exemplum/exempla, • poetry, as source of examples
Found in books: Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 3, 244; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 141, 187; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 18; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 381, 382; Sattler (2021), Ancient Ethics and the Natural World, 74
|sup>4.2 χρυσέῳ ἐν δαπέδῳ, μετὰ δέ σφισι πότνια Ἥβη |
4.5 αὐτίκʼ ἐπειρᾶτο Κρονίδης ἐρεθιζέμεν Ἥρην 4.6 κερτομίοις ἐπέεσσι παραβλήδην ἀγορεύων· 4.7 δοιαὶ μὲν Μενελάῳ ἀρηγόνες εἰσὶ θεάων 4.8 Ἥρη τʼ Ἀργείη καὶ Ἀλαλκομενηῒς Ἀθήνη. 4.9 ἀλλʼ ἤτοι ταὶ νόσφι καθήμεναι εἰσορόωσαι
4.10 τέρπεσθον· τῷ δʼ αὖτε φιλομειδὴς Ἀφροδίτη
4.11 αἰεὶ παρμέμβλωκε καὶ αὐτοῦ κῆρας ἀμύνει·
4.12 καὶ νῦν ἐξεσάωσεν ὀϊόμενον θανέεσθαι.
4.13 ἀλλʼ ἤτοι νίκη μὲν ἀρηϊφίλου Μενελάου·
4.14 ἡμεῖς δὲ φραζώμεθʼ ὅπως ἔσται τάδε ἔργα,
4.15 ἤ ῥʼ αὖτις πόλεμόν τε κακὸν καὶ φύλοπιν αἰνὴν
4.16 ὄρσομεν, ἦ φιλότητα μετʼ ἀμφοτέροισι βάλωμεν.
4.17 εἰ δʼ αὖ πως τόδε πᾶσι φίλον καὶ ἡδὺ γένοιτο,
4.18 ἤτοι μὲν οἰκέοιτο πόλις Πριάμοιο ἄνακτος,
4.19 αὖτις δʼ Ἀργείην Ἑλένην Μενέλαος ἄγοιτο.
4.22 ἤτοι Ἀθηναίη ἀκέων ἦν οὐδέ τι εἶπε 4.23 σκυζομένη Διὶ πατρί, χόλος δέ μιν ἄγριος ᾕρει· 4.24 Ἥρῃ δʼ οὐκ ἔχαδε στῆθος χόλον, ἀλλὰ προσηύδα· 4.25 αἰνότατε Κρονίδη ποῖον τὸν μῦθον ἔειπες· 4.26 πῶς ἐθέλεις ἅλιον θεῖναι πόνον ἠδʼ ἀτέλεστον, 4.27 ἱδρῶ θʼ ὃν ἵδρωσα μόγῳ, καμέτην δέ μοι ἵπποι
4.29 ἕρδʼ· ἀτὰρ οὔ τοι πάντες ἐπαινέομεν θεοὶ ἄλλοι.
4.34 εἰ δὲ σύ γʼ εἰσελθοῦσα πύλας καὶ τείχεα μακρὰ 4.35 ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις Πρίαμον Πριάμοιό τε παῖδας 4.36 ἄλλους τε Τρῶας, τότε κεν χόλον ἐξακέσαιο.
5.801 Τυδεύς τοι μικρὸς μὲν ἔην δέμας, ἀλλὰ μαχητής· 5.802 καί ῥʼ ὅτε πέρ μιν ἐγὼ πολεμίζειν οὐκ εἴασκον 5.803 οὐδʼ ἐκπαιφάσσειν, ὅτε τʼ ἤλυθε νόσφιν Ἀχαιῶν 5.804 ἄγγελος ἐς Θήβας πολέας μετὰ Καδμείωνας· 5.805 δαίνυσθαί μιν ἄνωγον ἐνὶ μεγάροισιν ἕκηλον· 5.806 αὐτὰρ ὃ θυμὸν ἔχων ὃν καρτερὸν ὡς τὸ πάρος περ 5.807 κούρους Καδμείων προκαλίζετο, πάντα δʼ ἐνίκα 5.808 ῥηϊδίως· τοίη οἱ ἐγὼν ἐπιτάρροθος ἦα. 5.809 σοὶ δʼ ἤτοι μὲν ἐγὼ παρά θʼ ἵσταμαι ἠδὲ φυλάσσω, 5.810 καί σε προφρονέως κέλομαι Τρώεσσι μάχεσθαι· 5.811 ἀλλά σευ ἢ κάματος πολυᾶϊξ γυῖα δέδυκεν
11.714 ἀλλʼ ὅτε πᾶν πεδίον μετεκίαθον, ἄμμι δʼ Ἀθήνη 11.715 ἄγγελος ἦλθε θέουσʼ ἀπʼ Ὀλύμπου θωρήσσεσθαι 11.716 ἔννυχος, οὐδʼ ἀέκοντα Πύλον κάτα λαὸν ἄγειρεν
14.315 οὐ γάρ πώ ποτέ μʼ ὧδε θεᾶς ἔρος οὐδὲ γυναικὸς 14.316 θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσι περιπροχυθεὶς ἐδάμασσεν,
22.71 κείσοντʼ ἐν προθύροισι. νέῳ δέ τε πάντʼ ἐπέοικεν 22.72 ἄρηϊ κταμένῳ δεδαϊγμένῳ ὀξέϊ χαλκῷ 22.73 κεῖσθαι· πάντα δὲ καλὰ θανόντι περ ὅττι φανήῃ· 22.74 ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ πολιόν τε κάρη πολιόν τε γένειον 22.75 αἰδῶ τʼ αἰσχύνωσι κύνες κταμένοιο γέροντος, 22.76 τοῦτο δὴ οἴκτιστον πέλεται δειλοῖσι βροτοῖσιν.' ' None
|sup>4.2 Now the gods, seated by the side of Zeus, were holding assembly on the golden floor, and in their midst the queenly Hebe poured them nectar, and they with golden goblets pledged one the other as they looked forth upon the city of the Trojans. |
4.5 And forthwith the son of Cronos made essay to provoke Hera with mocking words, and said with malice:Twain of the goddesses hath Menelaus for helpers, even Argive Hera, and Alalcomenean Athene. Howbeit these verily sit apart and take their pleasure in beholding,
4.10 whereas by the side of that other laughter-loving Aphrodite ever standeth, and wardeth from him fate, and but now she saved him, when he thought to perish. But of a surety victory rests with Menelaus, dear to Ares; let us therefore take thought how these things are to be;
4.15 whether we shall again rouse evil war and the dread din of battle, or put friendship between the hosts. If this might in any wise be welcome to all and their good pleasure, then might the city of king Priam still be an habitation, and Menelaus take back Argive Helen.
4.19 whether we shall again rouse evil war and the dread din of battle, or put friendship between the hosts. If this might in any wise be welcome to all and their good pleasure, then might the city of king Priam still be an habitation, and Menelaus take back Argive Helen.' "
4.22 So spake he, and thereat Athene and Hera murmured, who sat side by side, and were devising ills for the Trojans. Athene verily held her peace and said naught, wroth though she was at father Zeus, and fierce anger gat hold of her; howbeit Hera's breast contained not her anger, but she spake to him, saying: " "4.24 So spake he, and thereat Athene and Hera murmured, who sat side by side, and were devising ills for the Trojans. Athene verily held her peace and said naught, wroth though she was at father Zeus, and fierce anger gat hold of her; howbeit Hera's breast contained not her anger, but she spake to him, saying: " '4.25 Most dread son of Cronos, what a word hast thou said! How art thou minded to render my labour vain and of none effect, and the sweat that I sweated in my toil,—aye, and my horses twain waxed weary with my summoning the host for the bane of Priam and his sons? Do thou as thou wilt; but be sure we other gods assent not all thereto.
4.34 Then, stirred to hot anger, spake to her Zeus, the cloud-gatherer:Strange queen, wherein do Priam and the sons of Priam work thee ills so many, that thou ragest unceasingly to lay waste the well-built citadel of Ilios? If thou wert to enter within the gates and the high walls, 4.35 and to devour Priam raw and the sons of Priam and all the Trojans besides, then perchance mightest thou heal thine anger. Do as thy pleasure is; let not this quarrel in time to come be to thee and me a grievous cause of strife between us twain. And another thing will I tell thee, and do thou lay it to heart.
5.801 Verily little like himself was the son that Tydeus begat. Tydeus was small in stature, but a warrior. Even when I would not suffer him to fight or make a show of prowess, what time he came, and no Achaean with him, on an embassage to Thebes into the midst of the many Cadmeians— 5.804 Verily little like himself was the son that Tydeus begat. Tydeus was small in stature, but a warrior. Even when I would not suffer him to fight or make a show of prowess, what time he came, and no Achaean with him, on an embassage to Thebes into the midst of the many Cadmeians— ' "5.805 I bade him feast in their halls in peace—yet he having his valiant soul as of old challenged the youths of the Cadmeians and vanquished them in everything full easily; so ' present a helper was I to him. But as for thee, I verily stand by thy side and guard thee, " "5.809 I bade him feast in their halls in peace—yet he having his valiant soul as of old challenged the youths of the Cadmeians and vanquished them in everything full easily; so ' present a helper was I to him. But as for thee, I verily stand by thy side and guard thee, " '5.810 and of a ready heart I bid thee fight with the Trojans, yet either hath weariness born of thy many onsets entered into thy limbs, or haply spiritless terror possesseth thee. Then art thou no offspring of Tydeus, the wise-hearted son of Oeneus. Then in answer to her spake mighty Diomedes:
11.714 though they were as yet but stripligs unskilled in furious valour. Now there is a city Thryoessa, a steep hill, far off on the Alpheius, the nethermost of sandy Pylos; about this they set their camp, fain to raze it utterly. But when they had coursed over the whole plain to us came Athene, 11.715 peeding down from Olympus by night with the message that we should array us for battle, and nowise loath were the folk she gathered in Pylos, but right eager for war. Now Neleus would not suffer me to arm myself, but hid away my horses, for he deemed that as yet I knew naught of deeds of war.
14.315 for never yet did desire for goddess or mortal woman so shed itself about me and overmaster the heart within my breast—nay, not when I was seized with love of the wife of Ixion, who bare Peirithous, the peer of the gods in counsel; nor of Danaë of the fair ankles, daughter of Acrisius,
22.71 which then having drunk my blood in the madness of their hearts, shall lie there in the gateway. A young man it beseemeth wholly, when he is slain in battle, that he lie mangled by the sharp bronze; dead though he be, all is honourable whatsoever be seen. But when dogs work shame upon the hoary head and hoary beard 22.75 and on the nakedness of an old man slain, lo, this is the most piteous thing that cometh upon wretched mortals. 22.76 and on the nakedness of an old man slain, lo, this is the most piteous thing that cometh upon wretched mortals. ' ' None
|4. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dreams and visions, examples, Homer • Homer, as exemplum in Epistle • Valerius Flaccus, G., exempla/exemplarity • exempla • exempla, positive • exempla/exemplarity
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 66; Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 202, 203, 204, 205; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 110; Mawford and Ntanou (2021), Ancient Memory: Remembrance and Commemoration in Graeco-Roman Literature, 158; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 382
|5. Herodotus, Histories, 1.87 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dreams and visions, examples, Herodotus • examples (i.e. paradigm) • examples (i.e. paradigm), the subjects as
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 19; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 388
1.87 ἐνθαῦτα λέγεται ὑπὸ Λυδῶν Κροῖσον μαθόντα τὴν Κύρου μετάγνωσιν, ὡς ὥρα πάντα μὲν ἄνδρα σβεννύντα τὸ πῦρ, δυναμένους δὲ οὐκέτι καταλαβεῖν, ἐπιβώσασθαι τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα ἐπικαλεόμενον, εἴ τί οἱ κεχαρισμένον ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐδωρήθη, παραστῆναι καὶ ῥύσασθαι αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ παρεόντος κακοῦ. τὸν μὲν δακρύοντα ἐπικαλέεσθαι τὸν θεόν, ἐκ δὲ αἰθρίης τε καὶ νηνεμίης συνδραμεῖν ἐξαπίνης νέφεα καὶ χειμῶνά τε καταρραγῆναι καὶ ὗσαι ὕδατι λαβροτάτῳ, κατασβεσθῆναί τε τὴν πυρήν. οὕτω δὴ μαθόντα τὸν Κῦρον ὡς εἴη ὁ Κροῖσος καὶ θεοφιλὴς καὶ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός, καταβιβάσαντα αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πυρῆς εἰρέσθαι τάδε. “Κροῖσε, τίς σε ἀνθρώπων ἀνέγνωσε ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν ἐμὴν στρατευσάμενον πολέμιον ἀντὶ φίλου ἐμοὶ καταστῆναι;” ὁ δὲ εἶπε “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐγὼ ταῦτα ἔπρηξα τῇ σῇ μὲν εὐδαιμονίῃ, τῇ ἐμεωυτοῦ δὲ κακοδαιμονίῃ, αἴτιος δὲ τούτων ἐγένετο ὁ Ἑλλήνων θεὸς ἐπαείρας ἐμὲ στρατεύεσθαι. οὐδεὶς γὰρ οὕτω ἀνόητος ἐστὶ ὅστις πόλεμον πρὸ εἰρήνης αἱρέεται· ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῇ οἱ παῖδες τοὺς πατέρας θάπτουσι, ἐν δὲ τῷ οἱ πατέρες τοὺς παῖδας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα δαίμοσί κου φίλον ἦν οὕτω γενέσθαι.”'' None
1.87 Then the Lydians say that Croesus understood Cyrus' change of heart, and when he saw everyone trying to extinguish the fire but unable to check it, he invoked Apollo, crying out that if Apollo had ever been given any pleasing gift by him, let him offer help and deliver him from the present evil. ,Thus he in tears invoked the god, and suddenly out of a clear and windless sky clouds gathered, a storm broke, and it rained violently, extinguishing the pyre. Thus Cyrus perceived that Croesus was dear to god and a good man. He had him brought down from the pyre and asked, ,“Croesus, what man persuaded you to wage war against my land and become my enemy instead of my friend?” He replied, “O King, I acted thus for your good fortune, but for my own ill fortune. The god of the Hellenes is responsible for these things, inciting me to wage war. ,No one is so foolish as to choose war over peace. In peace sons bury their fathers, in war fathers bury their sons. But I suppose it was dear to the divinity that this be so.” "" None
|6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Moral exempla • emotions, examples of
Found in books: Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 232; Tite (2009), Valentinian Ethics and Paraenetic Discourse: Determining the Social Function of Moral Exhortation in Valentinian Christianity, 162
|7. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exemplum, • exemplum/exempla,
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 742; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 213
|8. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.63-2.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • examples, • exempla (narrative examples) • rhetoric, use of examples
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 170; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 20; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 281
|sup>2.64 \xa0Epicurus's classification of the desires meant nothing to him; he knew no limit but satiety. At the same time he was careful of his health: took sufficient exercise to come hungry and thirsty to table; ate what was at once most appetizing and most digestible; drank enough wine for pleasure and not too much for health. Nor did he forgo those other indulgences in the absence of which Epicurus declares that he cannot understand what Good is. Pain he never experienced at all; had it come to him, he would have borne it with fortitude, yet would have called in a doctor sooner than a philosopher. He had excellent health and a sound constitution. He was extremely popular. In short, his life was replete with pleasure of every variety. <" '2.65 \xa0Your school pronounces him a happy man, at least your theory requires you to do so. But I\xa0place above him â\x80\x94 I\xa0do not venture to say whom: Virtue herself shall speak for me, and she will not hesitate to rank Marcus Regulus higher than this typically happy man, as you would call him. Regulus, of his own free will and under no compulsion except that of a promise given to an enemy, returned from his native land to Carthage; yet Virtue proclaims that when he had done so he was happier while tormented with sleeplessness and hunger than Thorius carousing on his couch of roses. Regulus had fought great wars, had twice been consul, had celebrated a triumph; yet all his earlier exploits he counted less great and glorious than that final disaster, which he chose to undergo for the sake of honour and of self-respect; a\xa0pitiable end, as it seems to us who hear of it, but full of pleasure for him who endured it. It is not merriment and wantonness, nor laughter or jesting, the comrade of frivolity, that make men happy; those are happy, often in sadness, whose wills are strong and true. <' " None|
|9. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.63-2.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • examples, • exempla (narrative examples) • rhetoric, use of examples
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 170; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 20; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 281
2.63 At quam pulchre dicere videbare, cum ex altera parte ponebas cumulatum aliquem aliquem cumulatum BE plurimis et maximis voluptatibus nullo nec praesenti nec futuro dolore, ex altera autem cruciatibus maximis toto corpore nulla nec adiuncta nec sperata voluptate, et quaerebas, quis aut hoc miserior aut miseriorum aut BE superiore illo beatior; beatiorum BE beatiore R deinde concludebas summum malum esse dolorem, summum bonum voluptatem! Lucius Thorius Balbus fuit, Lanuvinus, quem meminisse tu non potes. is ita vivebat, ut nulla tam exquisita posset inveniri voluptas, voluptas posset inveniri BE qua non abundaret. erat et cupidus voluptatum et eius generis intellegens et copiosus, ita non superstitiosus, ut illa plurima in sua patria sacrificia et fana contemneret, ita non timidus ad mortem, ut in acie sit ob rem publicam interfectus. 2.64 cupiditates non Epicuri divisione finiebat, sed sua satietate. habebat tamen rationem rationem edd. ratione valitudinis: utebatur iis iis edd. his AR hys BE hijs NV exercitationibus, ut ad cenam et sitiens et esuriens veniret, eo cibo, qui et suavissimus esset et idem facillimus ad concoquendum, conoqquendum N coquendum BEV vino et ad voluptatem et ne noceret. cetera illa adhibebat, quibus demptis negat se Epicurus intellegere quid sit bonum. aberat omnis dolor, qui si adesset, nec molliter ferret et tamen medicis plus quam philosophis uteretur. color egregius, integra valitudo, summa gratia, vita denique conferta voluptatum confecta voluptatum V voluptatum conferta BE omnium varietate. 2.65 hunc vos vos ABE u R vero V uo (= vero) N sed ab alt. man. et post o ras. I litt. beatum; ratio quidem vestra sic cogit. at ego cogit. At ego Bentl. cogitat ego (cogitat. ego) quem huic anteponam non audeo dicere; dicet pro me ipsa virtus nec dubitabit isti vestro beato M. Regulum anteponere, quem quidem, cum sua voluntate, nulla vi coactus praeter fidem, quam dederat hosti, ex patria Karthaginem revertisset, tum ipsum, tum ipsum dett. eum ipsum cum vigiliis et fame cruciaretur, clamat virtus beatiorem fuisse quam potantem in rosa Thorium. bella rosa Thorium. bella VN 2 rosa. torius (Thorius E) bella ABER et fort. N 1 magna gesserat, bis consul fuerat, triumpharat nec tamen sua illa superiora sua illa superiora illa sua superiora BE illa superiora R tam magna neque tam praeclara ducebat quam illum ultimum casum, quem propter fidem constantiamque susceperat, qui nobis miserabilis videtur audientibus, illi perpetienti erat voluptarius. voluptarius (p ex corr. man. alt. ) N voluntarius non enim hilaritate nec lascivia nec risu aut ioco, comite levitatis, saepe etiam tristes firmitate et constantia sunt beati.'' None
2.63 \xa0"But how well you thought you put your case when you pictured on the one hand a person loaded with an abundance of the most delightful pleasures and free from all pain whether present or in prospect, and on the other one racked throughout his frame by the most excruciating pains, unqualified by any pleasure or hope of pleasure; then proceeded to ask who could be more wretched than the latter or more happy than the former; and finally drew the conclusion that pain was the Chief Evil and pleasure the Chief Good!"Well, there was a certain Lucius Thorius of Lanuvium, whom you cannot remember; he lived on the principle of enjoying in the fullest measure all the most exquisite pleasures that could possibly be found. His appetite for pleasures was only equalled by his taste and ingenuity in devising them. He was so devoid of superstition as to scoff at all the sacrifices and shrines for which his native place is famous; and so free from fear of death that he died in battle for his country. <' "2.64 \xa0Epicurus's classification of the desires meant nothing to him; he knew no limit but satiety. At the same time he was careful of his health: took sufficient exercise to come hungry and thirsty to table; ate what was at once most appetizing and most digestible; drank enough wine for pleasure and not too much for health. Nor did he forgo those other indulgences in the absence of which Epicurus declares that he cannot understand what Good is. Pain he never experienced at all; had it come to him, he would have borne it with fortitude, yet would have called in a doctor sooner than a philosopher. He had excellent health and a sound constitution. He was extremely popular. In short, his life was replete with pleasure of every variety. <" '2.65 \xa0Your school pronounces him a happy man, at least your theory requires you to do so. But I\xa0place above him â\x80\x94 I\xa0do not venture to say whom: Virtue herself shall speak for me, and she will not hesitate to rank Marcus Regulus higher than this typically happy man, as you would call him. Regulus, of his own free will and under no compulsion except that of a promise given to an enemy, returned from his native land to Carthage; yet Virtue proclaims that when he had done so he was happier while tormented with sleeplessness and hunger than Thorius carousing on his couch of roses. Regulus had fought great wars, had twice been consul, had celebrated a triumph; yet all his earlier exploits he counted less great and glorious than that final disaster, which he chose to undergo for the sake of honour and of self-respect; a\xa0pitiable end, as it seems to us who hear of it, but full of pleasure for him who endured it. It is not merriment and wantonness, nor laughter or jesting, the comrade of frivolity, that make men happy; those are happy, often in sadness, whose wills are strong and true. <'' None
|10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • exempla • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • historicity, of Vitruvian exempla
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 299; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 81; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 147; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 74
|11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Exemplum, and persuasion • exempla (narrative examples) • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla (rhetoric), spiritualization • history, and exempla
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 300, 305; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 230; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 63
|12. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, use of exempla • exempla • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican
Found in books: Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 101, 107; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 305, 306
|13. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Scholia, comments on Cicero’s use of exempla • material commemoration of exempla, statues in forum of Augustus
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 316; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 239
|14. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chrysippus, uses examples from literature • First movements, Expounded by Seneca, perhaps earlier by Cicero, but examples in Aristotle and (possibly) Chrysippus not yet recognized as such • emotions, examples of • exempla • exempla (narrative examples) • exempla, in Livy • exemplum • poetry, as source of examples • rhetoric, use of examples
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 58; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 21; Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 233, 237, 241, 244; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 198; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 70; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 87
|15. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dreams and visions, examples, Dionysius of Halicarnassus • exempla, in Livy
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 67; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 415
4.62 1. \xa0It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2. \xa0A\xa0certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3. \xa0Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4. \xa0The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5. \xa0Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6. \xa0But when the temple was burned after the close of the one\xa0hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâ\x80\x91called acrostics. In all this I\xa0am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. "" None
|16. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • apologetic, examples of • exemplum/exempla
Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 160; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 92
1.44 One of these men, then, the most violent of them, when, in addition to yielding nothing of his purpose, he was even exasperated at the exhortations of Moses and rendered more savage by them, beating those who did not labour with energy and unremittingly at the work which was imposed upon them, and insulting them and subjecting them to every kind of ill-treatment, so as even to be the death of many, Moses slew, thinking the deed a pious action; and, indeed, it was a pious action to destroy one who only lived for the destruction of others. '' None
|17. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exemplum/exemplarity
Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 280; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 18, 63, 119
|18. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), Roman • exempla (rhetoric), Sallust • exempla (rhetoric), and history • history, and exempla
Found in books: Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 65; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 70
|19. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), Roman • exempla (rhetoric), Sallust • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla, as dazzling • history, and exempla • moral learning from exempla
Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 3, 94; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 64
|20. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus/Octavian, and Forum Augustum exempla • exempla • exempla, social function of • exemplum, exempla • hegemony, exempla as tools of
Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 71; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 68; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 154; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 259; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 97
|21. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • archetypal exemplum, the • collective suicide in antiquity, examples of • diversity among exempla • exempla, as rhetorical device • exempla, in Livy • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exempla, social function of • exempla, visual elements in • exemplum/exempla • moral learning from exempla • narrative, concision in exempla • narrative, simplicity in exempla
Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 135; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 102, 126, 137; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 157; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 21, 74, 115; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 215
|22. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exemplum (from mythology) • myth (mythos), as exemplum of
Found in books: Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 162; Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 131
|23. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla/exemplar • exemplum (from mythology)
Found in books: Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 91; Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 275
|24. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.28.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exempla, teacher as model • emotions, examples of
Found in books: Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 240; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 298
1.28.33 WHAT is the cause of assenting to any thing? The fact that it appears to be true. It is not possible then to assent to that which appears not to be true. Why? Because this is the nature of the understanding, to incline to the true, to be dissatisfied with the false, and in matters uncertain to withhold assent. What is the proof of this? Imagine (persuade yourself), if you can, that it is now night. It is not possible. Take away your persuasion that it is day. It is not possible. Persuade yourself or take away your persuasion that the stars are even in number. It is impossible. When then any man assents to that which is false, be assured that he did not intend to assent to it as false, for every soul is unwillingly deprived of the truth, as Plato says; but the falsity seemed to him to be true. Well, in acts what have we of the like kind as we have here truth or falsehood? We have the fit and the not fit (duty and not duty), the profitable and the unprofitable, that which is suitable to a person and that which is not, and whatever is like these. Can then a man think that a thing is useful to him and not choose it? He cannot. How says Medea?— Tis true I know what evil I shall do, But passion overpowers the better counsel. She thought that to indulge her passion and take vengeance on her husband was more profitable than to spare her children. It was so; but she was deceived. Show her plainly that she is deceived, and she will not do it; but so long as you do not show it, what can she follow except that which appears to herself (her opinion)? Nothing else. Why then are you angry with the unhappy woman that she has been bewildered about the most important things, and is become a viper instead of human creature? And why not, if it is possible, rather pity, as we pity the blind and the lame, so those who are blinded and maimed in the faculties which are supreme? Whoever then clearly remembers this, that to man the measure of every act is the appearance (the opinion),— whether the thing appears good or bad: if good, he is free from blame; if bad, himself suffers the penalty, for it is impossible that he who is deceived can be one person, and he who suffers another person—whoever remembers this will not be angry with any man, will not be vexed at any man, will not revile or blame any man, nor hate nor quarrel with any man. So then all these great and dreadful deeds have this origin, in the appearance (opinion)? Yes, this origin and no other. The Iliad is nothing else than appearance and the use of appearances. It appeared to Alexander to carry off the wife of Menelaus: it appeared to Helene to follow him. If then it had appeared to Menelaus to feel that it was a gain to be deprived of such a wife, what would have happened? Not only would the Iliad have been lost, but the Odyssey also. On so small a matter then did such great things depend? But what do you mean by such great things? Wars and civil commotions, and the destruction of many men and cities. And what great matter is this? Is it nothing?—But what great matter is the death of many oxen, and many sheep, and many nests of swallows or storks being burnt or destroyed? Are these things then like those? Very like. Bodies of men are destroyed, and the bodies of oxen and sheep; the dwellings of men are burnt, and the nests of storks. What is there in this great or dreadful? Or show me what is the difference between a man’s house and a stork’s nest, as far as each is a dwelling; except that man builds his little houses of beams and tiles and bricks, and the stork builds them of sticks and mud. Are a stork and a man then like things? What say you?—In body they are very much alike. Does a man then differ in no respect from a stork? Don’t suppose that I say so; but there is no difference in these matters (which I have mentioned). In what then is the difference? Seek and you will find that there is a difference in another matter. See whether it is not in a man the understanding of what he does, see if it is not in social community, in fidelity, in modesty, in steadfastness, in intelligence. Where then is the great good and evil in men? It is where the difference is. If the difference is preserved and remains fenced round, and neither modesty is destroyed, nor fidelity, nor intelligence, then the man also is preserved; but if any of these things is destroyed and stormed like a city, then the man too perishes; and in this consist the great things. Alexander, you say, sustained great damage then when the Hellenes invaded and when they ravaged Troy, and when his brothers perished. By no means; for no man is damaged by an action which is not his own; but what happened at that time was only the destruction of storks’ nests: now the ruin of Alexander was when he lost the character of modesty, fidelity, regard to hospitality, and to decency. When was Achilles ruined? Was it when Patroclus died? Not so. But it happened when he began to be angry, when he wept for a girl, when he forgot that he was at Troy not to get mistresses, but to fight. These things are the ruin of men, this is being besieged, this is the destruction of cities, when right opinions are destroyed, when they are corrupted. When then women are carried off, when children are made captives, and when the men are killed, are these not evils? How is it then that you add to the facts these opinions? Explain this to me also.—I shall not do that; but how is it that you say that these are not evils?—Let us come to the rules: produce the praecognitions ( προλήψεις ): for it is because this is neglected that we can not sufficiently wonder at what men do. When we intend to judge of weights, we do not judge by guess: where we intend to judge of straight and crooked, we do not judge by guess. In all cases where it is our interest to know what is true in any matter, never will any man among us do anything by guess. But in things which depend on the first and on the only cause of doing right or wrong, of happiness or unhappiness, of being unfortunate or fortunate, there only we are inconsiderate and rash. There is then nothing like scales (balance), nothing like a rule: but some appearance is presented, and straightway I act according to it. Must I then suppose that I am superior to Achilles or Agamemnon, so that they by following appearances do and suffer so many evils: and shall not the appearance be sufficient for me?—And what tragedy has any other beginning? The Atreus of Euripides, what is it? An appearance. The Oedipus of Sophocles, what is it? An appearance. The Phoenix? An appearance. The Hippolytus? An appearance. What kind of a man then do you suppose him to be who pays no regard to this matter? And what is the name of those who follow every appearance? They are called madmen. Do we then act at all differently?'' None
|25. Mishnah, Shabbat, 3.4, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ma‘aseh, exempla • exempla • exempla, and apodictic statements • exempla, definition • exempla, narrativity • exempla, rabbis • narrative and law, exempla • stories, exempla as
Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 485; Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 46, 47
3.4 מַעֲשֶׂה שֶׁעָשׂוּ אַנְשֵׁי טְבֶרְיָא וְהֵבִיאוּ סִלּוֹן שֶׁל צוֹנֵן לְתוֹךְ אַמָּה שֶׁל חַמִּין. אָמְרוּ לָהֶן חֲכָמִים, אִם בְּשַׁבָּת, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְשַׁבָּת, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּבִשְׁתִיָּה; בְּיוֹם טוֹב, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְיוֹם טוֹב, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּמֻתָּרִין בִּשְׁתִיָּה. מוּלְיָאר הַגָּרוּף, שׁוֹתִין הֵימֶנּוּ בְשַׁבָּת. אַנְטִיכִי, אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁגְּרוּפָה, אֵין שׁוֹתִין מִמֶּנָּה:
16.8 נָכְרִי שֶׁהִדְלִיק אֶת הַנֵּר, מִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ לְאוֹרוֹ יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מִלֵּא מַיִם לְהַשְׁקוֹת בְּהֶמְתּוֹ, מַשְׁקֶה אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. עָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, יוֹרֵד אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מַעֲשֶׂה בְרַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים שֶׁהָיוּ בָאִין בִּסְפִינָה, וְעָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, וְיָרְדוּ בוֹ רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים:'' None
3.4 It once happened that the people of Tiberias conducted a pipe of cold water through an arm of the hot springs. The sages said to them: if this happened on the Shabbat, it is like hot water heated on the Shabbat, and is forbidden both for washing and for drinking; If on a festival, it is like water heated on a festival, which is forbidden for washing but permitted for drinking. A miliarum which is cleared of its ashes--they may drink from it on Shabbat. An antiki even if its ashes have been cleared--they may not drink from it.
16.8 If a Gentile lights a lamp, an Israelite may make use of its light. But if he does it for the sake of the Israelite, it is forbidden. If he draws water to give his own animal to drink, an Israelite may water his animal after him. But if he draws it for the Israelite’s sake, it is forbidden. If a Gentile makes a plank to descend off a ship by it, an Israelite may descend after him; But if on the Israelite’s account, it is forbidden. It once happened that Rabban Gamaliel and the elders were traveling in a ship, when a Gentile made a plank for getting off, and Rabban Gamaliel, and the elders descended by it.'' None
|26. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.4, 6.12, 9.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, Value of examples • Examples, value of • Exempla, teacher as model • Imitating [ Moral exempla ] • Moral exempla • exemplum • exemplum/example(s) • rhetoric,examples
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 460; Linjamaa (2019), The Ethics of The Tripartite Tractate (NHC I, 5): A Study of Determinism and Early Christian Philosophy of Ethics, 253; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 298; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 297, 298; Tite (2009), Valentinian Ethics and Paraenetic Discourse: Determining the Social Function of Moral Exhortation in Valentinian Christianity, 199; van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 98, 174
1.4 Εὐχαριστῶ τῷ θεῷ πάντοτε περὶ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τῇ χάριτι τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ δοθείσῃ ὑμῖν ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ,
6.12 Πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐ πάντα συμφέρει. πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐγὼ ἐξουσιασθήσομαι ὑπό τινος.
9.11 Εἰ ἡμεῖς ὑμῖν τὰ πνευματικὰ ἐσπείραμεν, μέγα εἰ ἡμεῖς ὑμῶν τὰ σαρκικὰ θερίσομεν;' ' None
1.4 I always thank my God concerning you, for the grace of Godwhich was given you in Christ Jesus;
6.12 "All things are lawful for me," but not all thingsare expedient. "All things are lawful for me," but I will not bebrought under the power of anything.
9.11 If we sowed to you spiritual things, is it a great thing if wereap your fleshly things?' ' None
|27. New Testament, Philippians, 1.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • exemplum
Found in books: Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 316; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 78
1.23 συνέχομαι δὲ ἐκ τῶν δύο, τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἔχων εἰς τὸ ἀναλῦσαι καὶ σὺν Χριστῷ εἶναι, πολλῷ γὰρ μᾶλλον κρεῖσσον,'' None
1.23 But I am in a dilemma between the two, having the desire to depart and be with Christ, which is far better. '' None
|28. New Testament, Romans, 5.12, 5.14, 13.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • Moral exempla • exempla and typology • exempla and typology, Christianity, typology, and the Hebrew Bible • exempla and typology, Prudentius typology • exemplum
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 460, 461, 609; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 108; Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 316, 325; Tite (2009), Valentinian Ethics and Paraenetic Discourse: Determining the Social Function of Moral Exhortation in Valentinian Christianity, 164; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 104
5.12 Διὰ τοῦτο ὥσπερ διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ἡ ἁμαρτία εἰς τὸν κόσμον εἰσῆλθεν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ὁ θάνατος, καὶ οὕτως εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁ θάνατος διῆλθεν ἐφʼ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον-.
5.14 ἀλλὰ ἐβασίλευσεν ὁ θάνατος ἀπὸ Ἀδὰμ μέχρι Μωυσέως καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ἁμαρτήσαντας ἐπὶ τῷ ὁμοιώματι τῆς παραβάσεως Ἀδάμ, ὅς ἐστιν τύπος τοῦ μέλλοντος.
13.12 ἡ νὺξ προέκοψεν, ἡ δὲ ἡμέρα ἤγγικεν. ἀποθώμεθα οὖν τὰ ἔργα τοῦ σκότους, ἐνδυσώμεθα δὲ τὰ ὅπλα τοῦ φωτός.'' None
5.12 Therefore, as sin entered into the world through one man, and death through sin; and so death passed to all men, because all sinned. ' "
5.14 Nevertheless death reigned from Adam until Moses, even over those whose sins weren't like Adam's disobedience, who is a foreshadowing of him who was to come. " "
13.12 The night is far gone, and the day is near. Let's therefore throw off the works of darkness, and let's put on the armor of light. "' None
|29. New Testament, Luke, 2.8-2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ambrose of Milan, exempla, use of • Dreams and visions, examples, Gospels and Acts • Dreams and visions, examples, Josephus
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 391; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 451
2.8 Καὶ ποιμένες ἦσαν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ ἀγραυλοῦντες καὶ φυλάσσοντες φυλακὰς τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν ποίμνην αὐτῶν. 2.9 καὶ ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἐπέστη αὐτοῖς καὶ δόξα Κυρίου περιέλαμψεν αὐτούς, καὶ ἐφοβήθησαν φόβον μέγαν· 2.10 καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς ὁ ἄγγελος Μὴ φοβεῖσθε, ἰδοὺ γὰρ εὐαγγελίζομαι ὑμῖν χαρὰν μεγάλην ἥτις ἔσται παντὶ τῷ λαῷ, 2.11 ὅτι ἐτέχθη ὑμῖν σήμερον σωτὴρ ὅς ἐστιν χριστὸς κύριος ἐν πόλει Δαυείδ· 2.12 καὶ τοῦτο ὑμῖν σημεῖον, εὑρήσετε βρέφος ἐσπαργανωμένον καὶ κείμενον ἐν φάτνῃ. 2.13 καὶ ἐξέφνης ἐγένετο σὺν τῷ ἀγγέλῳ πλῆθος στρατιᾶς οὐρανίου αἰνούντων τὸν θεὸν καὶ λεγόντων 2.14 Δόξα ἐν ὑψίστοις θεῷ καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς εἰρήνη ἐν ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκίας.'' None
2.8 There were shepherds in the same country staying in the field, and keeping watch by night over their flock. 2.9 Behold, an angel of the Lord stood by them, and the glory of the Lord shone around them, and they were terrified. 2.10 The angel said to them, "Don\'t be afraid, for behold, I bring you good news of great joy which will be to all the people. 2.11 For there is born to you, this day, in the city of David, a Savior, who is Christ the Lord. 2.12 This is the sign to you: you will find a baby wrapped in strips of cloth, lying in a feeding trough." 2.13 Suddenly, there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host praising God, and saying, 2.14 "Glory to God in the highest, On earth peace, good will toward men."'' None
|30. Plutarch, Cimon, 2.3-2.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, Value of examples • Examples, value of • Exempla, teacher as model • examples (i.e. paradigm) • examples (i.e. paradigm), comparative/parallel • exempla
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 4, 40, 143; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 297; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 72
2.3 εἰκόνα δὲ πολὺ καλλίονα νομίζοντες εἶναι τῆς τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀπομιμουμένης τὴν τὸ ἦθος καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐμφανίζουσαν, ἀναληψόμεθα τῇ γραφῇ τῶν παραλλήλων βίων τὰς πράξεις τοῦ ἀνδρός, τἀληθῆ διεξιόντες. ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἡ τῆς μνήμης χάρις· ἀληθοῦς δὲ μαρτυρίας οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ἠξίωσε μισθὸν λαβεῖν ψευδῆ καὶ πεπλασμένην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διήγησιν.' ' None
2.3 ' ' None
|31. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.11.6-5.11.18, 10.1.34, 12.4.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Exemplum, and persuasion • Scholia, comments on Cicero’s use of exempla • exempla • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla (rhetoric), similarity • exempla (rhetoric), spiritualization • exemplum, and “fit” • exemplum, category vs. instance • exemplum, illustrative vs. injunctive • exemplum, unique vs. typical • exemplum/exemplarity • history, and exempla
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 300, 309, 311; Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 63, 104; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 12; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 63, 64
5.11.6 \xa0The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; 5.11.7 \xa0from the unlike when we say, "Brutus killed his sons for plotting against the state, while Manlius condemned his son to death for his valour"; from the contrary when we say, "Marcellus restored the works of art which had been taken from the Syracusans who were our enemies, while Verres took the same works of art from our allies." The same divisions apply also to such forms of proof in panegyric or denunciation. 5.11.8 \xa0It will also be found useful when we are speaking of what is likely to happen to refer to historical parallels: for instance if the orator asserts that Dionysius is asking for a bodyguard that with their armed assistance he may establish himself as tyrant, he may adduce the parallel case of Pisistratus who secured the supreme power by similar means. 5.11.9 \xa0But while examples may at times, as in the last instance, apply in their entirety, at times we shall argue from the greater to the less or from the less to the greater. "Cities have been overthrown by the violation of the marriage bond. What punishment then will meet the case of adultery?" "Flute-players have been recalled by the state to the city which they had left. How much more then is it just that leading citizens who have rendered good service to their country should be recalled from that exile to which they have been driven by envy."' "5.11.10 \xa0Arguments from unlikes are most useful in exhortation. Courage is more remarkable in a woman than in a man. Therefore, if we wish to kindle someone's ambition to the performance of heroic deeds, we shall find that parallels drawn from the cases of Horatius and Torquatus will carry less weight than that of the woman by whose hand Pyrrhus was slain, and if we wish to urge a man to meet death, the cases of Cato and Scipio will carry less weight than that of Lucretia. These are however arguments from the greater to the less." '5.11.11 \xa0Let me then give you separate examples of these classes of argument from the pages of Cicero; for where should\xa0I find better? The following passage from the pro\xa0Murena is an instance of argument from the like: "For it happened that I\xa0myself when a candidate had two patricians as competitors, the one a man of the most unscrupulous and reckless character, the other a most excellent and respectable citizen. Ye I\xa0defeated Catiline by force of merit and Galba by my popularity." 5.11.12 \xa0The pro\xa0Milone will give us an example of argument from the greater to the less: "They say that he who confesses to having killed a man is not fit to look upon the light of day. Where is the city in which men are such fools as to argue this? It is Rome itself, the city whose first trial on a capital charge was that of Marcus Horatius, the bravest of men, who, though the city had not yet attained its freedom, was none the less acquitted by the assembly of the Roman people, in spite of the fact that he confessed that he had slain his sister with his own hand." The following is an example of argument from the less to the greater: "I\xa0killed, not Spurius Maelius, who by lowering the price of corn and sacrificing his private fortune fell under the suspicion of desiring to make himself king, because it seemed that he was courting popularity with the common people overmuch," and so on till we come to, "No, the man I\xa0killed (for my client would not shrink from the avowal, since his deed had saved his country) was he who committed abominable adultery even in the shrines of the gods"; then follows the whole invective against Clodius. 5.11.13 \xa0Arguments from unlikes present great variety, for they may turn on kind, manner, time, place, etcetera, almost every one of which Cicero employs to overthrow the previous decisions that seemed to apply to the case of Cluentius, while he makes use of argument from contraries when he minimises the importance of the censorial stigma by praising Scipio Africanus, who in his capacity of censor allowed one whom he openly asserted to have committed deliberate perjury to retain his horse, because no one had appeared as evidence against him, though he promised to come forward himself to bear witness to his guilt, if any should be found to accuse him. I\xa0have paraphrased this passage because it is too long to quote. 5.11.14 \xa0A\xa0brief example of a similar argument is to be found in Virgil, "But he, whom falsely thou dost call thy father, Even Achilles, in far other wise Dealt with old Priam, and Priam was his foe." 5.11.15 \xa0Historical parallels may however sometimes be related in full, as in the pro\xa0Milone: "When a military tribune serving in the army of Gaius Marius, to whom he was related, made an assault upon the honour of a common soldier, the latter killed him; for the virtuous youth preferred to risk his life by slaying him to suffering such dishonour. And yet the great Marius acquitted him of all crime and let him go scot free." 5.11.16 \xa0On the other hand in certain cases it will be sufficient merely to allude to the parallel, as Cicero does in the same speech: "For neither the famous Servilius Ahala nor Publius Nasica nor Lucius Opimius nor the Senate during my consulship could be cleared of serious guilt, if it were a crime to put wicked men to death." Such parallels will be adduced at greater or less length according as they are familiar or as the interests or adornment of our case may demand. 5.11.17 \xa0A\xa0similar method is to be pursued in quoting from the fictions of the poets, though we must remember that they will be of less force as proofs. The same supreme authority, the great master of eloquence, shows us how we should employ such quotations. 5.11.18 \xa0For an example of this type will be found in the same speech: "And it is therefore, gentlemen of the jury, that men of the greatest learning have recorded in their fictitious narratives that one who had killed his mother to avenge his father was acquitted, when the opinion of men was divided as to his guilt, not merely by the decision of a deity, but by the vote of the wisest of goddesses."' ' None
|32. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 6.5, 94.39 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Walter, Uwe, wisdom genre, exempla as • exempla • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • exemplum (-a), Senecas use of • exemplum, injunctive • exemplum, praeceptor as • exemplum/exempla, social and literary contexts of • praeceptor (Stoic), as exemplum
Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 34; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 215; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 47, 131; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 194; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 239; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 285, 286; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 72
6.5 I shall therefore send to you the actual books; and in order that you may not waste time in searching here and there for profitable topics, I shall mark certain passages, so that you can turn at once to those which I approve and admire. of course, however, the living voice and the intimacy of a common life will help you more than the written word. You must go to the scene of action, first, because men put more faith in their eyes than in their ears,1 and second, because the way is long if one follows precepts, but short and helpful, if one follows patterns.
94.39 But, it is said, "they are not of avail in every case." Well neither is philosophy; and yet philosophy is not on that account ineffectual and useless in the training of the soul. Furthermore, is not philosophy the Law of Life? Grant, if we will, that the laws do not avail; it does not necessarily follow that advice also should not avail. On this ground, you ought to say that consolation does not avail, and warning, and exhortation, and scolding, and praising; since they are all varieties of advice. It is by such methods that we arrive at a perfect condition of mind.
94.39 Suppose that a man is acting as he should; he cannot keep it up continuously or consistently, since he will not know the reason for so acting. Some of his conduct will result rightly because of luck or practice; but there will be in his hand no rule by which he may regulate his acts, and which he may trust to tell him whether that which he has done is right. One who is good through mere chance will not give promise of retaining such a character for ever. ' ' None
|33. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exemplum, exempla
Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 215; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 229
61.2 \xa0It is a long story to run through his acts of cruelty in detail; it will be enough to mention the forms which they took, as samples of his barbarity. Not a\xa0day passed without an execution, not even those that were sacred and holy; for he put some to death even on New Year's day. Many were accused and condemned with their children and even by their children. The relatives of the victims were forbidden to mourn for them. Special rewards were voted the accusers and sometimes even the witnesses. The word of no informer was doubted."" None
|34. Tacitus, Annals, 1.41, 3.5.2, 3.33-3.34, 11.24, 11.24.7, 13.4.1, 14.12.2, 15.23, 15.60-15.64, 16.34-16.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Livia (Drusilla), as exemplum • Seneca, as exemplum • Thrasea Paetus, as exemplum • examples (i.e. paradigm), comparative/parallel • exempla • exempla, in Tacitus • exempla, role in Roman culture • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • imitation, emulation, exemplarity, exemplum • women, imperial, as exempla
Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 147, 148, 149; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 114; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145, 199; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 57; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 86, 87, 94, 202, 207; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8, 9, 172, 229, 243; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 259, 346
1.41 Non florentis Caesaris neque suis in castris, sed velut in urbe victa facies gemitusque ac planctus etiam militum auris oraque advertere: progrediuntur contuberniis. quis ille flebilis sonus? quod tam triste? feminas inlustris, non centurionem ad tutelam, non militem, nihil imperatoriae uxoris aut comitatus soliti: pergere ad Treviros et externae fidei. pudor inde et miseratio et patris Agrippae, Augusti avi memoria, socer Drusus, ipsa insigni fecunditate, praeclara pudicitia; iam infans in castris genitus, in contubernio legionum eductus, quem militari vocabulo Caligulam appellabant, quia plerumque ad concilianda vulgi studia eo tegmine pedum induebatur. sed nihil aeque flexit quam invidia in Treviros: orant obsistunt, rediret maneret, pars Agrippinae occursantes, plurimi ad Germanicum regressi. isque ut erat recens dolore et ira apud circumfusos ita coepit.' 3.33 Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent. 3.34 Paucorum haec adsensu audita: plures obturbabant neque relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei censorem. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Mes- sala ineratque imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae veterum in melius et laetius mutata; neque enim, ut olim, obsideri urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse. et pauca feminarum necessitatibus concedi quae ne coniugum quidem penatis, adeo socios non onerent; cetera promisca cum marito nec ullum in eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda: sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. quid? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? non tamen ideo neminem in provinciam mitti. corruptos saepe pravitatibus uxorum maritos: num ergo omnis caelibes integros? placuisse quondam Oppias leges, sic temporibus rei publicae postulantibus: remissum aliquid postea et mitigatum, quia expedierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vocabula transferri: nam viri in eo culpam si femina modum excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius imbecillum animum male eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid fore si per pluris annos in modum discidii oblitterentur? sic obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur ut flagitiorum urbis meminissent. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii. quoties divum Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia! se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad gentis iturum, haud semper aequo animo si ab uxore carissima et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caecinae sententia elusa.' "
11.24 His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.'" 15.23 Memmio Regulo et Verginio Rufo consulibus natam sibi ex Poppaea filiam Nero ultra mortale gaudium accepit appellavitque Augustam dato et Poppaeae eodem cognomento. locus puerperio colonia Antium fuit, ubi ipse generatus erat. iam senatus uterum Poppaeae commendaverat dis votaque publice susceperat, quae multiplicata exolutaque. et additae supplicationes templumque fecunditatis et certamen ad exemplar Actiacae religionis decretum, utque Fortunarum effigies aureae in solio Capitolini Iovis locarentur, ludicrum circense, ut Iuliae genti apud Bovillas, ita Claudiae Domitiaeque apud Antium ederetur. quae fluxa fuere, quartum intra mensem defuncta infante. rursusque exortae adulationes censentium honorem divae et pulvinar aedemque et sacerdotem. atque ipse ut laetitiae, ita maeroris immodicus egit. adnotatum est, omni senatu Antium sub recentem partum effuso, Thraseam prohibitum immoto animo praenuntiam imminentis caedis contumeliam excepisse. secutam dehinc vocem Caesaris ferunt qua reconciliatum se Thraseae apud Senecam iactaverit ac Senecam Caesari gratulatum: unde gloria egregiis viris et pericula gliscebant. 15.61 Seneca missum ad se Natalem conquestumque no- mine Pisonis quod a visendo eo prohiberetur, seque rationem valetudinis et amorem quietis excusavisse respondit. cur salutem privati hominis incolumitati suae anteferret causam non habuisse; nec sibi promptum in adulationes ingenium. idque nulli magis gnarum quam Neroni, qui saepius libertatem Senecae quam servitium expertus esset. ubi haec a tribuno relata sunt Poppaea et Tigellino coram, quod erat saevienti principi intimum consiliorum, interrogat an Seneca voluntariam mortem pararet. tum tribunus nulla pavoris signa, nihil triste in verbis eius aut vultu deprensum confirmavit. ergo regredi et indicere mortem iubetur. tradit Fabius Rusticus non eo quo venerat itinere reditum sed flexisse ad Faenium praefectum, et expositis Caesaris iussis an obtemperaret interrogavisse, monitumque ab eo ut exequeretur, fatali omnium ignavia. nam et Silvanus inter coniuratos erat augebatque scelera in quorum ultionem consenserat. voci tamen et aspectui pepercit intromisitque ad Senecam unum ex centurionibus qui necessitatem ultimam denuntiaret. 15.62 Ille interritus poscit testamenti tabulas; ac denegante centurione conversus ad amicos, quando meritis eorum referre gratiam prohiberetur, quod unum iam et tamen pulcherrimum habeat, imaginem vitae suae relinquere testatur, cuius si memores essent, bonarum artium famam fructum constantis amicitiae laturos. simul lacrimas eorum modo sermone, modo intentior in modum coercentis ad firmitudinem revocat, rogitans ubi praecepta sapientiae, ubi tot per annos meditata ratio adversum imminentia? cui enim ignaram fuisse saevitiam Neronis? neque aliud superesse post matrem fratremque interfectos quam ut educatoris praeceptorisque necem adiceret.' "15.63 Vbi haec atque talia velut in commune disseruit, complectitur uxorem et paululum adversus praesentem fortitudinem mollitus rogat oratque temperaret dolori neu aeternum susciperet, sed in contemplatione vitae per virtutem actae desiderium mariti solaciis honestis toleraret. illa contra sibi quoque destinatam mortem adseverat manumque percussoris exposcit. tum Seneca gloriae eius non adversus, simul amore, ne sibi unice dilectam ad iniurias relinqueret, 'vitae' inquit 'delenimenta monstraveram tibi, tu mortis decus mavis: non invidebo exemplo. sit huius tam fortis exitus constantia penes utrosque par, claritudinis plus in tuo fine.' post quae eodem ictu brachia ferro exolvunt. Seneca, quoniam senile corpus et parco victu tenuatum lenta effugia sanguini praebebat, crurum quoque et poplitum venas abrumpit; saevisque cruciatibus defessus, ne dolore suo animum uxoris infringeret atque ipse visendo eius tormenta ad impatientiam delaberetur, suadet in aliud cubiculum abscedere. et novissimo quoque momento suppeditante eloquentia advocatis scriptoribus pleraque tradidit, quae in vulgus edita eius verbis invertere supersedeo." '15.64 At Nero nullo in Paulinam proprio odio, ac ne glisceret invidia crudelitatis, iubet inhiberi mortem. hortantibus militibus servi libertique obligant brachia, premunt sanguinem, incertum an ignarae. nam ut est vulgus ad deteriora promptum, non defuere qui crederent, donec implacabilem Neronem timuerit, famam sociatae cum marito mortis petivisse, deinde oblata mitiore spe blandimentis vitae evictam; cui addidit paucos postea annos, laudabili in maritum memoria et ore ac membris in eum pallorem albentibus ut ostentui esset multum vitalis spiritus egestum. Seneca interim, durante tractu et lentitudine mortis, Statium Annaeum, diu sibi amicitiae fide et arte medicinae probatum, orat provisum pridem venenum quo damnati publico Atheniensium iudicio extinguerentur promeret; adlatumque hausit frustra, frigidus iam artus et cluso corpore adversum vim veneni. postremo stagnum calidae aquae introiit, respergens proximos servorum addita voce libare se liquorem illum Iovi liberatori. exim balneo inlatus et vapore eius exanimatus sine ullo funeris sollemni crematur. ita codicillis praescripserat, cum etiam tum praedives et praepotens supremis suis consuleret.
16.34 Tum ad Thraseam in hortis agentem quaestor consulis missus vesperascente iam die. inlustrium virorum feminarumque coetus frequentis egerat, maxime intentus Demetrio Cynicae institutionis doctori, cum quo, ut coniectare erat intentione vultus et auditis, si qua clarius proloquebantur, de natura animae et dissociatione spiritus corporisque inquirebat, donec advenit Domitius Caecilianus ex intimis amicis et ei quid senatus censuisset exposuit. igitur flentis queritantisque qui aderant facessere propere Thrasea neu pericula sua miscere cum sorte damnati hortatur, Arriamque temptantem mariti suprema et exemplum Arriae matris sequi monet retinere vitam filiaeque communi subsidium unicum non adimere.' "16.35 Tum progressus in porticum illic a quaestore reperitur, laetitiae propior, quia Helvidium generum suum Italia tantum arceri cognoverat. accepto dehinc senatus consulto Helvidium et Demetrium in cubiculum inducit; porrectisque utriusque brachii venis, postquam cruorem effudit, humum super spargens, propius vocato quaestore 'libamus' inquit 'Iovi liberatori. specta, iuvenis; et omen quidem dii prohibeant, ceterum in ea tempora natus es quibus firmare animum expediat constantibus exemplis.' post lentitudine exitus gravis cruciatus adferente, obversis in Demetrium"' None
1.41 \xa0The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:â\x80\x94 "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the general\'s wife! They were bound for the Treviri â\x80\x94\xa0handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" â\x80\x94 Caligula â\x80\x94 because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:â\x80\x94 "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:â\x80\x94 <
3.5.2 \xa0There were those who missed the pageantry of a state-funeral and compared the elaborate tributes rendered by Augustus to Germanicus\' father, Drusus:â\x80\x94 "In the bitterest of the winter, the sovereign had gone in person as far as Ticinum, and, never stirring from the corpse, had entered the capital along with it. The bier had been surrounded with the family effigies of the Claudian and Livian houses; the dead had been mourned in the Forum, eulogized upon the Rostra; every distinction which our ancestors had discovered, or their posterity invented, was showered upon him. But to Germanicus had fallen not even the honours due to every and any noble! Granted that the length of the journey was a reason for cremating his body, no matter how, on foreign soil, it would only have been justice that he should have been accorded all the more distinctions later, because chance had denied them at the outset. His brother had gone no more than one day\'s journey to meet him; his uncle not even to the gate. Where were those usages of the ancients â\x80\x94 the image placed at the head of the couch, the set poems to the memory of departed virtue, the panegyrics, the tears, the imitations (if no more) of sorrow?" <
3.33 \xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." < 3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded. <
11.24 \xa0Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â\x80\x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I\xa0find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I\xa0am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â\x80\x94\xa0not to scrutinize antiquity â\x80\x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the\xa0Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â\x80\x94 \'But we fought with the Senones.\' â\x80\x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â\x80\x94 \'We were taken by the Gauls.\' â\x80\x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â\x80\x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâ\x80\x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." <
13.4.1 \xa0However, when the mockeries of sorrow had been carried to their close, he entered the curia; and, after an opening reference to the authority of the Fathers and the uimity of the army, stated that "he had before him advice and examples pointing him to an admirable system of government. Nor had his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife: he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no desire for vengeance. He then outlined the character of the coming principate, the points which had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being specially discounteced:â\x80\x94 "He would not constitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers and defendants within the same four walls and allowing the influence of a\xa0few individuals to run riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loophole for intrigue: the palace and the state would be things separate. Let the senate retain its old prerogatives! Let Italy and the public provinces take their stand before the judgement-seats of the consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the Fathers: for the armies delegated to his charge he would himself be responsible."' "
14.12.2 \xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. <" 15.23 \xa0In the consulate of Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus, Nero greeted a daughter, presented to him by Poppaea, with more than human joy, named the child Augusta, and bestowed the same title on Poppaea. The scene of her delivery was the colony of Antium, where the sovereign himself had seen the light. The senate had already commended the travail of Poppaea to the care of Heaven and formulated vows in the name of the state: they were now multiplied and paid. Public thanksgivings were added, and a Temple of Fertility was decreed, together with a contest on the model of the Actian festival; while golden effigies of the Two Fortunes were to be placed on the throne of Capitoline Jove, and, as the Julian race had its Circus Games at Bovillae, so at Antium should the Claudian and Domitian houses. But all was transitory, as the infant died in less than four months. Then fresh forms of adulation made their appearance, and she was voted the honour of deification, a place in the pulvinar, a temple, and a priest. The emperor, too, showed himself as incontinent in sorrow as in joy. It was noted that when the entire senate streamed towards Antium shortly after the birth, Thrasea, who was forbidden to attend, received the affront, prophetic of his impending slaughter, without emotion. Shortly afterwards, they say, came a remark of the Caesar, in which he boasted to Seneca that he was reconciled to Thrasea; and Seneca congratulated the Caesar: an incident which increased the fame, and the dangers, of those eminent men. <
15.60 \xa0The next killing, that of the consul designate Plautius Lateranus, was added by Nero to the list with such speed that he allowed him neither to embrace his children nor the usual moment\'s respite in which to choose his death. Dragged to the place reserved for the execution of slaves, he was slaughtered by the hand of the tribune Statius, resolutely silent and disdaining to reproach the tribune with his complicity in the same affair. There followed the murder of Annaeus Seneca, a joyful event to the sovereign: not that he had established his connection with the plot, but, as poison had not worked, he was anxious to proceed by the sword. Only Natalis, in fact, mentioned Seneca; nor did his statement go further than that he had been sent to visit him when sick and to make a complaint:â\x80\x94 "Why did he close his door on Piso? It would be better if they cultivated their friendship by meeting on intimate terms." Seneca\'s answer had been that "spoken exchanges and frequent interviews were to the advantage of neither; still, his own existence depended on the safety of Piso." Gavius Silvanus, tribune of a praetorian cohort, was instructed to take this report and ask Seneca if he admitted Natalis\' words and his own reply. By accident or design, Seneca that day had returned from Campania and broke his journey at one of his country-houses four miles out of Rome. Evening was near when the tribune arrived and surrounded the villa with pickets of soldiers: then he delivered the imperial message to the owner, who was dining with his wife Pompeia Paulina and two friends. < 15.61 \xa0Seneca rejoined that "Natalis had been sent to him, and had remonstrated in Piso\'s name against his refusal to receive his visits. By way of excuse, he had pleaded considerations of health and love of quiet. He had had no reason for ranking the security of a private person higher than his own safety, and his temper was not one which was quick to flattery: no one was better aware of that than Nero, who had more often experienced the frankness of Seneca than his servility." When the tribune made his report in the presence of Poppaea and Tigellinus â\x80\x94 the emperor\'s privy council in his ferocious moods â\x80\x94 Nero demanded if Seneca was preparing for a voluntary death. The officer then assured him that there were no evidences of alarm, and that he had not detected any sadness in his words or looks. He was therefore directed to go back and pronounce the death-sentence. Fabius Rusticus states that, instead of returning by the road he had come, the tribune went out of his way to the prefect Faenius, and, after recapitulating the Caesar\'s orders, asked if he should obey them; only to be advised by Faenius to carry them out. Fate had made cowards of them all. For Silvanus, too, was numbered with the plotters; and now he was engaged in adding to the crimes he had conspired to avenge. However, he was so far considerate of his voice and his eyes as to send one of his centurions in to Seneca, to announce the last necessity. < 15.62 \xa0Seneca, nothing daunted, asked for the tablets containing his will. The centurion refusing, he turned to his friends, and called them to witness that "as he was prevented from showing his gratitude for their services, he left them his sole but fairest possession â\x80\x94 the image of his life. If they bore it in mind, they would reap the reward of their loyal friendship in the credit accorded to virtuous accomplishments." At the same time, he recalled them from tears to fortitude, sometimes conversationally, sometimes in sterner, almost coercive tones. "Where," he asked, "were the maxims of your philosophy? Where that reasoned attitude towards impending evils which they had studied through so many years? For to whom had Nero\'s cruelty been unknown? Nor was anything left him, after the killing of his mother and his brother, but to add the murder of his guardian and preceptor." < 15.63 \xa0After these and some similar remarks, which might have been meant for a wider audience, he embraced his wife, and, softening momentarily in view of the terrors at present threatening her, begged her, conjured her, to moderate her grief â\x80\x94 not to take it upon her for ever, but in contemplating the life he had spent in virtue to find legitimate solace for the loss of her husband. Paulina replied by assuring him that she too had made death her choice, and she demanded her part in the executioner\'s stroke. Seneca, not wishing to stand in the way of her glory, and influenced also by his affection, that he might not leave the woman who enjoyed his whole-hearted love exposed to outrage, now said: "I\xa0had shown you the mitigations of life, you prefer the distinction of death: I\xa0shall not grudge your setting that example. May the courage of this brave ending be divided equally between us both, but may more of fame attend your own departure!" Aforesaid, they made the incision in their arms with a single cut. Seneca, since his aged body, emaciated further by frugal living, gave slow escape to the blood, severed as well the arteries in the leg and behind the knee. Exhausted by the racking pains, and anxious lest his sufferings might break down the spirit of his wife, and he himself lapse into weakness at the sight of her agony, he persuaded her to withdraw into another bedroom. And since, even at the last moment his eloquence remained at command, he called his secretaries, and dictated a long discourse, which has been given to the public in his own words, and which I\xa0therefore refrain from modifying. <' "15.64 \xa0Nero, however, who had no private animosity against Paulina, and did not wish to increase the odium of his cruelty, ordered her suicide to be arrested. Under instructions from the military, her slaves and freedmen bandaged her arms and checked the bleeding â\x80\x94 whether without her knowledge is uncertain. For, with the usual readiness of the multitude to think the worst, there were those who believed that, so long as she feared an implacable Nero, she had sought the credit of sharing her husband's fate, and then, when a milder prospect offered itself, had succumbed to the blandishments of life. To that life she added a\xa0few more years â\x80\x94 laudably faithful to her husband's memory and blanched in face and limb to a pallor which showed how great had been the drain upon her vital powers. Seneca, in the meantime, as death continued to be protracted and slow, asked Statius Annaeus, who had long held his confidence as a loyal friend and a skilful doctor, to produce the poison â\x80\x94 it had been provided much earlier â\x80\x94 which was used for despatching prisoners condemned by the public tribunal of Athens. It was brought, and he swallowed it, but to no purpose; his limbs were already cold, and his system closed to the action of the drug. In the last resort, he entered a vessel of heated water, sprinkling some on the slaves nearest, with the remark that he offered the liquid as a drink-offering to Jove the Liberator. He was then lifted into a bath, suffocated by the vapour, and cremated without ceremony. It was the order he had given in his will, at a time when, still at the zenith of his wealth and power, he was already taking thought for his latter end. <" "
16.34 \xa0The consul's quaestor was then sent to Thrasea: he was spending the time in his gardens, and the day was already closing in for evening. He had brought together a large party of distinguished men and women, his chief attention been given to Demetrius, a master of the Cynic creed; with whom â\x80\x94 to judge from his serious looks and the few words which caught the ear, when they chanced to raise their voices â\x80\x94 he was debating the nature of the soul and the divorce of spirit and body. At last, Domitius Caecilianus, an intimate friend, arrived, and informed him of the decision reached by the senate. Accordingly, among the tears and expostulations of the company, Thrasea urged them to leave quickly, without linking their own hazardous lot to the fate of a condemned man. Arria, who aspired to follow her husband's ending and the precedent set by her mother and namesake, he advised to keep her life and not deprive the child of their union of her one support. <" '16.35 \xa0He now walked on to the colonnade; where the quaestor found him nearer to joy than to sorrow, because he had ascertained that Helvidius, his son-inâ\x80\x91law, was merely debarred from Italy. Then, taking the decree of the senate, he led Helvidius and Demetrius into his bedroom, offered the arteries of both arms to the knife, and, when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it upon the ground, and called the quaestor nearer: "We are making a libation," he said, "to Jove the Liberator. Look, young man, and â\x80\x94 may Heaven, indeed, avert the omen, but you have been born into times now it is expedient to steel the mind with instances of firmness." Soon, as the slowness of his end brought excruciating pain, turning his gaze upon Demetrius\xa0.\xa0.\xa0.'' None
|35. Tacitus, Histories, 3.51.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla, in Tacitus • exempla, role in Roman culture
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 60
3.51.2 \xa0I\xa0have it from the best authorities that the victors had come to disregard the difference between right and wrong so completely that a common soldier declared that he had killed his brother in the last battle and actually asked the generals for a reward. The common dictates of humanity did not permit them to honour such a murder or military policy to punish it. They put off the soldier on the ground that he deserved a reward greater than could be repaid at once; nor is anything further told concerning the case. And yet a similar crime had happened in civil war before. In the struggle against Cinna on the Janiculum, as Sisenna relates, one of Pompey's soldiers killed his own brother and then, on realizing his crime, committed suicide. So much livelier among our ancestors was repentance for guilt as well as glory in virtuous action. Such deeds as this and others like them, drawn from our earlier history, I\xa0shall not improperly insert in my work whenever the theme or situation demands examples of the right or solace for the wrong."" None
|36. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), similarity • exemplum/exemplarity
Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 104
|37. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus/Octavian, and Forum Augustum exempla • exemplum/exempla
Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 157; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 117, 154
|38. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dreams and visions, examples, Apollonius Rhodius • Dreams and visions, examples, Suetonius • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation
Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 145, 424; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 200
|39. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • material commemoration of exempla, statue of Lucius Silanus
Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 248; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 68
|40. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • epic, exempla from • exempla • exempla and exemplarity
Found in books: Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 396, 397
|41. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, use of exempla • archetypal exemplum, the • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 319, 320; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 20
|42. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Moral exempla • exemplum
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 459, 609; Tite (2009), Valentinian Ethics and Paraenetic Discourse: Determining the Social Function of Moral Exhortation in Valentinian Christianity, 199
|43. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, Value of examples • Examples, value of • Exempla, teacher as model • examples (i.e. paradigm) • examples (i.e. paradigm), comparative/parallel • examples (i.e. paradigm), the subjects as
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 40, 53, 100; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 297
|44. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.30.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dreams and visions, examples, Graeco-Roman dreams, other • Dreams and visions, examples, Popular, personal, therapeutic • Dreams and visions, examples, Rabbinic literature • exempla
Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 192; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 138
1.30.3 Ἀκαδημίας δὲ οὐ πόρρω Πλάτωνος μνῆμά ἐστιν, ᾧ προεσήμαινεν ὁ θεὸς ἄριστον τὰ ἐς φιλοσοφίαν ἔσεσθαι· προεσήμαινε δὲ οὕτω. Σωκράτης τῇ προτέρᾳ νυκτὶ ἢ Πλάτων ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαί οἱ μαθητὴς ἐσπτῆναί οἱ κύκνον ἐς τὸν κόλπον εἶδεν ὄνειρον· ἔστι δὲ κύκνῳ τῷ ὄρνιθι μουσικῆς δόξα, ὅτι Λιγύων τῶν Ἠριδανοῦ πέραν ὑπὲρ γῆς τῆς Κελτικῆς Κύκνον ἄνδρα μουσικὸν γενέσθαι βασιλέα φασί, τελευτήσαντα δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος γνώμῃ μεταβαλεῖν λέγουσιν αὐτὸν ἐς τὸν ὄρνιθα. ἐγὼ δὲ βασιλεῦσαι μὲν πείθομαι Λίγυσιν ἄνδρα μουσικόν, γενέσθαι δέ μοι ἄπιστον ὄρνιθα ἀπʼ ἀνδρός.'' None
1.30.3 Not far from the Academy is the monument of Plato, to whom heaven foretold that he would be the prince of philosophers. The manner of the foretelling was this. On the night before Plato was to become his pupil Socrates in a dream saw a swan fly into his bosom. Now the swan is a bird with a reputation for music, because, they say, a musician of the name of Swan became king of the Ligyes on the other side of the Eridanus beyond the Celtic territory, and after his death by the will of Apollo he was changed into the bird. I am ready to believe that a musician became king of the Ligyes, but I cannot believe that a bird grew out of a man.'' None
|45. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • First movements, Expounded by Seneca, perhaps earlier by Cicero, but examples in Aristotle and (possibly) Chrysippus not yet recognized as such • emotions, examples of
Found in books: Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 237; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 122
|46. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Double dreams and visions, examples, Hellenistic and Roman Fiction • Dreams and visions, examples, Hellenistic and Roman Fiction • myth (mythos), as exemplum of
Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 256, 474; Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 64
|47. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican • exemplum, exempla
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 328; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 175
|48. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.6, 28.4, 31.16.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Rome, and exempla • exempla • exempla, in Ammianus
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 235; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 65, 81
31.16.9 These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge For procudere, cf. xv. 2, 8 ( ingenium ); xxx. 4, 13 ( ora ); Horace, Odes, iv. 15, 19. their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera, covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum Apparently for Scyrorum (Scirorum), Exc. § 37. et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus.' ' None
|49. Augustine, The City of God, 2.18, 4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), Roman • exempla (rhetoric), Sallust • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla, as vividly rendered icons of devotion • history, and exempla
Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 163; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 65; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 70, 71
2.18 I will therefore pause, and adduce the testimony of Sallust himself, whose words in praise of the Romans (that equity and virtue prevailed among them not more by force of laws than of nature) have given occasion to this discussion. He was referring to that period immediately after the expulsion of the kings, in which the city became great in an incredibly short space of time. And yet this same writer acknowledges in the first book of his history, in the very exordium of his work, that even at that time, when a very brief interval had elapsed after the government had passed from kings to consuls, the more powerful men began to act unjustly, and occasioned the defection of the people from the patricians, and other disorders in the city. For after Sallust had stated that the Romans enjoyed greater harmony and a purer state of society between the second and third Punic wars than at any other time, and that the cause of this was not their love of good order, but their fear lest the peace they had with Carthage might be broken (this also, as we mentioned, Nasica contemplated when he opposed the destruction of Carthage, for he supposed that fear would tend to repress wickedness, and to preserve wholesome ways of living), he then goes on to say: Yet, after the destruction of Carthage, discord, avarice, ambition, and the other vices which are commonly generated by prosperity, more than ever increased. If they increased, and that more than ever, then already they had appeared, and had been increasing. And so Sallust adds this reason for what he said. For, he says, the oppressive measures of the powerful, and the consequent secessions of the plebs from the patricians, and other civil dissensions, had existed from the first, and affairs were administered with equity and well-tempered justice for no longer a period than the short time after the expulsion of the kings, while the city was occupied with the serious Tuscan war and Tarquin's vengeance. You see how, even in that brief period after the expulsion of the kings, fear, he acknowledges, was the cause of the interval of equity and good order. They were afraid, in fact, of the war which Tarquin waged against them, after he had been driven from the throne and the city, and had allied himself with the Tuscans. But observe what he adds: After that, the patricians treated the people as their slaves, ordering them to be scourged or beheaded just as the kings had done, driving them from their holdings, and harshly tyrannizing over those who had no property to lose. The people, overwhelmed by these oppressive measures, and most of all by exorbitant usury, and obliged to contribute both money and personal service to the constant wars, at length took arms and seceded to Mount Aventine and Mount Sacer, and thus obtained for themselves tribunes and protective laws. But it was only the second Punic war that put an end on both sides to discord and strife. You see what kind of men the Romans were, even so early as a few years after the expulsion of the kings; and it is of these men he says, that equity and virtue prevailed among them not more by force of law than of nature. Now, if these were the days in which the Roman republic shows fairest and best, what are we to say or think of the succeeding age, when, to use the words of the same historian, changing little by little from the fair and virtuous city it was, it became utterly wicked and dissolute? This was, as he mentions, after the destruction of Carthage. Sallust's brief sum and sketch of this period may be read in his own history, in which he shows how the profligate manners which were propagated by prosperity resulted at last even in civil wars. He says: And from this time the primitive manners, instead of undergoing an insensible alteration as hitherto they had done, were swept away as by a torrent: the young men were so depraved by luxury and avarice, that it may justly be said that no father had a son who could either preserve his own patrimony, or keep his hands off other men's. Sallust adds a number of particulars about the vices of Sylla, and the debased condition of the republic in general; and other writers make similar observations, though in much less striking language. However, I suppose you now see, or at least any one who gives his attention has the means of seeing, in what a sink of iniquity that city was plunged before the advent of our heavenly King. For these things happened not only before Christ had begun to teach, but before He was even born of the Virgin. If, then, they dare not impute to their gods the grievous evils of those former times, more tolerable before the destruction of Carthage, but intolerable and dreadful after it, although it was the gods who by their malign craft instilled into the minds of men the conceptions from which such dreadful vices branched out on all sides, why do they impute these present calamities to Christ, who teaches life-giving truth, and forbids us to worship false and deceitful gods, and who, abominating and condemning with His divine authority those wicked and hurtful lusts of men, gradually withdraws His own people from a world that is corrupted by these vices, and is falling into ruins, to make of them an eternal city, whose glory rests not on the acclamations of vanity, but on the judgment of truth? " 4.2 We had promised, then, that we would say something against those who attribute the calamities of the Roman republic to our religion, and that we would recount the evils, as many and great as we could remember or might deem sufficient, which that city, or the provinces belonging to its empire, had suffered before their sacrifices were prohibited, all of which would beyond doubt have been attributed to us, if our religion had either already shone on them, or had thus prohibited their sacrilegious rites. These things we have, as we think, fully disposed of in the second and third books, treating in the second of evils in morals, which alone or chiefly are to be accounted evils; and in the third, of those which only fools dread to undergo - namely, those of the body or of outward things - which for the most part the good also suffer. But those evils by which they themselves become evil, they take, I do not say patiently, but with pleasure. And how few evils have I related concerning that one city and its empire! Not even all down to the time of C sar Augustus. What if I had chosen to recount and enlarge on those evils, not which men have inflicted on each other; such as the devastations and destructions of war, but which happen in earthly things, from the elements of the world itself. of such evils Apuleius speaks briefly in one passage of that book which he wrote, De Mundo, saying that all earthly things are subject to change, overthrow, and destruction. For, to use his own words, by excessive earthquakes the ground has burst asunder, and cities with their inhabitants have been clean destroyed: by sudden rains whole regions have been washed away; those also which formerly had been continents, have been insulated by strange and new-come waves, and others, by the subsiding of the sea, have been made passable by the foot of man: by winds and storms cities have been overthrown; fires have flashed forth from the clouds, by which regions in the East being burnt up have perished; and on the western coasts the like destructions have been caused by the bursting forth of waters and floods. So, formerly, from the lofty craters of Etna, rivers of fire kindled by God have flowed like a torrent down the steeps. If I had wished to collect from history wherever I could, these and similar instances, where should I have finished what happened even in those times before the name of Christ had put down those of their idols, so vain and hurtful to true salvation? I promised that I should also point out which of their customs, and for what cause, the true God, in whose power all kingdoms are, had deigned to favor to the enlargement of their empire; and how those whom they think gods can have profited them nothing, but much rather hurt them by deceiving and beguiling them; so that it seems to me I must now speak of these things, and chiefly of the increase of the Roman empire. For I have already said not a little, especially in the second book, about the many evils introduced into their manners by the hurtful deceits of the demons whom they worshipped as gods. But throughout all the three books already completed, where it appeared suitable, we have set forth how much succor God, through the name of Christ, to whom the barbarians beyond the custom of war paid so much honor, has bestowed on the good and bad, according as it is written, Who makes His sun to rise on the good and the evil, and gives rain to the just and the unjust. Matthew 24:45 '" None
|50. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Basil of Caesarea, on exempla • exempla • exempla and typology, Augustine reimagining exemplarity • exempla and typology, Orosius Historiae, exemplarity in • exempla, loss of historical detail in
Found in books: Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 416, 417; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 55; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 73, 74
|51. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None
Tagged with subjects: • Exempla and exemplarity • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • exempla • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exempla, loss of historical detail in • exemplum, and “fit” • exemplum, category vs. instance • exemplum/exempla • moral learning from exempla
Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 101, 102, 103; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 157; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 89, 283; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 9, 50, 101, 103, 126, 179, 215; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 57, 62, 66; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 214, 215, 220, 221
|1.1.8 No wonder then that the indulgence of the gods was so great in preserving and increasing their empire: for such a scrupulous care seemed to examine the smallest details of religion, so that our city is to be thought never to have had her eyes off from the most exact worship of the gods. And therefore when Marcellus, five times consul, having taken Clastidium, and after that Syracuse, would have in performance of his vows, erected a temple to Honour and Virtue, he was opposed by the college of pontiffs, who denied that one shrine could be rightly dedicated to two gods. For if any prodigy should happen, it would remain doubtful to which deity should be made address: nor was it the custom to sacrifice at once to two deities, unless in some particular cases. Upon which admonition of the pontiffs, Marcellus in two separate temples set up the images of Honour and Virtue; whereby it came to pass, that neither the authority of so great a man was any hindrance to the college, nor the addition of expense any impediment to Marcellus, but that all justice and observation was given to religion. 1.1.14 But as to those things which concern the observation of religion, I know not whether Atilius Regulus has not excelled all that ever went before him. Instead of a famous conqueror being now made a captive, through the wiles and ambuscades of Hasdrubal and Xanthippus the Lacedaemonian, he was sent to the senate and people of Rome, to try if he could get himself - being but one, and old - redeemed for several young and noble Carthaginians. When he came, he advised the senate to the contrary, and went back to Carthage, well knowing to what, cruel and inveterate enemies he returned; but he had sworn so to do, if he could not obtain the release of their captives. Surely the immortal gods had reason to have mitigated their fury; but that the glory of Atilius might be the greater, they permitted the Carthagians to take their own inhumane courses - as those who in the Third Punic War would severely recompense the death of so noble a soul with the destruction of their city. 3.2.1 When the Etruscans made an incursion into the city over the Sublician Bridge, Horatius Cocles defended the further end of it, and with an indefatigable fight withstood the whole body and force of the enemy, till the bridge was broken behind him; and when he saw his country freed from imminent danger, he flung himself armed into the Tiber. The immortal gods, in admiration for his courage, rewarded him with a safe retreat, so that he was neither hurt with the height of the fall, nor pressed down by the weight of his armour, nor swept away by the current of the river, nor touched by the missiles that flew upon every side of him. And thereby he drew the eyes of all his fellow-citizens and of all his enemies upon his own single person; the one struck with admiration, the other in a trance between joy and fear. And he alone separated two great armies that were closely engaged, repelling the one, and defending the other. And lastly, by his single strength he was as great a guard to our city with his shield, as the Tiber was with its stream. And therefore the Etruscans as they departed might well say that they had vanquished the Romans, but were defeated by Horatius alone. 3.2.2 Cloelia makes me almost forgetful of my purpose; she dared a most noble enterprise at the same time, against the same enemy, and in the same Tiber. For being given as hostage among other maidens to Porsenna, she escaped the guards in the night-time, and getting a horse, she quickly reached the river which she swam over; freeing her country not only from a siege, but from fear of danger - a girl, holding out a light of virtue to men. 3.2.3 I now return to Romulus, who being challenged to combat by Acro king of the Caeninenses, though he believed himself superior both in the number and the courage of his soldiers, and that it was safer for him to fight with his whole army than in single combat, yet preferred with his own right hand to seize the omen of victory. Nor did fortune fail his undertaking; for having slain Acro, and vanquished his enemies, he brought away rich spoils and trophies, which he offered to Jupiter Feretrius. About this let these words suffice: for virtue consecrated by public religion, needs no private praise.' "4.7.2 In the same family equally powerful examples of friendship arise. For when the plots and enterprises of C. Gracchus were utterly defeated and all his conspiracy brought to light, he was deserted of all assistance, except for his two friends Pomponius and Laetorius, who by interposing their own bodies, protected him from the missiles that fell around him. And of these two, Pomponius, so that Gracchus might more easily escape, withstood a whole body of soldiers that eagerly pursued him at the Trigeminal Gate; nor could he be moved while he lived, till at length having received many wounds, he fell, and (though I am apt to believe unwillingly) was forced to permit them passage over his dead body. Laetorius made a stand upon the Sublician Bridge, and till Gracchus had passed over guarded it with the passion of his courage, till at length overpowered by the multitude, turning his sword upon himself, he made a nimble leap into Tiber, and so perished, showing that kindness to the friendship of one person by his voluntary death, which Horatius Cocles, in the same place, had shown to his whole country. What renowned soldiers might the Gracchi have had, if they had followed the courses which their father or mother's father had done! With what a courageous fury might Blossius, Pomponius and Laetorius have assisted them in the gaining trophies and triumphs, the brave associates of such wild enterprises! By taking part in an inauspicious friendship, as how much the more miserable, also so much are they the more certain examples of a generous loyalty." ' None|
|52. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.203, 1.282, 1.292-1.293, 1.364, 2.237-2.238, 2.361-2.362, 2.796, 3.96, 3.616, 9.641, 10.1-10.84, 10.86-10.95
Tagged with subjects: • Basil of Caesarea, on exempla • Dreams and visions, examples, Apollonius Rhodius • Dreams and visions, examples, Hellenistic and Roman Fiction • Dreams and visions, examples, Vergil • Hypsipyle, as female exemplum of pietas • Valerius Flaccus, G., exempla/exemplarity • Vergil (P. Vergilius Maro), exempla/exemplarity • emotions, examples of • exempla • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican • exempla and typology, Augustine reimagining exemplarity • exempla and typology, Orosius Historiae, exemplarity in • exempla, positive • exempla/exemplar • exempla/exemplarity • exemplum/example(s)
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 63, 69, 71, 138; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 110, 214, 263; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 416, 417; Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 242; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 368; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 316, 322; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 255, 430, 431, 432; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 163; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 10, 66, 72; van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 181
1.203 mittite: forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit.
1.282 Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam:
1.292 cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus, 1.293 iura dabunt; dirae ferro et compagibus artis
1.364 Pygmalionis opes pelago; dux femina facti.
2.237 intendunt: scandit fatalis machina muros, 2.238 feta armis. Pueri circum innuptaeque puellae
2.361 Quis cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando 2.362 explicet, aut possit lacrimis aequare labores?
3.96 accipiet reduces. Antiquam exquirite matrem:
3.616 Hic me, dum trepidi crudelia limina linquunt,
9.641 Macte nova virtute, puer: sic itur ad astra,
10.1 Panditur interea domus omnipotentis Olympi, 10.2 conciliumque vocat divom pater atque hominum rex 10.3 sideream in sedem, terras unde arduus omnis 10.4 castraque Dardanidum adspectat populosque Latinos. 10.5 Considunt tectis bipatentibus, incipit ipse: 10.6 Caelicolae magni, quianam sententia vobis 10.7 versa retro tantumque animis certatis iniquis? 10.8 Abnueram bello Italiam concurrere Teucris. 10.9 Quae contra vetitum discordia? Quis metus aut hos
10.10 aut hos arma sequi ferrumque lacessere suasit?
10.11 Adveniet iustum pugnae, ne arcessite, tempus,
10.12 cum fera Karthago Romanis arcibus olim
10.13 exitium magnum atque Alpes immittet apertas:
10.14 tum certare odiis, tum res rapuisse licebit.
10.15 Nunc sinite et placitum laeti componite foedus.
10.16 Iuppiter haec paucis; at non Venus aurea contra
10.17 pauca refert:
10.18 O pater, O hominum rerumque aeterna potestas!
10.19 Namque aliud quid sit, quod iam implorare queamus? 10.20 Cernis ut insultent Rutulli Turnusque
10.22 Marte ruat? Non clausa tegunt iam moenia Teucros: 10.23 quin intra portas atque ipsis proelia miscent 10.24 aggeribus moerorum et inundant sanguine fossas. 10.25 Aeneas ignarus abest. Numquamne levari 10.26 obsidione sines? Muris iterum imminet hostis 10.27 nascentis Troiae 10.28 atque iterum in Teucros Aetolis surgit ab Arpis 10.29 Tydides. Equidem credo, mea volnera restant 10.30 et tua progenies mortalia demoror arma. 10.31 Si sine pace tua atque invito numine Troes 10.32 Italiam petiere, luant peccata neque illos 10.33 iuveris auxilio; sin tot responsa secuti, 10.34 quae superi manesque dabant: cur nunc tua quisquam 10.35 vertere iussa potest aut cur nova condere fata? 10.36 Quid repetem exustas Erycino in litore classes, 10.37 quid tempestatum regem ventosque furentis 10.38 Aeolia excitos aut actam nubibus Irim? 10.39 Nunc etiam manis, haec intemptata manebat 10.40 sors rerum, movet et superis immissa repente 10.41 Allecto, medias Italum bacchata per urbes. 10.42 Nil super imperio moveor: speravimus ista, 10.43 dum fortuna fuit; vincant quos vincere mavis. 10.44 Si nulla est regio, Teucris quam det tua coniunx 10.45 dura, per eversae, genitor, fumantia Troiae 10.46 exscidia obtestor, liceat dimittere ab armis 10.47 incolumem Ascanium, liceat superesse nepotem. 10.48 Aeneas sane ignotis iactetur in undis 10.49 et, quamcumque viam dederit Fortuna, sequatur: 10.50 hunc tegere et dirae valeam subducere pugnae. 10.51 Est Amathus, est celsa mihi Paphus atque Cythera 10.52 Idaliaeque domus: positis inglorius armis 10.53 exigat hic aevum. Magna dicione iubeto 10.54 Karthago premat Ausoniam: nihil urbibus inde 10.55 obstabit Tyriis. Quid pestem evadere belli 10.56 iuvit et Argolicos medium fugisse per ignes 10.57 totque maris vastaeque exhausta pericula terrae, 10.58 dum Latium Teucri recidivaque Pergama quaerunt? 10.59 Non satius cineres patriae insedisse supremos 10.60 atque solum, quo Troia fuit? Xanthum et Simoenta 10.61 redde, oro, miseris iterumque revolvere casus 10.62 da, pater, Iliacos Teucris. 10.63 acta furore gravi: Quid me alta silentia cogis 10.64 rumpere et obductum verbis volgare dolorem? 10.65 Aenean hominum quisquam divomque subegit 10.66 bella sequi aut hostem regi se inferre Latino? 10.67 Italiam petiit fatis auctoribus, esto, 10.68 Cassandrae inpulsus furiis: num linquere castra 10.69 hortati sumus aut vitam committere ventis? 10.70 Num puero summam belli, num credere muros 10.71 Tyrrhenamque fidem, aut gentis agitare quietas? 10.72 Quis deus in fraudem, quae dura potentia nostra 10.73 egit? Ubi hic Iuno demissave nubibus Iris? 10.74 Indignum est Italos Troiam circumdare flammis 10.75 nascentem et patria Turnum consistere terra, 10.76 cui Pilumnus avus, cui diva Venilia mater: 10.77 quid face Troianos atra vim ferre Latinis, 10.78 arva aliena iugo premere atque avertere praedas? 10.79 Quid soceros legere et gremiis abducere pactas, 10.80 pacem orare manu, praefigere puppibus arma? 10.81 Tu potes Aenean manibus subducere Graium 10.82 proque viro nebulam et ventos obtendere iis, 10.83 tu potes in totidem classem convertere nymphas: 10.84 nos aliquid Rutulos contra iuvisse nefandum est?
10.86 Est Paphus Idaliumque tibi, sunt alta Cythera: 10.87 quid gravidam bellis urbem et corda aspera temptas? 10.88 Nosne tibi fluxas Phrygiae res vertere fundo 10.89 conamur, nos, an miseros qui Troas Achivis 10.90 obiecit? Quae causa fuit, consurgere in arma 10.91 Europamque Asiamque et foedera solvere furto? 10.92 Me duce Dardanius Spartam expugnavit adulter, 10.93 aut ego tela dedi fovive cupidine bella? 10.94 Tum decuit metuisse tuis: nunc sera querelis 10.95 haud iustis adsurgis et inrita iurgia iactas.' ' None
1.203 (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then
1.282 Now round the welcome trophies of his chase ' "
1.292 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows " '1.293 whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, ' "
1.364 the winter o'er Rutulia's vanquished hills. " 2.237 and favoring Pallas all her grace withdrew. 2.238 No dubious sign she gave. Scarce had they set
2.361 the son of Peleus, came, and Acamas, 2.362 King Menelaus, Thoas and Machaon,
3.96 new milk was sprinkled from a foaming cup,
3.616 who from beneath the hollow scarped crag
9.641 Tumultuously shouting, they impaled
10.1 Meanwhile Olympus, seat of sovereign sway, 10.2 threw wide its portals, and in conclave fair 10.3 the Sire of gods and King of all mankind ' "10.4 ummoned th' immortals to his starry court, " '10.5 whence, high-enthroned, the spreading earth he views— ' "10.6 and Teucria's camp and Latium 's fierce array. " '10.7 Beneath the double-gated dome the gods 10.8 were sitting; Jove himself the silence broke: 10.9 “O people of Olympus, wherefore change
10.10 your purpose and decree, with partial minds
10.11 in mighty strife contending? I refused ' "
10.12 uch clash of war 'twixt Italy and Troy . " 10.13 Whence this forbidden feud? What fears
10.14 educed to battles and injurious arms ' "
10.15 either this folk or that? Th' appointed hour " 10.16 for war shall be hereafter—speed it not!—
10.17 When cruel Carthage to the towers of Rome
10.18 hall bring vast ruin, streaming fiercely down
10.19 the opened Alp. Then hate with hate shall vie, ' "10.20 and havoc have no bound. Till then, give o'er, " '10.22 Thus briefly, Jove. But golden Venus made 10.23 less brief reply. “O Father, who dost hold ' "10.24 o'er Man and all things an immortal sway! " '10.25 of what high throne may gods the aid implore 10.26 ave thine? Behold of yonder Rutuli ' "10.27 th' insulting scorn! Among them Turnus moves " '10.28 in chariot proud, and boasts triumphant war 10.29 in mighty words. Nor do their walls defend 10.30 my Teucrians now. But in their very gates, 10.31 and on their mounded ramparts, in close fight 10.32 they breast their foes and fill the moats with blood. 10.33 Aeneas knows not, and is far away. ' "10.34 Will ne'er the siege have done? A second time " "10.35 above Troy 's rising walls the foe impends; " '10.36 another host is gathered, and once more 10.37 from his Aetolian Arpi wrathful speeds 10.38 a Diomed. I doubt not that for me 10.39 wounds are preparing. Yea, thy daughter dear 10.40 awaits a mortal sword! If by thy will 10.41 unblest and unapproved the Trojans came 10.42 to Italy, for such rebellious crime 10.43 give them their due, nor lend them succor, thou, 10.44 with thy strong hand! But if they have obeyed 10.45 unnumbered oracles from gods above 10.46 and sacred shades below, who now has power 10.47 to thwart thy bidding, or to weave anew 10.48 the web of Fate? Why speak of ships consumed 10.49 along my hallowed Erycinian shore? 10.50 Or of the Lord of Storms, whose furious blasts 10.51 were summoned from Aeolia ? Why tell 10.52 of Iris sped from heaven? Now she moves 10.53 the region of the shades (one kingdom yet 10.54 from her attempt secure) and thence lets loose 10.55 Alecto on the world above, who strides ' "10.56 in frenzied wrath along th' Italian hills. " '10.57 No more my heart now cherishes its hope 10.58 of domination, though in happier days 10.59 uch was thy promise. Let the victory fall 10.60 to victors of thy choice! If nowhere lies 10.61 the land thy cruel Queen would deign accord 10.62 unto the Teucrian people,—O my sire, 10.63 I pray thee by yon smouldering wreck of Troy 10.64 to let Ascanius from the clash of arms 10.65 escape unscathed. Let my own offspring live! 10.66 Yea, let Aeneas, tossed on seas unknown, 10.67 find some chance way; let my right hand avail 10.68 to shelter him and from this fatal war 10.69 in safety bring. For Amathus is mine, 10.70 mine are Cythera and the Paphian hills 10.71 and temples in Idalium . Let him drop 10.72 the sword, and there live out inglorious days. 10.73 By thy decree let Carthage overwhelm ' "10.74 Ausonia's power; nor let defence be found " '10.75 to stay the Tyrian arms! What profits it 10.76 that he escaped the wasting plague of war 10.77 and fled Argolic fires? or that he knew 10.78 o many perils of wide wilderness 10.79 and waters rude? The Teucrians seek in vain 10.80 new-born Troy in Latium . Better far ' "10.81 crouched on their country's ashes to abide, " '10.82 and keep that spot of earth where once was Troy ! 10.83 Give back, O Father, I implore thee, give ' "10.84 Xanthus and Simois back! Let Teucer's sons " 10.86 Then sovereign Juno, flushed with solemn scorn, 10.87 made answer. “Dost thou bid me here profane 10.88 the silence of my heart, and gossip forth 10.89 of secret griefs? What will of god or man 10.90 impelled Aeneas on his path of war, 10.91 or made him foeman of the Latin King? 10.92 Fate brought him to Italia ? Be it so! ' "10.93 Cassandra's frenzy he obeyed. What voice — " '10.94 ay, was it mine?—urged him to quit his camp, 10.95 risk life in storms, or trust his war, his walls, ' ' None
|53. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hypsipyle, as female exemplum of pietas • Valerius Flaccus, G., exempla/exemplarity • exempla/exemplar • exempla/exemplarity
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 67, 74, 75, 76; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 269; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 147, 148, 149, 158