1. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Homer, as exemplum in Epistle • exempla
Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 202, 203, 204, 205; Mawford and Ntanou (2021), Ancient Memory: Remembrance and Commemoration in Graeco-Roman Literature, 158
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2. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exemplum, • exemplum/exempla,
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 742; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 213
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3. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • exempla (narrative examples)
Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 20; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 281
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2.65 \xa0Your school pronounces him a happy man, at least your theory requires you to do so. But I\xa0place above him â\x80\x94 I\xa0do not venture to say whom: Virtue herself shall speak for me, and she will not hesitate to rank Marcus Regulus higher than this typically happy man, as you would call him. Regulus, of his own free will and under no compulsion except that of a promise given to an enemy, returned from his native land to Carthage; yet Virtue proclaims that when he had done so he was happier while tormented with sleeplessness and hunger than Thorius carousing on his couch of roses. Regulus had fought great wars, had twice been consul, had celebrated a triumph; yet all his earlier exploits he counted less great and glorious than that final disaster, which he chose to undergo for the sake of honour and of self-respect; a\xa0pitiable end, as it seems to us who hear of it, but full of pleasure for him who endured it. It is not merriment and wantonness, nor laughter or jesting, the comrade of frivolity, that make men happy; those are happy, often in sadness, whose wills are strong and true. <'' None |
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4. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • exempla (narrative examples)
Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 20; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 281
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2.65 hunc vos vos ABE u R vero V uo (= vero) N sed ab alt. man. et post o ras. I litt. beatum; ratio quidem vestra sic cogit. at ego cogit. At ego Bentl. cogitat ego (cogitat. ego) quem huic anteponam non audeo dicere; dicet pro me ipsa virtus nec dubitabit isti vestro beato M. Regulum anteponere, quem quidem, cum sua voluntate, nulla vi coactus praeter fidem, quam dederat hosti, ex patria Karthaginem revertisset, tum ipsum, tum ipsum dett. eum ipsum cum vigiliis et fame cruciaretur, clamat virtus beatiorem fuisse quam potantem in rosa Thorium. bella rosa Thorium. bella VN 2 rosa. torius (Thorius E) bella ABER et fort. N 1 magna gesserat, bis consul fuerat, triumpharat nec tamen sua illa superiora sua illa superiora illa sua superiora BE illa superiora R tam magna neque tam praeclara ducebat quam illum ultimum casum, quem propter fidem constantiamque susceperat, qui nobis miserabilis videtur audientibus, illi perpetienti erat voluptarius. voluptarius (p ex corr. man. alt. ) N voluntarius non enim hilaritate nec lascivia nec risu aut ioco, comite levitatis, saepe etiam tristes firmitate et constantia sunt beati.'' None | sup>
2.65 \xa0Your school pronounces him a happy man, at least your theory requires you to do so. But I\xa0place above him â\x80\x94 I\xa0do not venture to say whom: Virtue herself shall speak for me, and she will not hesitate to rank Marcus Regulus higher than this typically happy man, as you would call him. Regulus, of his own free will and under no compulsion except that of a promise given to an enemy, returned from his native land to Carthage; yet Virtue proclaims that when he had done so he was happier while tormented with sleeplessness and hunger than Thorius carousing on his couch of roses. Regulus had fought great wars, had twice been consul, had celebrated a triumph; yet all his earlier exploits he counted less great and glorious than that final disaster, which he chose to undergo for the sake of honour and of self-respect; a\xa0pitiable end, as it seems to us who hear of it, but full of pleasure for him who endured it. It is not merriment and wantonness, nor laughter or jesting, the comrade of frivolity, that make men happy; those are happy, often in sadness, whose wills are strong and true. <'' None |
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5. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • exempla • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • historicity, of Vitruvian exempla
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 299; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 81; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 147; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 74
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6. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Exemplum, and persuasion • exempla (narrative examples) • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla (rhetoric), spiritualization • history, and exempla
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 300, 305; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 230; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 63
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7. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, use of exempla • exempla • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican
Found in books: Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 101, 107; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 305, 306
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8. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Scholia, comments on Cicero’s use of exempla • material commemoration of exempla, statues in forum of Augustus
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 316; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 239
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9. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exempla (narrative examples) • exempla, in Livy • exemplum
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 58; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 21; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 198; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 87
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10. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exemplum/exemplarity
Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 280; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 18, 63, 119
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11. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), Roman • exempla (rhetoric), Sallust • exempla (rhetoric), and history • history, and exempla
Found in books: Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 65; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 70
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12. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), Roman • exempla (rhetoric), Sallust • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla, as dazzling • history, and exempla • moral learning from exempla
Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 3, 94; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 64
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13. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus/Octavian, and Forum Augustum exempla • exempla • exempla, social function of • exemplum, exempla • hegemony, exempla as tools of
Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 71; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 68; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 154; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 259; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 97
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14. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • archetypal exemplum, the • diversity among exempla • exempla, as rhetorical device • exempla, in Livy • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exempla, social function of • exempla, visual elements in • exemplum/exempla • moral learning from exempla • narrative, concision in exempla • narrative, simplicity in exempla
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 102, 126, 137; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 157; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 21, 74, 115; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 215
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15. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exemplum (from mythology) • myth (mythos), as exemplum of
Found in books: Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 162; Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 131
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16. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla/exemplar • exemplum (from mythology)
Found in books: Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 91; Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 275
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17. Mishnah, Shabbat, 3.4, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ma‘aseh, exempla • exempla • exempla, and apodictic statements • exempla, definition • exempla, narrativity • exempla, rabbis • narrative and law, exempla • stories, exempla as
Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 485; Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 46, 47
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3.4 מַעֲשֶׂה שֶׁעָשׂוּ אַנְשֵׁי טְבֶרְיָא וְהֵבִיאוּ סִלּוֹן שֶׁל צוֹנֵן לְתוֹךְ אַמָּה שֶׁל חַמִּין. אָמְרוּ לָהֶן חֲכָמִים, אִם בְּשַׁבָּת, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְשַׁבָּת, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּבִשְׁתִיָּה; בְּיוֹם טוֹב, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְיוֹם טוֹב, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּמֻתָּרִין בִּשְׁתִיָּה. מוּלְיָאר הַגָּרוּף, שׁוֹתִין הֵימֶנּוּ בְשַׁבָּת. אַנְטִיכִי, אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁגְּרוּפָה, אֵין שׁוֹתִין מִמֶּנָּה:
16.8 נָכְרִי שֶׁהִדְלִיק אֶת הַנֵּר, מִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ לְאוֹרוֹ יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מִלֵּא מַיִם לְהַשְׁקוֹת בְּהֶמְתּוֹ, מַשְׁקֶה אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. עָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, יוֹרֵד אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מַעֲשֶׂה בְרַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים שֶׁהָיוּ בָאִין בִּסְפִינָה, וְעָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, וְיָרְדוּ בוֹ רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים:'' None | sup>
3.4 It once happened that the people of Tiberias conducted a pipe of cold water through an arm of the hot springs. The sages said to them: if this happened on the Shabbat, it is like hot water heated on the Shabbat, and is forbidden both for washing and for drinking; If on a festival, it is like water heated on a festival, which is forbidden for washing but permitted for drinking. A miliarum which is cleared of its ashes--they may drink from it on Shabbat. An antiki even if its ashes have been cleared--they may not drink from it.
16.8 If a Gentile lights a lamp, an Israelite may make use of its light. But if he does it for the sake of the Israelite, it is forbidden. If he draws water to give his own animal to drink, an Israelite may water his animal after him. But if he draws it for the Israelite’s sake, it is forbidden. If a Gentile makes a plank to descend off a ship by it, an Israelite may descend after him; But if on the Israelite’s account, it is forbidden. It once happened that Rabban Gamaliel and the elders were traveling in a ship, when a Gentile made a plank for getting off, and Rabban Gamaliel, and the elders descended by it.'' None |
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18. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exempla, teacher as model • Moral exempla • exemplum • exemplum/example(s)
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 460; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 297, 298; Tite (2009), Valentinian Ethics and Paraenetic Discourse: Determining the Social Function of Moral Exhortation in Valentinian Christianity, 199; van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 174
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1.4 Εὐχαριστῶ τῷ θεῷ πάντοτε περὶ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τῇ χάριτι τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ δοθείσῃ ὑμῖν ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ,' ' None | sup>
1.4 I always thank my God concerning you, for the grace of Godwhich was given you in Christ Jesus;' ' None |
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19. New Testament, Philippians, 1.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • exemplum
Found in books: Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 316; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 78
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1.23 συνέχομαι δὲ ἐκ τῶν δύο, τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἔχων εἰς τὸ ἀναλῦσαι καὶ σὺν Χριστῷ εἶναι, πολλῷ γὰρ μᾶλλον κρεῖσσον,'' None | sup>
1.23 But I am in a dilemma between the two, having the desire to depart and be with Christ, which is far better. '' None |
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20. New Testament, Romans, 5.12, 5.14, 13.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Exemplum • Moral exempla • exempla and typology • exempla and typology, Christianity, typology, and the Hebrew Bible • exempla and typology, Prudentius typology • exemplum
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 460, 461, 609; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 108; Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 316, 325; Tite (2009), Valentinian Ethics and Paraenetic Discourse: Determining the Social Function of Moral Exhortation in Valentinian Christianity, 164; Trettel (2019), Desires in Paradise: An Interpretative Study of Augustine's City of God 14, 104
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5.12 Διὰ τοῦτο ὥσπερ διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ἡ ἁμαρτία εἰς τὸν κόσμον εἰσῆλθεν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ὁ θάνατος, καὶ οὕτως εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁ θάνατος διῆλθεν ἐφʼ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον-.
5.14 ἀλλὰ ἐβασίλευσεν ὁ θάνατος ἀπὸ Ἀδὰμ μέχρι Μωυσέως καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ἁμαρτήσαντας ἐπὶ τῷ ὁμοιώματι τῆς παραβάσεως Ἀδάμ, ὅς ἐστιν τύπος τοῦ μέλλοντος.
13.12 ἡ νὺξ προέκοψεν, ἡ δὲ ἡμέρα ἤγγικεν. ἀποθώμεθα οὖν τὰ ἔργα τοῦ σκότους, ἐνδυσώμεθα δὲ τὰ ὅπλα τοῦ φωτός.'' None | sup>
5.12 Therefore, as sin entered into the world through one man, and death through sin; and so death passed to all men, because all sinned. ' "
5.14 Nevertheless death reigned from Adam until Moses, even over those whose sins weren't like Adam's disobedience, who is a foreshadowing of him who was to come. " "
13.12 The night is far gone, and the day is near. Let's therefore throw off the works of darkness, and let's put on the armor of light. "' None |
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21. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.11.6-5.11.18, 10.1.34, 12.4.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, personal exempla in the speeches • Exemplum • Exemplum, and persuasion • Scholia, comments on Cicero’s use of exempla • exempla • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla (rhetoric), similarity • exempla (rhetoric), spiritualization • exemplum, and “fit” • exemplum, category vs. instance • exemplum, illustrative vs. injunctive • exemplum, unique vs. typical • exemplum/exemplarity • history, and exempla
Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 300, 309, 311; Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 63, 104; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 12; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 63, 64
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5.11.6 \xa0The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; 5.11.7 \xa0from the unlike when we say, "Brutus killed his sons for plotting against the state, while Manlius condemned his son to death for his valour"; from the contrary when we say, "Marcellus restored the works of art which had been taken from the Syracusans who were our enemies, while Verres took the same works of art from our allies." The same divisions apply also to such forms of proof in panegyric or denunciation. 5.11.8 \xa0It will also be found useful when we are speaking of what is likely to happen to refer to historical parallels: for instance if the orator asserts that Dionysius is asking for a bodyguard that with their armed assistance he may establish himself as tyrant, he may adduce the parallel case of Pisistratus who secured the supreme power by similar means. 5.11.9 \xa0But while examples may at times, as in the last instance, apply in their entirety, at times we shall argue from the greater to the less or from the less to the greater. "Cities have been overthrown by the violation of the marriage bond. What punishment then will meet the case of adultery?" "Flute-players have been recalled by the state to the city which they had left. How much more then is it just that leading citizens who have rendered good service to their country should be recalled from that exile to which they have been driven by envy."' "5.11.10 \xa0Arguments from unlikes are most useful in exhortation. Courage is more remarkable in a woman than in a man. Therefore, if we wish to kindle someone's ambition to the performance of heroic deeds, we shall find that parallels drawn from the cases of Horatius and Torquatus will carry less weight than that of the woman by whose hand Pyrrhus was slain, and if we wish to urge a man to meet death, the cases of Cato and Scipio will carry less weight than that of Lucretia. These are however arguments from the greater to the less." '5.11.11 \xa0Let me then give you separate examples of these classes of argument from the pages of Cicero; for where should\xa0I find better? The following passage from the pro\xa0Murena is an instance of argument from the like: "For it happened that I\xa0myself when a candidate had two patricians as competitors, the one a man of the most unscrupulous and reckless character, the other a most excellent and respectable citizen. Ye I\xa0defeated Catiline by force of merit and Galba by my popularity." 5.11.12 \xa0The pro\xa0Milone will give us an example of argument from the greater to the less: "They say that he who confesses to having killed a man is not fit to look upon the light of day. Where is the city in which men are such fools as to argue this? It is Rome itself, the city whose first trial on a capital charge was that of Marcus Horatius, the bravest of men, who, though the city had not yet attained its freedom, was none the less acquitted by the assembly of the Roman people, in spite of the fact that he confessed that he had slain his sister with his own hand." The following is an example of argument from the less to the greater: "I\xa0killed, not Spurius Maelius, who by lowering the price of corn and sacrificing his private fortune fell under the suspicion of desiring to make himself king, because it seemed that he was courting popularity with the common people overmuch," and so on till we come to, "No, the man I\xa0killed (for my client would not shrink from the avowal, since his deed had saved his country) was he who committed abominable adultery even in the shrines of the gods"; then follows the whole invective against Clodius. 5.11.13 \xa0Arguments from unlikes present great variety, for they may turn on kind, manner, time, place, etcetera, almost every one of which Cicero employs to overthrow the previous decisions that seemed to apply to the case of Cluentius, while he makes use of argument from contraries when he minimises the importance of the censorial stigma by praising Scipio Africanus, who in his capacity of censor allowed one whom he openly asserted to have committed deliberate perjury to retain his horse, because no one had appeared as evidence against him, though he promised to come forward himself to bear witness to his guilt, if any should be found to accuse him. I\xa0have paraphrased this passage because it is too long to quote. 5.11.14 \xa0A\xa0brief example of a similar argument is to be found in Virgil, "But he, whom falsely thou dost call thy father, Even Achilles, in far other wise Dealt with old Priam, and Priam was his foe." 5.11.15 \xa0Historical parallels may however sometimes be related in full, as in the pro\xa0Milone: "When a military tribune serving in the army of Gaius Marius, to whom he was related, made an assault upon the honour of a common soldier, the latter killed him; for the virtuous youth preferred to risk his life by slaying him to suffering such dishonour. And yet the great Marius acquitted him of all crime and let him go scot free." 5.11.16 \xa0On the other hand in certain cases it will be sufficient merely to allude to the parallel, as Cicero does in the same speech: "For neither the famous Servilius Ahala nor Publius Nasica nor Lucius Opimius nor the Senate during my consulship could be cleared of serious guilt, if it were a crime to put wicked men to death." Such parallels will be adduced at greater or less length according as they are familiar or as the interests or adornment of our case may demand. 5.11.17 \xa0A\xa0similar method is to be pursued in quoting from the fictions of the poets, though we must remember that they will be of less force as proofs. The same supreme authority, the great master of eloquence, shows us how we should employ such quotations. 5.11.18 \xa0For an example of this type will be found in the same speech: "And it is therefore, gentlemen of the jury, that men of the greatest learning have recorded in their fictitious narratives that one who had killed his mother to avenge his father was acquitted, when the opinion of men was divided as to his guilt, not merely by the decision of a deity, but by the vote of the wisest of goddesses."' ' None |
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22. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 6.5, 94.39 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Walter, Uwe, wisdom genre, exempla as • exempla • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • exemplum (-a), Senecas use of • exemplum, injunctive • exemplum, praeceptor as • exemplum/exempla, social and literary contexts of • praeceptor (Stoic), as exemplum
Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 34; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 215; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 47, 131; Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 194; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 239; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 285, 286; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 72
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6.5 I shall therefore send to you the actual books; and in order that you may not waste time in searching here and there for profitable topics, I shall mark certain passages, so that you can turn at once to those which I approve and admire. of course, however, the living voice and the intimacy of a common life will help you more than the written word. You must go to the scene of action, first, because men put more faith in their eyes than in their ears,1 and second, because the way is long if one follows precepts, but short and helpful, if one follows patterns.
94.39 But, it is said, "they are not of avail in every case." Well neither is philosophy; and yet philosophy is not on that account ineffectual and useless in the training of the soul. Furthermore, is not philosophy the Law of Life? Grant, if we will, that the laws do not avail; it does not necessarily follow that advice also should not avail. On this ground, you ought to say that consolation does not avail, and warning, and exhortation, and scolding, and praising; since they are all varieties of advice. It is by such methods that we arrive at a perfect condition of mind.
94.39 Suppose that a man is acting as he should; he cannot keep it up continuously or consistently, since he will not know the reason for so acting. Some of his conduct will result rightly because of luck or practice; but there will be in his hand no rule by which he may regulate his acts, and which he may trust to tell him whether that which he has done is right. One who is good through mere chance will not give promise of retaining such a character for ever. ' ' None |
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23. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exemplum, exempla
Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 215; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 229
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61.2 \xa0It is a long story to run through his acts of cruelty in detail; it will be enough to mention the forms which they took, as samples of his barbarity. Not a\xa0day passed without an execution, not even those that were sacred and holy; for he put some to death even on New Year's day. Many were accused and condemned with their children and even by their children. The relatives of the victims were forbidden to mourn for them. Special rewards were voted the accusers and sometimes even the witnesses. The word of no informer was doubted."" None |
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24. Tacitus, Annals, 1.41, 3.5.2, 3.33-3.34, 11.24, 11.24.7, 13.4.1, 14.12.2, 15.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Livia (Drusilla), as exemplum • Thrasea Paetus, as exemplum • exempla • exempla, in Tacitus • exempla, role in Roman culture • exemplarity, exemplum, imitation, emulation • imitation, emulation, exemplarity, exemplum • women, imperial, as exempla
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145, 199; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 57; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 86, 87, 94, 202, 207; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8, 9, 172, 229, 243; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 259, 346
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1.41 Non florentis Caesaris neque suis in castris, sed velut in urbe victa facies gemitusque ac planctus etiam militum auris oraque advertere: progrediuntur contuberniis. quis ille flebilis sonus? quod tam triste? feminas inlustris, non centurionem ad tutelam, non militem, nihil imperatoriae uxoris aut comitatus soliti: pergere ad Treviros et externae fidei. pudor inde et miseratio et patris Agrippae, Augusti avi memoria, socer Drusus, ipsa insigni fecunditate, praeclara pudicitia; iam infans in castris genitus, in contubernio legionum eductus, quem militari vocabulo Caligulam appellabant, quia plerumque ad concilianda vulgi studia eo tegmine pedum induebatur. sed nihil aeque flexit quam invidia in Treviros: orant obsistunt, rediret maneret, pars Agrippinae occursantes, plurimi ad Germanicum regressi. isque ut erat recens dolore et ira apud circumfusos ita coepit.' 3.33 Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent. 3.34 Paucorum haec adsensu audita: plures obturbabant neque relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei censorem. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Mes- sala ineratque imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae veterum in melius et laetius mutata; neque enim, ut olim, obsideri urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse. et pauca feminarum necessitatibus concedi quae ne coniugum quidem penatis, adeo socios non onerent; cetera promisca cum marito nec ullum in eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda: sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. quid? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? non tamen ideo neminem in provinciam mitti. corruptos saepe pravitatibus uxorum maritos: num ergo omnis caelibes integros? placuisse quondam Oppias leges, sic temporibus rei publicae postulantibus: remissum aliquid postea et mitigatum, quia expedierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vocabula transferri: nam viri in eo culpam si femina modum excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius imbecillum animum male eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid fore si per pluris annos in modum discidii oblitterentur? sic obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur ut flagitiorum urbis meminissent. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii. quoties divum Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia! se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad gentis iturum, haud semper aequo animo si ab uxore carissima et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caecinae sententia elusa.' "
11.24 His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.'" 15.23 Memmio Regulo et Verginio Rufo consulibus natam sibi ex Poppaea filiam Nero ultra mortale gaudium accepit appellavitque Augustam dato et Poppaeae eodem cognomento. locus puerperio colonia Antium fuit, ubi ipse generatus erat. iam senatus uterum Poppaeae commendaverat dis votaque publice susceperat, quae multiplicata exolutaque. et additae supplicationes templumque fecunditatis et certamen ad exemplar Actiacae religionis decretum, utque Fortunarum effigies aureae in solio Capitolini Iovis locarentur, ludicrum circense, ut Iuliae genti apud Bovillas, ita Claudiae Domitiaeque apud Antium ederetur. quae fluxa fuere, quartum intra mensem defuncta infante. rursusque exortae adulationes censentium honorem divae et pulvinar aedemque et sacerdotem. atque ipse ut laetitiae, ita maeroris immodicus egit. adnotatum est, omni senatu Antium sub recentem partum effuso, Thraseam prohibitum immoto animo praenuntiam imminentis caedis contumeliam excepisse. secutam dehinc vocem Caesaris ferunt qua reconciliatum se Thraseae apud Senecam iactaverit ac Senecam Caesari gratulatum: unde gloria egregiis viris et pericula gliscebant.'' None | sup>
1.41 \xa0The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:â\x80\x94 "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the general\'s wife! They were bound for the Treviri â\x80\x94\xa0handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" â\x80\x94 Caligula â\x80\x94 because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:â\x80\x94 "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:â\x80\x94 <
3.5.2 \xa0There were those who missed the pageantry of a state-funeral and compared the elaborate tributes rendered by Augustus to Germanicus\' father, Drusus:â\x80\x94 "In the bitterest of the winter, the sovereign had gone in person as far as Ticinum, and, never stirring from the corpse, had entered the capital along with it. The bier had been surrounded with the family effigies of the Claudian and Livian houses; the dead had been mourned in the Forum, eulogized upon the Rostra; every distinction which our ancestors had discovered, or their posterity invented, was showered upon him. But to Germanicus had fallen not even the honours due to every and any noble! Granted that the length of the journey was a reason for cremating his body, no matter how, on foreign soil, it would only have been justice that he should have been accorded all the more distinctions later, because chance had denied them at the outset. His brother had gone no more than one day\'s journey to meet him; his uncle not even to the gate. Where were those usages of the ancients â\x80\x94 the image placed at the head of the couch, the set poems to the memory of departed virtue, the panegyrics, the tears, the imitations (if no more) of sorrow?" <
3.33 \xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." < 3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded. <
11.24 \xa0Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â\x80\x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I\xa0find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I\xa0am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â\x80\x94\xa0not to scrutinize antiquity â\x80\x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the\xa0Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â\x80\x94 \'But we fought with the Senones.\' â\x80\x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â\x80\x94 \'We were taken by the Gauls.\' â\x80\x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â\x80\x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâ\x80\x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." <
13.4.1 \xa0However, when the mockeries of sorrow had been carried to their close, he entered the curia; and, after an opening reference to the authority of the Fathers and the uimity of the army, stated that "he had before him advice and examples pointing him to an admirable system of government. Nor had his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife: he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no desire for vengeance. He then outlined the character of the coming principate, the points which had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being specially discounteced:â\x80\x94 "He would not constitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers and defendants within the same four walls and allowing the influence of a\xa0few individuals to run riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loophole for intrigue: the palace and the state would be things separate. Let the senate retain its old prerogatives! Let Italy and the public provinces take their stand before the judgement-seats of the consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the Fathers: for the armies delegated to his charge he would himself be responsible."' "
14.12.2 \xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. <" 15.23 \xa0In the consulate of Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus, Nero greeted a daughter, presented to him by Poppaea, with more than human joy, named the child Augusta, and bestowed the same title on Poppaea. The scene of her delivery was the colony of Antium, where the sovereign himself had seen the light. The senate had already commended the travail of Poppaea to the care of Heaven and formulated vows in the name of the state: they were now multiplied and paid. Public thanksgivings were added, and a Temple of Fertility was decreed, together with a contest on the model of the Actian festival; while golden effigies of the Two Fortunes were to be placed on the throne of Capitoline Jove, and, as the Julian race had its Circus Games at Bovillae, so at Antium should the Claudian and Domitian houses. But all was transitory, as the infant died in less than four months. Then fresh forms of adulation made their appearance, and she was voted the honour of deification, a place in the pulvinar, a temple, and a priest. The emperor, too, showed himself as incontinent in sorrow as in joy. It was noted that when the entire senate streamed towards Antium shortly after the birth, Thrasea, who was forbidden to attend, received the affront, prophetic of his impending slaughter, without emotion. Shortly afterwards, they say, came a remark of the Caesar, in which he boasted to Seneca that he was reconciled to Thrasea; and Seneca congratulated the Caesar: an incident which increased the fame, and the dangers, of those eminent men. <'' None |
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25. Tacitus, Histories, 3.51.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla, in Tacitus • exempla, role in Roman culture
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 60
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3.51.2 \xa0I\xa0have it from the best authorities that the victors had come to disregard the difference between right and wrong so completely that a common soldier declared that he had killed his brother in the last battle and actually asked the generals for a reward. The common dictates of humanity did not permit them to honour such a murder or military policy to punish it. They put off the soldier on the ground that he deserved a reward greater than could be repaid at once; nor is anything further told concerning the case. And yet a similar crime had happened in civil war before. In the struggle against Cinna on the Janiculum, as Sisenna relates, one of Pompey's soldiers killed his own brother and then, on realizing his crime, committed suicide. So much livelier among our ancestors was repentance for guilt as well as glory in virtuous action. Such deeds as this and others like them, drawn from our earlier history, I\xa0shall not improperly insert in my work whenever the theme or situation demands examples of the right or solace for the wrong."" None |
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26. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), similarity • exemplum/exemplarity
Found in books: Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 273; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 104
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27. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus/Octavian, and Forum Augustum exempla • exemplum/exempla
Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 157; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 117, 154
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28. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • material commemoration of exempla, statue of Lucius Silanus
Found in books: Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 248; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 68
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29. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • epic, exempla from • exempla • exempla and exemplarity
Found in books: Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 396, 397
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30. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, use of exempla • archetypal exemplum, the • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 319, 320; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 20
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31. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Moral exempla • exemplum
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 459, 609; Tite (2009), Valentinian Ethics and Paraenetic Discourse: Determining the Social Function of Moral Exhortation in Valentinian Christianity, 199
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32. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican • exemplum, exempla
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 328; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 175
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33. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.6, 28.4, 31.16.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Rome, and exempla • exempla • exempla, in Ammianus
Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 235; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 65, 81
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31.16.9 These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge For procudere, cf. xv. 2, 8 ( ingenium ); xxx. 4, 13 ( ora ); Horace, Odes, iv. 15, 19. their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera, covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum Apparently for Scyrorum (Scirorum), Exc. § 37. et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus.' ' None |
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34. Augustine, The City of God, 2.18, 4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • exempla • exempla (rhetoric) • exempla (rhetoric), Roman • exempla (rhetoric), Sallust • exempla (rhetoric), and history • exempla, as vividly rendered icons of devotion • history, and exempla
Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 163; Ployd (2023), Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric, 65; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 70, 71
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2.18 I will therefore pause, and adduce the testimony of Sallust himself, whose words in praise of the Romans (that equity and virtue prevailed among them not more by force of laws than of nature) have given occasion to this discussion. He was referring to that period immediately after the expulsion of the kings, in which the city became great in an incredibly short space of time. And yet this same writer acknowledges in the first book of his history, in the very exordium of his work, that even at that time, when a very brief interval had elapsed after the government had passed from kings to consuls, the more powerful men began to act unjustly, and occasioned the defection of the people from the patricians, and other disorders in the city. For after Sallust had stated that the Romans enjoyed greater harmony and a purer state of society between the second and third Punic wars than at any other time, and that the cause of this was not their love of good order, but their fear lest the peace they had with Carthage might be broken (this also, as we mentioned, Nasica contemplated when he opposed the destruction of Carthage, for he supposed that fear would tend to repress wickedness, and to preserve wholesome ways of living), he then goes on to say: Yet, after the destruction of Carthage, discord, avarice, ambition, and the other vices which are commonly generated by prosperity, more than ever increased. If they increased, and that more than ever, then already they had appeared, and had been increasing. And so Sallust adds this reason for what he said. For, he says, the oppressive measures of the powerful, and the consequent secessions of the plebs from the patricians, and other civil dissensions, had existed from the first, and affairs were administered with equity and well-tempered justice for no longer a period than the short time after the expulsion of the kings, while the city was occupied with the serious Tuscan war and Tarquin's vengeance. You see how, even in that brief period after the expulsion of the kings, fear, he acknowledges, was the cause of the interval of equity and good order. They were afraid, in fact, of the war which Tarquin waged against them, after he had been driven from the throne and the city, and had allied himself with the Tuscans. But observe what he adds: After that, the patricians treated the people as their slaves, ordering them to be scourged or beheaded just as the kings had done, driving them from their holdings, and harshly tyrannizing over those who had no property to lose. The people, overwhelmed by these oppressive measures, and most of all by exorbitant usury, and obliged to contribute both money and personal service to the constant wars, at length took arms and seceded to Mount Aventine and Mount Sacer, and thus obtained for themselves tribunes and protective laws. But it was only the second Punic war that put an end on both sides to discord and strife. You see what kind of men the Romans were, even so early as a few years after the expulsion of the kings; and it is of these men he says, that equity and virtue prevailed among them not more by force of law than of nature. Now, if these were the days in which the Roman republic shows fairest and best, what are we to say or think of the succeeding age, when, to use the words of the same historian, changing little by little from the fair and virtuous city it was, it became utterly wicked and dissolute? This was, as he mentions, after the destruction of Carthage. Sallust's brief sum and sketch of this period may be read in his own history, in which he shows how the profligate manners which were propagated by prosperity resulted at last even in civil wars. He says: And from this time the primitive manners, instead of undergoing an insensible alteration as hitherto they had done, were swept away as by a torrent: the young men were so depraved by luxury and avarice, that it may justly be said that no father had a son who could either preserve his own patrimony, or keep his hands off other men's. Sallust adds a number of particulars about the vices of Sylla, and the debased condition of the republic in general; and other writers make similar observations, though in much less striking language. However, I suppose you now see, or at least any one who gives his attention has the means of seeing, in what a sink of iniquity that city was plunged before the advent of our heavenly King. For these things happened not only before Christ had begun to teach, but before He was even born of the Virgin. If, then, they dare not impute to their gods the grievous evils of those former times, more tolerable before the destruction of Carthage, but intolerable and dreadful after it, although it was the gods who by their malign craft instilled into the minds of men the conceptions from which such dreadful vices branched out on all sides, why do they impute these present calamities to Christ, who teaches life-giving truth, and forbids us to worship false and deceitful gods, and who, abominating and condemning with His divine authority those wicked and hurtful lusts of men, gradually withdraws His own people from a world that is corrupted by these vices, and is falling into ruins, to make of them an eternal city, whose glory rests not on the acclamations of vanity, but on the judgment of truth? " 4.2 We had promised, then, that we would say something against those who attribute the calamities of the Roman republic to our religion, and that we would recount the evils, as many and great as we could remember or might deem sufficient, which that city, or the provinces belonging to its empire, had suffered before their sacrifices were prohibited, all of which would beyond doubt have been attributed to us, if our religion had either already shone on them, or had thus prohibited their sacrilegious rites. These things we have, as we think, fully disposed of in the second and third books, treating in the second of evils in morals, which alone or chiefly are to be accounted evils; and in the third, of those which only fools dread to undergo - namely, those of the body or of outward things - which for the most part the good also suffer. But those evils by which they themselves become evil, they take, I do not say patiently, but with pleasure. And how few evils have I related concerning that one city and its empire! Not even all down to the time of C sar Augustus. What if I had chosen to recount and enlarge on those evils, not which men have inflicted on each other; such as the devastations and destructions of war, but which happen in earthly things, from the elements of the world itself. of such evils Apuleius speaks briefly in one passage of that book which he wrote, De Mundo, saying that all earthly things are subject to change, overthrow, and destruction. For, to use his own words, by excessive earthquakes the ground has burst asunder, and cities with their inhabitants have been clean destroyed: by sudden rains whole regions have been washed away; those also which formerly had been continents, have been insulated by strange and new-come waves, and others, by the subsiding of the sea, have been made passable by the foot of man: by winds and storms cities have been overthrown; fires have flashed forth from the clouds, by which regions in the East being burnt up have perished; and on the western coasts the like destructions have been caused by the bursting forth of waters and floods. So, formerly, from the lofty craters of Etna, rivers of fire kindled by God have flowed like a torrent down the steeps. If I had wished to collect from history wherever I could, these and similar instances, where should I have finished what happened even in those times before the name of Christ had put down those of their idols, so vain and hurtful to true salvation? I promised that I should also point out which of their customs, and for what cause, the true God, in whose power all kingdoms are, had deigned to favor to the enlargement of their empire; and how those whom they think gods can have profited them nothing, but much rather hurt them by deceiving and beguiling them; so that it seems to me I must now speak of these things, and chiefly of the increase of the Roman empire. For I have already said not a little, especially in the second book, about the many evils introduced into their manners by the hurtful deceits of the demons whom they worshipped as gods. But throughout all the three books already completed, where it appeared suitable, we have set forth how much succor God, through the name of Christ, to whom the barbarians beyond the custom of war paid so much honor, has bestowed on the good and bad, according as it is written, Who makes His sun to rise on the good and the evil, and gives rain to the just and the unjust. Matthew 24:45 '" None |
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35. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Basil of Caesarea, on exempla • exempla • exempla and typology, Augustine reimagining exemplarity • exempla and typology, Orosius Historiae, exemplarity in • exempla, loss of historical detail in
Found in books: Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 416, 417; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 55; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 73, 74
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36. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None
Tagged with subjects: • Exempla and exemplarity • Regulus, M. Atilius, as controversial exemplum • exempla • exempla, intensification of religious element in • exempla, loss of historical detail in • exemplum, and “fit” • exemplum, category vs. instance • exemplum/exempla • moral learning from exempla
Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 101, 102, 103; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 157; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 89, 283; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 9, 50, 101, 103, 126, 179, 215; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 57, 62, 66; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 214, 215, 220, 221
| 1.1.8 No wonder then that the indulgence of the gods was so great in preserving and increasing their empire: for such a scrupulous care seemed to examine the smallest details of religion, so that our city is to be thought never to have had her eyes off from the most exact worship of the gods. And therefore when Marcellus, five times consul, having taken Clastidium, and after that Syracuse, would have in performance of his vows, erected a temple to Honour and Virtue, he was opposed by the college of pontiffs, who denied that one shrine could be rightly dedicated to two gods. For if any prodigy should happen, it would remain doubtful to which deity should be made address: nor was it the custom to sacrifice at once to two deities, unless in some particular cases. Upon which admonition of the pontiffs, Marcellus in two separate temples set up the images of Honour and Virtue; whereby it came to pass, that neither the authority of so great a man was any hindrance to the college, nor the addition of expense any impediment to Marcellus, but that all justice and observation was given to religion. 1.1.14 But as to those things which concern the observation of religion, I know not whether Atilius Regulus has not excelled all that ever went before him. Instead of a famous conqueror being now made a captive, through the wiles and ambuscades of Hasdrubal and Xanthippus the Lacedaemonian, he was sent to the senate and people of Rome, to try if he could get himself - being but one, and old - redeemed for several young and noble Carthaginians. When he came, he advised the senate to the contrary, and went back to Carthage, well knowing to what, cruel and inveterate enemies he returned; but he had sworn so to do, if he could not obtain the release of their captives. Surely the immortal gods had reason to have mitigated their fury; but that the glory of Atilius might be the greater, they permitted the Carthagians to take their own inhumane courses - as those who in the Third Punic War would severely recompense the death of so noble a soul with the destruction of their city. 3.2.1 When the Etruscans made an incursion into the city over the Sublician Bridge, Horatius Cocles defended the further end of it, and with an indefatigable fight withstood the whole body and force of the enemy, till the bridge was broken behind him; and when he saw his country freed from imminent danger, he flung himself armed into the Tiber. The immortal gods, in admiration for his courage, rewarded him with a safe retreat, so that he was neither hurt with the height of the fall, nor pressed down by the weight of his armour, nor swept away by the current of the river, nor touched by the missiles that flew upon every side of him. And thereby he drew the eyes of all his fellow-citizens and of all his enemies upon his own single person; the one struck with admiration, the other in a trance between joy and fear. And he alone separated two great armies that were closely engaged, repelling the one, and defending the other. And lastly, by his single strength he was as great a guard to our city with his shield, as the Tiber was with its stream. And therefore the Etruscans as they departed might well say that they had vanquished the Romans, but were defeated by Horatius alone. 3.2.2 Cloelia makes me almost forgetful of my purpose; she dared a most noble enterprise at the same time, against the same enemy, and in the same Tiber. For being given as hostage among other maidens to Porsenna, she escaped the guards in the night-time, and getting a horse, she quickly reached the river which she swam over; freeing her country not only from a siege, but from fear of danger - a girl, holding out a light of virtue to men. 3.2.3 I now return to Romulus, who being challenged to combat by Acro king of the Caeninenses, though he believed himself superior both in the number and the courage of his soldiers, and that it was safer for him to fight with his whole army than in single combat, yet preferred with his own right hand to seize the omen of victory. Nor did fortune fail his undertaking; for having slain Acro, and vanquished his enemies, he brought away rich spoils and trophies, which he offered to Jupiter Feretrius. About this let these words suffice: for virtue consecrated by public religion, needs no private praise.' "4.7.2 In the same family equally powerful examples of friendship arise. For when the plots and enterprises of C. Gracchus were utterly defeated and all his conspiracy brought to light, he was deserted of all assistance, except for his two friends Pomponius and Laetorius, who by interposing their own bodies, protected him from the missiles that fell around him. And of these two, Pomponius, so that Gracchus might more easily escape, withstood a whole body of soldiers that eagerly pursued him at the Trigeminal Gate; nor could he be moved while he lived, till at length having received many wounds, he fell, and (though I am apt to believe unwillingly) was forced to permit them passage over his dead body. Laetorius made a stand upon the Sublician Bridge, and till Gracchus had passed over guarded it with the passion of his courage, till at length overpowered by the multitude, turning his sword upon himself, he made a nimble leap into Tiber, and so perished, showing that kindness to the friendship of one person by his voluntary death, which Horatius Cocles, in the same place, had shown to his whole country. What renowned soldiers might the Gracchi have had, if they had followed the courses which their father or mother's father had done! With what a courageous fury might Blossius, Pomponius and Laetorius have assisted them in the gaining trophies and triumphs, the brave associates of such wild enterprises! By taking part in an inauspicious friendship, as how much the more miserable, also so much are they the more certain examples of a generous loyalty." ' None |
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37. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.203, 1.364, 2.237-2.238, 2.361-2.362
Tagged with subjects: • Basil of Caesarea, on exempla • Hypsipyle, as female exemplum of pietas • Valerius Flaccus, G., exempla/exemplarity • exempla • exempla and exemplarity • exempla and exemplarity, Republican • exempla and typology, Augustine reimagining exemplarity • exempla and typology, Orosius Historiae, exemplarity in • exempla, positive • exempla/exemplarity • exemplum/example(s)
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 71; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 110; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 416, 417; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 322; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 163; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 10, 66, 72; van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 181
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1.203 mittite: forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit.
1.364 Pygmalionis opes pelago; dux femina facti.
2.237 intendunt: scandit fatalis machina muros, 2.238 feta armis. Pueri circum innuptaeque puellae
2.361 Quis cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando 2.362 explicet, aut possit lacrimis aequare labores?'' None | sup>
1.203 (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then ' "
1.364 the winter o'er Rutulia's vanquished hills. " 2.237 and favoring Pallas all her grace withdrew. 2.238 No dubious sign she gave. Scarce had they set
2.361 the son of Peleus, came, and Acamas, 2.362 King Menelaus, Thoas and Machaon, '' None |
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38. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Hypsipyle, as female exemplum of pietas • Valerius Flaccus, G., exempla/exemplarity • exempla/exemplar • exempla/exemplarity
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 67, 74, 75, 76; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 269; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 147, 148, 149, 158
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