1. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Homer, as exemplum in Epistle • exempla
Found in books: Bowditch (2001) 202, 203, 204, 205; Mawford and Ntanou (2021) 158
|
2. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Moral exempla • emotions, examples of
Found in books: Graver (2007) 232; Tite (2009) 162
|
3. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exemplum, • exemplum/exempla,
Found in books: Bowie (2021) 742; Marincola et al (2021) 213
|
4. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • examples,
Found in books: Atkins and Bénatouïl (2021) 170; Langlands (2018) 281
| 2.65. \xa0Your school pronounces him a happy man, at least your theory requires you to do so. But I\xa0place above him â\x80\x94 I\xa0do not venture to say whom: Virtue herself shall speak for me, and she will not hesitate to rank Marcus Regulus higher than this typically happy man, as you would call him. Regulus, of his own free will and under no compulsion except that of a promise given to an enemy, returned from his native land to Carthage; yet Virtue proclaims that when he had done so he was happier while tormented with sleeplessness and hunger than Thorius carousing on his couch of roses. Regulus had fought great wars, had twice been consul, had celebrated a triumph; yet all his earlier exploits he counted less great and glorious than that final disaster, which he chose to undergo for the sake of honour and of self-respect; a\xa0pitiable end, as it seems to us who hear of it, but full of pleasure for him who endured it. It is not merriment and wantonness, nor laughter or jesting, the comrade of frivolity, that make men happy; those are happy, often in sadness, whose wills are strong and true. <''. None |
|
5. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • examples,
Found in books: Atkins and Bénatouïl (2021) 170; Langlands (2018) 281
2.65. hunc vos vos ABE u R vero V uo (= vero) N sed ab alt. man. et post o ras. I litt. beatum; ratio quidem vestra sic cogit. at ego cogit. At ego Bentl. cogitat ego (cogitat. ego) quem huic anteponam non audeo dicere; dicet pro me ipsa virtus nec dubitabit isti vestro beato M. Regulum anteponere, quem quidem, cum sua voluntate, nulla vi coactus praeter fidem, quam dederat hosti, ex patria Karthaginem revertisset, tum ipsum, tum ipsum dett. eum ipsum cum vigiliis et fame cruciaretur, clamat virtus beatiorem fuisse quam potantem in rosa Thorium. bella rosa Thorium. bella VN 2 rosa. torius (Thorius E) bella ABER et fort. N 1 magna gesserat, bis consul fuerat, triumpharat nec tamen sua illa superiora sua illa superiora illa sua superiora BE illa superiora R tam magna neque tam praeclara ducebat quam illum ultimum casum, quem propter fidem constantiamque susceperat, qui nobis miserabilis videtur audientibus, illi perpetienti erat voluptarius. voluptarius (p ex corr. man. alt. ) N voluntarius non enim hilaritate nec lascivia nec risu aut ioco, comite levitatis, saepe etiam tristes firmitate et constantia sunt beati.''. None | 2.65. \xa0Your school pronounces him a happy man, at least your theory requires you to do so. But I\xa0place above him â\x80\x94 I\xa0do not venture to say whom: Virtue herself shall speak for me, and she will not hesitate to rank Marcus Regulus higher than this typically happy man, as you would call him. Regulus, of his own free will and under no compulsion except that of a promise given to an enemy, returned from his native land to Carthage; yet Virtue proclaims that when he had done so he was happier while tormented with sleeplessness and hunger than Thorius carousing on his couch of roses. Regulus had fought great wars, had twice been consul, had celebrated a triumph; yet all his earlier exploits he counted less great and glorious than that final disaster, which he chose to undergo for the sake of honour and of self-respect; a\xa0pitiable end, as it seems to us who hear of it, but full of pleasure for him who endured it. It is not merriment and wantonness, nor laughter or jesting, the comrade of frivolity, that make men happy; those are happy, often in sadness, whose wills are strong and true. <''. None |
|
6. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • exempla • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • historicity, of Vitruvian exempla
Found in books: Bua (2019) 299; Oksanish (2019) 81; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 147; Van Nuffelen (2012) 74
|
7. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, use of exempla • exempla • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican
Found in books: Keane (2015) 101, 107; König and Whitton (2018) 305, 306
|
8. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Scholia, comments on Cicero’s use of exempla • material commemoration of exempla, statues in forum of Augustus
Found in books: Bua (2019) 316; Langlands (2018) 239
|
9. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chrysippus, uses examples from literature • First movements, Expounded by Seneca, perhaps earlier by Cicero, but examples in Aristotle and (possibly) Chrysippus not yet recognized as such • emotions, examples of • exempla • poetry, as source of examples
Found in books: Graver (2007) 233, 237, 241, 244; Merz and Tieleman (2012) 198; Sorabji (2000) 70
|
10. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus/Octavian, and Forum Augustum exempla • exempla • exempla, social function of • exemplum, exempla • hegemony, exempla as tools of
Found in books: Langlands (2018) 71; Oksanish (2019) 68; Roller (2018) 154; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 259; Tuori (2016) 97
|
11. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • collective suicide in antiquity, examples of • diversity among exempla • exempla, as rhetorical device • exempla, in Livy • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exempla, social function of • moral learning from exempla
Found in books: Cohen (2010) 135; Davies (2004) 102, 126, 137; Langlands (2018) 74, 115; Mueller (2002) 215
|
12. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exemplum (from mythology) • myth (mythos), as exemplum of
Found in books: Mayor (2017) 162; Pinheiro et al (2012a) 131
|
13. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.28.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exempla, teacher as model • emotions, examples of
Found in books: Graver (2007) 240; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021) 298
| 1.28.33. WHAT is the cause of assenting to any thing? The fact that it appears to be true. It is not possible then to assent to that which appears not to be true. Why? Because this is the nature of the understanding, to incline to the true, to be dissatisfied with the false, and in matters uncertain to withhold assent. What is the proof of this? Imagine (persuade yourself), if you can, that it is now night. It is not possible. Take away your persuasion that it is day. It is not possible. Persuade yourself or take away your persuasion that the stars are even in number. It is impossible. When then any man assents to that which is false, be assured that he did not intend to assent to it as false, for every soul is unwillingly deprived of the truth, as Plato says; but the falsity seemed to him to be true. Well, in acts what have we of the like kind as we have here truth or falsehood? We have the fit and the not fit (duty and not duty), the profitable and the unprofitable, that which is suitable to a person and that which is not, and whatever is like these. Can then a man think that a thing is useful to him and not choose it? He cannot. How says Medea?— Tis true I know what evil I shall do, But passion overpowers the better counsel. She thought that to indulge her passion and take vengeance on her husband was more profitable than to spare her children. It was so; but she was deceived. Show her plainly that she is deceived, and she will not do it; but so long as you do not show it, what can she follow except that which appears to herself (her opinion)? Nothing else. Why then are you angry with the unhappy woman that she has been bewildered about the most important things, and is become a viper instead of human creature? And why not, if it is possible, rather pity, as we pity the blind and the lame, so those who are blinded and maimed in the faculties which are supreme? Whoever then clearly remembers this, that to man the measure of every act is the appearance (the opinion),— whether the thing appears good or bad: if good, he is free from blame; if bad, himself suffers the penalty, for it is impossible that he who is deceived can be one person, and he who suffers another person—whoever remembers this will not be angry with any man, will not be vexed at any man, will not revile or blame any man, nor hate nor quarrel with any man. So then all these great and dreadful deeds have this origin, in the appearance (opinion)? Yes, this origin and no other. The Iliad is nothing else than appearance and the use of appearances. It appeared to Alexander to carry off the wife of Menelaus: it appeared to Helene to follow him. If then it had appeared to Menelaus to feel that it was a gain to be deprived of such a wife, what would have happened? Not only would the Iliad have been lost, but the Odyssey also. On so small a matter then did such great things depend? But what do you mean by such great things? Wars and civil commotions, and the destruction of many men and cities. And what great matter is this? Is it nothing?—But what great matter is the death of many oxen, and many sheep, and many nests of swallows or storks being burnt or destroyed? Are these things then like those? Very like. Bodies of men are destroyed, and the bodies of oxen and sheep; the dwellings of men are burnt, and the nests of storks. What is there in this great or dreadful? Or show me what is the difference between a man’s house and a stork’s nest, as far as each is a dwelling; except that man builds his little houses of beams and tiles and bricks, and the stork builds them of sticks and mud. Are a stork and a man then like things? What say you?—In body they are very much alike. Does a man then differ in no respect from a stork? Don’t suppose that I say so; but there is no difference in these matters (which I have mentioned). In what then is the difference? Seek and you will find that there is a difference in another matter. See whether it is not in a man the understanding of what he does, see if it is not in social community, in fidelity, in modesty, in steadfastness, in intelligence. Where then is the great good and evil in men? It is where the difference is. If the difference is preserved and remains fenced round, and neither modesty is destroyed, nor fidelity, nor intelligence, then the man also is preserved; but if any of these things is destroyed and stormed like a city, then the man too perishes; and in this consist the great things. Alexander, you say, sustained great damage then when the Hellenes invaded and when they ravaged Troy, and when his brothers perished. By no means; for no man is damaged by an action which is not his own; but what happened at that time was only the destruction of storks’ nests: now the ruin of Alexander was when he lost the character of modesty, fidelity, regard to hospitality, and to decency. When was Achilles ruined? Was it when Patroclus died? Not so. But it happened when he began to be angry, when he wept for a girl, when he forgot that he was at Troy not to get mistresses, but to fight. These things are the ruin of men, this is being besieged, this is the destruction of cities, when right opinions are destroyed, when they are corrupted. When then women are carried off, when children are made captives, and when the men are killed, are these not evils? How is it then that you add to the facts these opinions? Explain this to me also.—I shall not do that; but how is it that you say that these are not evils?—Let us come to the rules: produce the praecognitions ( προλήψεις ): for it is because this is neglected that we can not sufficiently wonder at what men do. When we intend to judge of weights, we do not judge by guess: where we intend to judge of straight and crooked, we do not judge by guess. In all cases where it is our interest to know what is true in any matter, never will any man among us do anything by guess. But in things which depend on the first and on the only cause of doing right or wrong, of happiness or unhappiness, of being unfortunate or fortunate, there only we are inconsiderate and rash. There is then nothing like scales (balance), nothing like a rule: but some appearance is presented, and straightway I act according to it. Must I then suppose that I am superior to Achilles or Agamemnon, so that they by following appearances do and suffer so many evils: and shall not the appearance be sufficient for me?—And what tragedy has any other beginning? The Atreus of Euripides, what is it? An appearance. The Oedipus of Sophocles, what is it? An appearance. The Phoenix? An appearance. The Hippolytus? An appearance. What kind of a man then do you suppose him to be who pays no regard to this matter? And what is the name of those who follow every appearance? They are called madmen. Do we then act at all differently?''. None |
|
14. Mishnah, Shabbat, 3.4, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ma‘aseh, exempla • exempla • exempla, and apodictic statements • exempla, definition • exempla, narrativity • exempla, rabbis • narrative and law, exempla • stories, exempla as
Found in books: Hayes (2022) 485; Simon-Shushan (2012) 46, 47
3.4. מַעֲשֶׂה שֶׁעָשׂוּ אַנְשֵׁי טְבֶרְיָא וְהֵבִיאוּ סִלּוֹן שֶׁל צוֹנֵן לְתוֹךְ אַמָּה שֶׁל חַמִּין. אָמְרוּ לָהֶן חֲכָמִים, אִם בְּשַׁבָּת, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְשַׁבָּת, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּבִשְׁתִיָּה; בְּיוֹם טוֹב, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְיוֹם טוֹב, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּמֻתָּרִין בִּשְׁתִיָּה. מוּלְיָאר הַגָּרוּף, שׁוֹתִין הֵימֶנּוּ בְשַׁבָּת. אַנְטִיכִי, אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁגְּרוּפָה, אֵין שׁוֹתִין מִמֶּנָּה:
16.8. נָכְרִי שֶׁהִדְלִיק אֶת הַנֵּר, מִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ לְאוֹרוֹ יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מִלֵּא מַיִם לְהַשְׁקוֹת בְּהֶמְתּוֹ, מַשְׁקֶה אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. עָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, יוֹרֵד אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מַעֲשֶׂה בְרַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים שֶׁהָיוּ בָאִין בִּסְפִינָה, וְעָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, וְיָרְדוּ בוֹ רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים:''. None | 3.4. It once happened that the people of Tiberias conducted a pipe of cold water through an arm of the hot springs. The sages said to them: if this happened on the Shabbat, it is like hot water heated on the Shabbat, and is forbidden both for washing and for drinking; If on a festival, it is like water heated on a festival, which is forbidden for washing but permitted for drinking. A miliarum which is cleared of its ashes--they may drink from it on Shabbat. An antiki even if its ashes have been cleared--they may not drink from it.
16.8. If a Gentile lights a lamp, an Israelite may make use of its light. But if he does it for the sake of the Israelite, it is forbidden. If he draws water to give his own animal to drink, an Israelite may water his animal after him. But if he draws it for the Israelite’s sake, it is forbidden. If a Gentile makes a plank to descend off a ship by it, an Israelite may descend after him; But if on the Israelite’s account, it is forbidden. It once happened that Rabban Gamaliel and the elders were traveling in a ship, when a Gentile made a plank for getting off, and Rabban Gamaliel, and the elders descended by it.''. None |
|
15. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 6.12, 9.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, Value of examples • Examples, value of • Exempla, teacher as model • Imitating [ Moral exempla ] • Moral exempla • exemplum/example(s) • rhetoric,examples
Found in books: Linjamaa (2019) 253; Malherbe et al (2014) 298; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021) 297, 298; Tite (2009) 199; van , t Westeinde (2021) 98, 174
6.12. Πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐ πάντα συμφέρει. πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐγὼ ἐξουσιασθήσομαι ὑπό τινος.
9.11. Εἰ ἡμεῖς ὑμῖν τὰ πνευματικὰ ἐσπείραμεν, μέγα εἰ ἡμεῖς ὑμῶν τὰ σαρκικὰ θερίσομεν;' '. None | 6.12. "All things are lawful for me," but not all thingsare expedient. "All things are lawful for me," but I will not bebrought under the power of anything.
9.11. If we sowed to you spiritual things, is it a great thing if wereap your fleshly things?' '. None |
|
16. New Testament, Romans, 13.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • Moral exempla
Found in books: Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014) 325; Tite (2009) 164
13.12. ἡ νὺξ προέκοψεν, ἡ δὲ ἡμέρα ἤγγικεν. ἀποθώμεθα οὖν τὰ ἔργα τοῦ σκότους, ἐνδυσώμεθα δὲ τὰ ὅπλα τοῦ φωτός.''. None | 13.12. The night is far gone, and the day is near. Let's therefore throw off the works of darkness, and let's put on the armor of light. "". None |
|
17. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.11.6-5.11.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Exemplum, and persuasion • Scholia, comments on Cicero’s use of exempla • exempla • exemplum, and “fit” • exemplum, category vs. instance • exemplum, illustrative vs. injunctive • exemplum, unique vs. typical • exemplum/exemplarity
Found in books: Bua (2019) 300, 309, 311; Clay and Vergados (2022) 273; Roller (2018) 12; Van Nuffelen (2012) 64
| 5.11.6. \xa0The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; 5.11.7. \xa0from the unlike when we say, "Brutus killed his sons for plotting against the state, while Manlius condemned his son to death for his valour"; from the contrary when we say, "Marcellus restored the works of art which had been taken from the Syracusans who were our enemies, while Verres took the same works of art from our allies." The same divisions apply also to such forms of proof in panegyric or denunciation. 5.11.8. \xa0It will also be found useful when we are speaking of what is likely to happen to refer to historical parallels: for instance if the orator asserts that Dionysius is asking for a bodyguard that with their armed assistance he may establish himself as tyrant, he may adduce the parallel case of Pisistratus who secured the supreme power by similar means. 5.11.9. \xa0But while examples may at times, as in the last instance, apply in their entirety, at times we shall argue from the greater to the less or from the less to the greater. "Cities have been overthrown by the violation of the marriage bond. What punishment then will meet the case of adultery?" "Flute-players have been recalled by the state to the city which they had left. How much more then is it just that leading citizens who have rendered good service to their country should be recalled from that exile to which they have been driven by envy."' "5.11.10. \xa0Arguments from unlikes are most useful in exhortation. Courage is more remarkable in a woman than in a man. Therefore, if we wish to kindle someone's ambition to the performance of heroic deeds, we shall find that parallels drawn from the cases of Horatius and Torquatus will carry less weight than that of the woman by whose hand Pyrrhus was slain, and if we wish to urge a man to meet death, the cases of Cato and Scipio will carry less weight than that of Lucretia. These are however arguments from the greater to the less." '5.11.11. \xa0Let me then give you separate examples of these classes of argument from the pages of Cicero; for where should\xa0I find better? The following passage from the pro\xa0Murena is an instance of argument from the like: "For it happened that I\xa0myself when a candidate had two patricians as competitors, the one a man of the most unscrupulous and reckless character, the other a most excellent and respectable citizen. Ye I\xa0defeated Catiline by force of merit and Galba by my popularity." 5.11.12. \xa0The pro\xa0Milone will give us an example of argument from the greater to the less: "They say that he who confesses to having killed a man is not fit to look upon the light of day. Where is the city in which men are such fools as to argue this? It is Rome itself, the city whose first trial on a capital charge was that of Marcus Horatius, the bravest of men, who, though the city had not yet attained its freedom, was none the less acquitted by the assembly of the Roman people, in spite of the fact that he confessed that he had slain his sister with his own hand." The following is an example of argument from the less to the greater: "I\xa0killed, not Spurius Maelius, who by lowering the price of corn and sacrificing his private fortune fell under the suspicion of desiring to make himself king, because it seemed that he was courting popularity with the common people overmuch," and so on till we come to, "No, the man I\xa0killed (for my client would not shrink from the avowal, since his deed had saved his country) was he who committed abominable adultery even in the shrines of the gods"; then follows the whole invective against Clodius. 5.11.13. \xa0Arguments from unlikes present great variety, for they may turn on kind, manner, time, place, etcetera, almost every one of which Cicero employs to overthrow the previous decisions that seemed to apply to the case of Cluentius, while he makes use of argument from contraries when he minimises the importance of the censorial stigma by praising Scipio Africanus, who in his capacity of censor allowed one whom he openly asserted to have committed deliberate perjury to retain his horse, because no one had appeared as evidence against him, though he promised to come forward himself to bear witness to his guilt, if any should be found to accuse him. I\xa0have paraphrased this passage because it is too long to quote. 5.11.14. \xa0A\xa0brief example of a similar argument is to be found in Virgil, "But he, whom falsely thou dost call thy father, Even Achilles, in far other wise Dealt with old Priam, and Priam was his foe." 5.11.15. \xa0Historical parallels may however sometimes be related in full, as in the pro\xa0Milone: "When a military tribune serving in the army of Gaius Marius, to whom he was related, made an assault upon the honour of a common soldier, the latter killed him; for the virtuous youth preferred to risk his life by slaying him to suffering such dishonour. And yet the great Marius acquitted him of all crime and let him go scot free." 5.11.16. \xa0On the other hand in certain cases it will be sufficient merely to allude to the parallel, as Cicero does in the same speech: "For neither the famous Servilius Ahala nor Publius Nasica nor Lucius Opimius nor the Senate during my consulship could be cleared of serious guilt, if it were a crime to put wicked men to death." Such parallels will be adduced at greater or less length according as they are familiar or as the interests or adornment of our case may demand. 5.11.17. \xa0A\xa0similar method is to be pursued in quoting from the fictions of the poets, though we must remember that they will be of less force as proofs. The same supreme authority, the great master of eloquence, shows us how we should employ such quotations. 5.11.18. \xa0For an example of this type will be found in the same speech: "And it is therefore, gentlemen of the jury, that men of the greatest learning have recorded in their fictitious narratives that one who had killed his mother to avenge his father was acquitted, when the opinion of men was divided as to his guilt, not merely by the decision of a deity, but by the vote of the wisest of goddesses."''. None |
|
18. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 6.5, 94.39 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Walter, Uwe, wisdom genre, exempla as • exempla • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • exemplum (-a), Senecas use of • exemplum, injunctive • exemplum, praeceptor as • praeceptor (Stoic), as exemplum
Found in books: Keeline (2018) 215; Langlands (2018) 47; Merz and Tieleman (2012) 194; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 239; Roller (2018) 285, 286; Van Nuffelen (2012) 72
| 6.5. I shall therefore send to you the actual books; and in order that you may not waste time in searching here and there for profitable topics, I shall mark certain passages, so that you can turn at once to those which I approve and admire. of course, however, the living voice and the intimacy of a common life will help you more than the written word. You must go to the scene of action, first, because men put more faith in their eyes than in their ears,1 and second, because the way is long if one follows precepts, but short and helpful, if one follows patterns.
94.39. But, it is said, "they are not of avail in every case." Well neither is philosophy; and yet philosophy is not on that account ineffectual and useless in the training of the soul. Furthermore, is not philosophy the Law of Life? Grant, if we will, that the laws do not avail; it does not necessarily follow that advice also should not avail. On this ground, you ought to say that consolation does not avail, and warning, and exhortation, and scolding, and praising; since they are all varieties of advice. It is by such methods that we arrive at a perfect condition of mind.
94.39. Suppose that a man is acting as he should; he cannot keep it up continuously or consistently, since he will not know the reason for so acting. Some of his conduct will result rightly because of luck or practice; but there will be in his hand no rule by which he may regulate his acts, and which he may trust to tell him whether that which he has done is right. One who is good through mere chance will not give promise of retaining such a character for ever. ' '. None |
|
19. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exemplum, exempla
Found in books: Mueller (2002) 215; Tuori (2016) 229
| 61.2. \xa0It is a long story to run through his acts of cruelty in detail; it will be enough to mention the forms which they took, as samples of his barbarity. Not a\xa0day passed without an execution, not even those that were sacred and holy; for he put some to death even on New Year's day. Many were accused and condemned with their children and even by their children. The relatives of the victims were forbidden to mourn for them. Special rewards were voted the accusers and sometimes even the witnesses. The word of no informer was doubted."". None |
|
20. Tacitus, Annals, 3.5.2, 11.24, 11.24.7, 13.4.1, 14.12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Thrasea Paetus, as exemplum • exempla • exempla, in Tacitus • exempla, role in Roman culture • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • imitation, emulation, exemplarity, exemplum
Found in books: Davies (2004) 145, 199; Galinsky (2016) 57; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 8, 229, 243; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 259, 346
11.24. His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.'" ". None | 3.5.2. \xa0There were those who missed the pageantry of a state-funeral and compared the elaborate tributes rendered by Augustus to Germanicus\' father, Drusus:â\x80\x94 "In the bitterest of the winter, the sovereign had gone in person as far as Ticinum, and, never stirring from the corpse, had entered the capital along with it. The bier had been surrounded with the family effigies of the Claudian and Livian houses; the dead had been mourned in the Forum, eulogized upon the Rostra; every distinction which our ancestors had discovered, or their posterity invented, was showered upon him. But to Germanicus had fallen not even the honours due to every and any noble! Granted that the length of the journey was a reason for cremating his body, no matter how, on foreign soil, it would only have been justice that he should have been accorded all the more distinctions later, because chance had denied them at the outset. His brother had gone no more than one day\'s journey to meet him; his uncle not even to the gate. Where were those usages of the ancients â\x80\x94 the image placed at the head of the couch, the set poems to the memory of departed virtue, the panegyrics, the tears, the imitations (if no more) of sorrow?" <
11.24. \xa0Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â\x80\x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I\xa0find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I\xa0am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â\x80\x94\xa0not to scrutinize antiquity â\x80\x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the\xa0Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â\x80\x94 \'But we fought with the Senones.\' â\x80\x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â\x80\x94 \'We were taken by the Gauls.\' â\x80\x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â\x80\x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâ\x80\x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." <
13.4.1. \xa0However, when the mockeries of sorrow had been carried to their close, he entered the curia; and, after an opening reference to the authority of the Fathers and the uimity of the army, stated that "he had before him advice and examples pointing him to an admirable system of government. Nor had his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife: he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no desire for vengeance. He then outlined the character of the coming principate, the points which had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being specially discounteced:â\x80\x94 "He would not constitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers and defendants within the same four walls and allowing the influence of a\xa0few individuals to run riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loophole for intrigue: the palace and the state would be things separate. Let the senate retain its old prerogatives! Let Italy and the public provinces take their stand before the judgement-seats of the consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the Fathers: for the armies delegated to his charge he would himself be responsible."' "
14.12.2. \xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. <"'. None |
|
21. Tacitus, Histories, 3.51.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla, in Tacitus • exempla, role in Roman culture
Found in books: Davies (2004) 145; Galinsky (2016) 60
| 3.51.2. \xa0I\xa0have it from the best authorities that the victors had come to disregard the difference between right and wrong so completely that a common soldier declared that he had killed his brother in the last battle and actually asked the generals for a reward. The common dictates of humanity did not permit them to honour such a murder or military policy to punish it. They put off the soldier on the ground that he deserved a reward greater than could be repaid at once; nor is anything further told concerning the case. And yet a similar crime had happened in civil war before. In the struggle against Cinna on the Janiculum, as Sisenna relates, one of Pompey's soldiers killed his own brother and then, on realizing his crime, committed suicide. So much livelier among our ancestors was repentance for guilt as well as glory in virtuous action. Such deeds as this and others like them, drawn from our earlier history, I\xa0shall not improperly insert in my work whenever the theme or situation demands examples of the right or solace for the wrong."". None |
|
22. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • material commemoration of exempla, statue of Lucius Silanus
Found in books: Langlands (2018) 248; Oksanish (2019) 68
|
23. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • epic, exempla from • exempla • exempla and exemplarity
Found in books: Keane (2015) 186, 187, 188, 189, 190; König and Whitton (2018) 396, 397
|
24. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, use of exempla • archetypal exemplum, the • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018) 319, 320; Langlands (2018) 20
|
25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • First movements, Expounded by Seneca, perhaps earlier by Cicero, but examples in Aristotle and (possibly) Chrysippus not yet recognized as such • emotions, examples of
Found in books: Graver (2007) 237; Sorabji (2000) 122
|
26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican • exemplum, exempla
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018) 328; Tuori (2016) 175
|
27. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.6, 28.4, 31.16.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Rome, and exempla • exempla • exempla, in Ammianus
Found in books: Davies (2004) 235; Van Nuffelen (2012) 65, 81
| 31.16.9. These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge For procudere, cf. xv. 2, 8 ( ingenium ); xxx. 4, 13 ( ora ); Horace, Odes, iv. 15, 19. their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera, covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum Apparently for Scyrorum (Scirorum), Exc. § 37. et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus.' '. None |
|
28. Augustine, The City of God, 4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exempla, as vividly rendered icons of devotion
Found in books: Mueller (2002) 163; Van Nuffelen (2012) 71
| 4.2. We had promised, then, that we would say something against those who attribute the calamities of the Roman republic to our religion, and that we would recount the evils, as many and great as we could remember or might deem sufficient, which that city, or the provinces belonging to its empire, had suffered before their sacrifices were prohibited, all of which would beyond doubt have been attributed to us, if our religion had either already shone on them, or had thus prohibited their sacrilegious rites. These things we have, as we think, fully disposed of in the second and third books, treating in the second of evils in morals, which alone or chiefly are to be accounted evils; and in the third, of those which only fools dread to undergo - namely, those of the body or of outward things - which for the most part the good also suffer. But those evils by which they themselves become evil, they take, I do not say patiently, but with pleasure. And how few evils have I related concerning that one city and its empire! Not even all down to the time of C sar Augustus. What if I had chosen to recount and enlarge on those evils, not which men have inflicted on each other; such as the devastations and destructions of war, but which happen in earthly things, from the elements of the world itself. of such evils Apuleius speaks briefly in one passage of that book which he wrote, De Mundo, saying that all earthly things are subject to change, overthrow, and destruction. For, to use his own words, by excessive earthquakes the ground has burst asunder, and cities with their inhabitants have been clean destroyed: by sudden rains whole regions have been washed away; those also which formerly had been continents, have been insulated by strange and new-come waves, and others, by the subsiding of the sea, have been made passable by the foot of man: by winds and storms cities have been overthrown; fires have flashed forth from the clouds, by which regions in the East being burnt up have perished; and on the western coasts the like destructions have been caused by the bursting forth of waters and floods. So, formerly, from the lofty craters of Etna, rivers of fire kindled by God have flowed like a torrent down the steeps. If I had wished to collect from history wherever I could, these and similar instances, where should I have finished what happened even in those times before the name of Christ had put down those of their idols, so vain and hurtful to true salvation? I promised that I should also point out which of their customs, and for what cause, the true God, in whose power all kingdoms are, had deigned to favor to the enlargement of their empire; and how those whom they think gods can have profited them nothing, but much rather hurt them by deceiving and beguiling them; so that it seems to me I must now speak of these things, and chiefly of the increase of the Roman empire. For I have already said not a little, especially in the second book, about the many evils introduced into their manners by the hurtful deceits of the demons whom they worshipped as gods. But throughout all the three books already completed, where it appeared suitable, we have set forth how much succor God, through the name of Christ, to whom the barbarians beyond the custom of war paid so much honor, has bestowed on the good and bad, according as it is written, Who makes His sun to rise on the good and the evil, and gives rain to the just and the unjust. Matthew 24:45 ''. None |
|
29. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Basil of Caesarea, on exempla • exempla • exempla and typology, Augustine reimagining exemplarity • exempla and typology, Orosius Historiae, exemplarity in • exempla, loss of historical detail in
Found in books: Goldhill (2022) 416, 417; Mueller (2002) 55; Van Nuffelen (2012) 73, 74
|
30. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.8, 1.1.14, 3.2.3, 3.3.1
Tagged with subjects: • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • exempla • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exempla, loss of historical detail in • exemplum, category vs. instance • moral learning from exempla
Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 101, 102, 103; Langlands (2018) 89, 283; Mueller (2002) 50, 101, 126; Roller (2018) 66
| 1.1.8. No wonder then that the indulgence of the gods was so great in preserving and increasing their empire: for such a scrupulous care seemed to examine the smallest details of religion, so that our city is to be thought never to have had her eyes off from the most exact worship of the gods. And therefore when Marcellus, five times consul, having taken Clastidium, and after that Syracuse, would have in performance of his vows, erected a temple to Honour and Virtue, he was opposed by the college of pontiffs, who denied that one shrine could be rightly dedicated to two gods. For if any prodigy should happen, it would remain doubtful to which deity should be made address: nor was it the custom to sacrifice at once to two deities, unless in some particular cases. Upon which admonition of the pontiffs, Marcellus in two separate temples set up the images of Honour and Virtue; whereby it came to pass, that neither the authority of so great a man was any hindrance to the college, nor the addition of expense any impediment to Marcellus, but that all justice and observation was given to religion.
1.1.14. But as to those things which concern the observation of religion, I know not whether Atilius Regulus has not excelled all that ever went before him. Instead of a famous conqueror being now made a captive, through the wiles and ambuscades of Hasdrubal and Xanthippus the Lacedaemonian, he was sent to the senate and people of Rome, to try if he could get himself - being but one, and old - redeemed for several young and noble Carthaginians. When he came, he advised the senate to the contrary, and went back to Carthage, well knowing to what, cruel and inveterate enemies he returned; but he had sworn so to do, if he could not obtain the release of their captives. Surely the immortal gods had reason to have mitigated their fury; but that the glory of Atilius might be the greater, they permitted the Carthagians to take their own inhumane courses - as those who in the Third Punic War would severely recompense the death of so noble a soul with the destruction of their city.
3.2.3. I now return to Romulus, who being challenged to combat by Acro king of the Caeninenses, though he believed himself superior both in the number and the courage of his soldiers, and that it was safer for him to fight with his whole army than in single combat, yet preferred with his own right hand to seize the omen of victory. Nor did fortune fail his undertaking; for having slain Acro, and vanquished his enemies, he brought away rich spoils and trophies, which he offered to Jupiter Feretrius. About this let these words suffice: for virtue consecrated by public religion, needs no private praise.' '. None |
|
31. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.203, 1.364, 2.237-2.238, 2.361-2.362, 3.616
Tagged with subjects: • Basil of Caesarea, on exempla • Hypsipyle, as female exemplum of pietas • Valerius Flaccus, G., exempla/exemplarity • emotions, examples of • exempla • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican • exempla and typology, Augustine reimagining exemplarity • exempla and typology, Orosius Historiae, exemplarity in • exempla, positive • exempla/exemplarity • exemplum/example(s)
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 71; Farrell (2021) 110, 214; Goldhill (2022) 416, 417; Graver (2007) 242; König and Whitton (2018) 322; Panoussi(2019) 163; Van Nuffelen (2012) 10, 66, 72; van , t Westeinde (2021) 181
1.203. mittite: forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit.
1.364. Pygmalionis opes pelago; dux femina facti.
2.237. intendunt: scandit fatalis machina muros, 2.238. feta armis. Pueri circum innuptaeque puellae
2.361. Quis cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando 2.362. explicet, aut possit lacrimis aequare labores?
3.616. Hic me, dum trepidi crudelia limina linquunt,''. None | 1.203. (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then ' "
1.364. the winter o'er Rutulia's vanquished hills. " '
2.237. and favoring Pallas all her grace withdrew. 2.238. No dubious sign she gave. Scarce had they set
2.361. the son of Peleus, came, and Acamas, 2.362. King Menelaus, Thoas and Machaon,
3.616. who from beneath the hollow scarped crag ''. None |
|
32. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hypsipyle, as female exemplum of pietas • Valerius Flaccus, G., exempla/exemplarity • exempla/exemplarity
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 74, 75, 76; Panoussi(2019) 147, 148, 149, 158
|
