1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 6.16, 22.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), on emotions Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 255; Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 152| 6.16. לֹא תְנַסּוּ אֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם כַּאֲשֶׁר נִסִּיתֶם בַּמַּסָּה׃ 22.8. כִּי תִבְנֶה בַּיִת חָדָשׁ וְעָשִׂיתָ מַעֲקֶה לְגַגֶּךָ וְלֹא־תָשִׂים דָּמִים בְּבֵיתֶךָ כִּי־יִפֹּל הַנֹּפֵל מִמֶּנּוּ׃ | 6.16. Ye shall not try the LORD your God, as ye tried Him in Massah. 22.8. When thou buildest a new house, then thou shalt make a parapet for thy roof, that thou bring not blood upon thy house, if any man fall from thence. |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 3.15, 18.27 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 256; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 184| 3.15. וְאֵיבָה אָשִׁית בֵּינְךָ וּבֵין הָאִשָּׁה וּבֵין זַרְעֲךָ וּבֵין זַרְעָהּ הוּא יְשׁוּפְךָ רֹאשׁ וְאַתָּה תְּשׁוּפֶנּוּ עָקֵב׃ 18.27. וַיַּעַן אַבְרָהָם וַיֹּאמַר הִנֵּה־נָא הוֹאַלְתִּי לְדַבֵּר אֶל־אֲדֹנָי וְאָנֹכִי עָפָר וָאֵפֶר׃ | 3.15. And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed; they shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise their heel.’ 18.27. And Abraham answered and said: ‘Behold now, I have taken upon me to speak unto the Lord, who am but dust and ashes. |
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| 3. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 25.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •bible, evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, intertwining biblical and philosophical language •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, godly or beneficial λύπη •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, biblical and philosophical language, intertwining Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 542 |
4. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 21.21, 22.7, 40.1-40.3, 46.10, 69.2, 118.131 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 542; Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 223; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 264; Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 26; Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 144; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 184| 22.7. וְאָנֹכִי תוֹלַעַת וְלֹא־אִישׁ חֶרְפַּת אָדָם וּבְזוּי עָם׃ | 22.7. But I am a worm, and no man; a reproach of men, and despised of the people. |
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5. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 12.13 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 185| 12.13. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֶל־נָתָן חָטָאתִי לַיהוָה וַיֹּאמֶר נָתָן אֶל־דָּוִד גַּם־יְהוָה הֶעֱבִיר חַטָּאתְךָ לֹא תָמוּת׃ | 12.13. And David said to Natan, I have sinned against the Lord. And Natan said to David, The Lord also has commuted thy sin; thou shalt not die. |
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| 6. Plato, Republic, 5.461 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 547 |
7. Plato, Laws, 716a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 82| 716a. μέσα τῶν ὄντων ἁπάντων ἔχων, εὐθείᾳ περαίνει κατὰ φύσιν περιπορευόμενος· τῷ δὲ ἀεὶ συνέπεται δίκη τῶν ἀπολειπομένων τοῦ θείου νόμου τιμωρός, ἧς ὁ μὲν εὐδαιμονήσειν μέλλων ἐχόμενος συνέπεται ταπεινὸς καὶ κεκοσμημένος, ὁ δέ τις ἐξαρθεὶς ὑπὸ μεγαλαυχίας, ἢ χρήμασιν ἐπαιρόμενος ἢ τιμαῖς, ἢ καὶ σώματος εὐμορφίᾳ ἅμα νεότητι καὶ ἀνοίᾳ φλέγεται τὴν ψυχὴν μεθʼ ὕβρεως, ὡς οὔτε ἄρχοντος οὔτε τινὸς ἡγεμόνος δεόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλοις ἱκανὸς ὢν ἡγεῖσθαι, | 716a. completeth his circuit by nature’s ordice in straight, unswerving course. With him followeth Justice, as avenger of them that fall short of the divine law; and she, again, is followed by every man who would fain be happy, cleaving to her with lowly and orderly behavior; but whoso is uplifted by vainglory, or prideth himself on his riches or his honors or his comeliness of body, and through this pride joined to youth and folly, is inflamed in soul with insolence, dreaming that he has no need of ruler or guide, but rather is competent himself to guide others,— |
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| 8. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1123a34-1135a39 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 82 |
| 9. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.15.27-1.15.33 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 176 |
| 10. Aristotle, Sense And Sensibilia, 1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, on the eight wicked spirits •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, affective lexica, passion lists creating Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 541 |
| 11. Aristotle, Soul, 1.1.403a30 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, praktikos •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, antirrhêtikos •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, de malignis cogitationibus •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, complex/multivalent analysis of •demons, evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 538 |
| 12. Chrysippus, Fragments, 395 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, praktikos •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, antirrhêtikos •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, de malignis cogitationibus •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, complex/multivalent analysis of •demons, evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 538 |
13. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 7.17-7.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 29 | 7.17. For it is he who gave me unerring knowledge of what exists,to know the structure of the world and the activity of the elements; 7.18. the beginning and end and middle of times,the alternations of the solstices and the changes of the seasons, 7.19. the cycles of the year and the constellations of the stars, 7.20. the natures of animals and the tempers of wild beasts,the powers of spirits and the reasonings of men,the varieties of plants and the virtues of roots; 7.21. I learned both what is secret and what is manifest, 7.22. for wisdom, the fashioner of all things, taught me. For in her there is a spirit that is intelligent, holy,unique, manifold, subtle,mobile, clear, unpolluted,distinct, invulnerable, loving the good, keen,irresistible, |
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| 14. Polybius, Histories, 3.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antirrheticus (evagrius of pontus) Found in books: Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 144 |
15. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 4.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bible, evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, intertwining biblical and philosophical language •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, godly or beneficial λύπη •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, biblical and philosophical language, intertwining Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 542| 4.17. ὁ δὲ κύριός μοι παρέστη καὶ ἐνεδυνάμωσέν με, ἵνα διʼ ἐμοῦ τὸ κήρυγμα πληροφορηθῇ καὶ ἀκούσωσιν πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, καὶ ἐρύσθηνἐκ στόματος λέοντος. | 4.17. But the Lord stood by me, and strengthened me, that through me the message might be fully proclaimed, and that all the Gentiles might hear; and I was delivered out of the mouth of the lion. |
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16. New Testament, Colossians, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), on clothing, monastic Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 249; Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 193, 194| 3.5. Νεκρώσατε οὖν τὰ μέλη τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, πορνείαν, ἀκαθαρσίαν, πάθος, ἐπιθυμίαν κακήν, καὶ τὴν πλεονεξίαν ἥτις ἐστὶν εἰδωλολατρία, | 3.5. Put to death therefore your members which are on the earth: sexual immorality, uncleanness, depraved passion, evil desire, and covetousness, which is idolatry; |
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17. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 4.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 184| 4.13. δυσφημούμενοι παρακαλοῦμεν· ὡς περικαθάρματα τοῦ κόσμου ἐγενήθημεν, πάντων περίψημα, ἕως ἄρτι. | 4.13. Being defamed, we entreat. We are made as the filthof the world, the dirt wiped off by all, even until now. |
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18. New Testament, 1 Peter, 5.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bible, evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, intertwining biblical and philosophical language •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, godly or beneficial λύπη •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, biblical and philosophical language, intertwining Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 542| 5.8. Νήψατε, γρηγορήσατε. ὁ ἀντίδικος ὑμῶν διάβολος ὡς λέων ὠρυόμενος περιπατεῖ ζητῶν καταπιεῖν· | 5.8. Be sober and self-controlled. Be watchful. Your adversary the devil, walks around like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour. |
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19. New Testament, Galatians, 5.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 19| 5.17. ἡ γὰρ σὰρξ ἐπιθυμεῖ κατὰ τοῦ πνεύματος, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα κατὰ τῆς σαρκός, ταῦτα γὰρ ἀλλήλοις ἀντίκειται, ἵνα μὴ ἃ ἐὰν θέλητε ταῦτα ποιῆτε. | 5.17. For the flesh lusts against the Spirit, and theSpirit against the flesh; and these are contrary to one other, that youmay not do the things that you desire. |
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20. New Testament, John, 16.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 542| 16.21. ἡ γυνὴ ὅταν τίκτῃ λύπην ἔχει, ὅτι ἦλθεν ἡ ὥρα αὐτῆς· ὅταν δὲ γεννήσῃ τὸ παιδίον, οὐκέτι μνημονεύει τῆς θλίψεως διὰ τὴν χαρὰν ὅτι ἐγεννήθη ἄνθρωπος εἰς τὸν κόσμον. | 16.21. A woman, when she gives birth, has sorrow, because her time has come. But when she has delivered the child, she doesn't remember the anguish any more, for the joy that a human being is born into the world. |
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21. New Testament, Luke, 4.1-4.13, 8.22-8.25, 10.16, 14.26, 18.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and selfdisclosure •evagrius of pontus,, on demons •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 192, 223; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 185, 186| 4.1. Ἰησοῦς δὲ πλήρης πνεύματος ἁγίου ὑπέστρεψεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰορδάνου, καὶ ἤγετο ἐν τῷ πνεύματι ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ 4.2. ἡμέρας τεσσεράκοντα πειραζόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ διαβόλου. Καὶ οὐκ ἔφαγεν οὐδὲν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις, καὶ συντελεσθεισῶν αὐτῶν ἐπείνασεν. 4.3. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ διάβολος Εἰ υἱὸς εἶ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰπὲ τῷ λίθῳ τούτῳ ἵνα γένηται ἄρτος. 4.4. καὶ ἀπεκρίθη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Ἰησοῦς Γέγραπται ὅτι Οὐκ ἐπʼ ἄρτῳ μόνῳ ζήσεται ὁ ἄνθρωπος. 4.5. Καὶ ἀναγαγὼν αὐτὸν ἔδειξεν αὐτῷ πάσας τὰς βασιλείας τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐν στιγμῇ χρόνου· 4.6. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ διάβολος Σοὶ δώσω τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἅπασαν καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν, ὅτι ἐμοὶ παραδέδοται καὶ ᾧ ἂν θέλω δίδωμι αὐτήν· 4.7. σὺ οὖν ἐὰν προσκυνήσῃς ἐνώπιον ἐμοῦ, ἔσται σοῦ πᾶσα. 4.8. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Γέγραπται Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου προσκυνήσεις καὶ αὐτῷ μόνῳ λατρεύσεις. 4.9. Ἤγαγεν δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ ἔστησεν ἐπὶ τὸ πτερύγιον τοῦ ἱεροῦ, καὶ εἶπεν [αὐτῷ] Εἰ υἱὸς εἶ τοῦ θεοῦ, βάλε σεαυτὸν ἐντεῦθεν κάτω· 4.10. γέγραπται γὰρ ὅτι τοῖς ἀγγέλοις αὐτοῦ ἐντελεῖται περὶ σοῦ τοῦ διαφυλάξαι σε, 4.11. καὶ ὅτι ἐπὶ χειρῶν ἀροῦσίν σε μή ποτε προσκόψῃς πρὸς λίθον τὸν πόδα σου. 4.12. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ὅτι Εἴρηται 4.13. Οὐκ ἐκπειράσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου. Καὶ συντελέσας πάντα πειρασμὸν ὁ διάβολος ἀπέστη ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ ἄχρι καιροῦ. 8.22. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν μιᾷ τῶν ἡμερῶν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐνέβη εἰς πλοῖον καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Διέλθωμεν εἰς τὸ πέραν τῆς λίμνης, καὶ ἀνήχθησαν. 8.23. πλεόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἀφύπνωσεν. καὶ κατέβη λαῖλαψ ἀνέμου εἰς τὴν λίμνην, καὶ συνεπληροῦντο καὶ ἐκινδύνευον. 8.24. προσελθόντες δὲ διήγειραν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Ἐπιστάτα ἐπιστάτα, ἀπολλύμεθα· ὁ δὲ διεγερθεὶς ἐπετίμησεν τῷ ἀνέμῳ καὶ τῷ κλύδωνι τοῦ ὕδατος, καὶ ἐπαύσαντο, καὶ ἐγένετο γαλήνη. 8.25. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτοῖς Ποῦ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν; φοβηθέντες δὲ ἐθαύμασαν, λέγοντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους Τίς ἄρα οὗτός ἐστιν ὅτι καὶ τοῖς ἀνέμοις ἐπιτάσσει καὶ τῷ ὕδατι, καὶ ὑπακούουσιν αὐτῷ; 10.16. Ὁ ἀκούων ὑμῶν ἐμοῦ ἀκούει, καὶ ὁ ἀθετῶν ὑμᾶς ἐμὲ ἀθετεῖ· ὁ δὲ ἐμὲ ἀθετῶν ἀθετεῖ τὸν ἀποστείλαντά με. 14.26. Εἴ τις ἔρχεται πρός με καὶ οὐ μισεῖ τὸν πατέρα ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τὰς ἀδελφάς, ἔτι τε καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἑαυτοῦ, οὐ δύναται εἶναί μου μαθητής. 18.13. ὁ δὲ τελώνης μακρόθεν ἑστὼς οὐκ ἤθελεν οὐδὲ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐπᾶραι εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, ἀλλʼ ἔτυπτε τὸ στῆθος ἑαυτοῦ λέγων Ὁ θεός, ἱλάσθητί μοι τῷ ἁμαρτωλῷ. | 4.1. Jesus, full of the Holy Spirit, returned from the Jordan, and was led by the Spirit into the wilderness 4.2. for forty days, being tempted by the devil. He ate nothing in those days. Afterward, when they were completed, he was hungry. 4.3. The devil said to him, "If you are the Son of God, command this stone to become bread." 4.4. Jesus answered him, saying, "It is written, 'Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word of God.'" 4.5. The devil, leading him up on a high mountain, showed him all the kingdoms of the world in a moment of time. 4.6. The devil said to him, "I will give you all this authority, and their glory, for it has been delivered to me; and I give it to whomever I want. 4.7. If you therefore will worship before me, it will all be yours." 4.8. Jesus answered him, "Get behind me Satan! For it is written, 'You shall worship the Lord your God, and him only shall you serve.'" 4.9. He led him to Jerusalem, and set him on the pinnacle of the temple, and said to him, "If you are the Son of God, cast yourself down from here, 4.10. for it is written, 'He will give his angels charge concerning you, to guard you;' 4.11. and, 'On their hands they will bear you up, Lest perhaps you dash your foot against a stone.'" 4.12. Jesus answering, said to him, "It has been said, 'You shall not tempt the Lord your God.'" 4.13. When the devil had completed every temptation, he departed from him until another time. 8.22. Now it happened on one of those days, that he entered into a boat, himself and his disciples, and he said to them, "Let's go over to the other side of the lake." So they launched out. 8.23. But as they sailed, he fell asleep. A wind storm came down on the lake, and they were taking on dangerous amounts of water. 8.24. They came to him, and awoke him, saying, "Master, master, we are dying!" He awoke, and rebuked the wind and the raging of the water, and they ceased, and it was calm. 8.25. He said to them, "Where is your faith?" Being afraid they marveled, saying one to another, "Who is this, then, that he commands even the winds and the water, and they obey him?" 10.16. Whoever listens to you listens to me, and whoever rejects you rejects me. Whoever rejects me rejects him who sent me." 14.26. "If anyone comes to me, and doesn't hate his own father, mother, wife, children, brothers, and sisters, yes, and his own life also, he can't be my disciple. 18.13. But the tax collector, standing far away, wouldn't even lift up his eyes to heaven, but beat his breast, saying, 'God, be merciful to me, a sinner!' |
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22. New Testament, Mark, 7.28, 11.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 184| 7.28. ἡ δὲ ἀπεκρίθη καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ναί, κύριε, καὶ τὰ κυνάρια ὑποκάτω τῆς τραπέζης ἐσθίουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ψιχίων τῶν παιδίων. 11.25. καὶ ὅταν στήκετε προσευχόμενοι, ἀφίετε εἴ τι ἔχετε κατά τινος, ἵνα καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς ἀφῇ ὑμῖν τὰ παραπτώματα ὑμῶν. | 7.28. But she answered him, "Yes, Lord. Yet even the dogs under the table eat the children's crumbs." 11.25. Whenever you stand praying, forgive, if you have anything against anyone; so that your Father, who is in heaven, may also forgive you your transgressions. |
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23. New Testament, Matthew, 4.1-4.11, 5.3-5.4, 5.46, 7.23, 16.24, 19.29, 23.9, 26.75 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and selfdisclosure •evagrius of pontus,, on demons •evagrius of pontus •evagrius of pontus, godly or beneficial λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus,, on thoughts •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 543; Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 191, 223; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 255; Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 82; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 184, 186| 4.1. Τότε [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς ἀνήχθη εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ὑπὸ τοῦ πνεύματος, πειρασθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ διαβόλου. 4.2. καὶ νηστεύσας ἡμέρας τεσσεράκοντα καὶ νύκτας τεσσεράκοντα ὕστερον ἐπείνασεν. 4.3. Καὶ προσελθὼν ὁ πειράζων εἶπεν αὐτῷ Εἰ υἱὸς εἶ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰπὸν ἵνα οἱ λίθοι οὗτοι ἄρτοι γένωνται. 4.4. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν Γέγραπται Οὐκ ἐπʼ ἄρτῳ μόνῳ ζήσεται ὁ ἄνθρωπος, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ παντὶ ῥήματι ἐκπορευομένῳ διὰ στόματος θεοῦ. 4.5. Τότε παραλαμβάνει αὐτὸν ὁ διάβολος εἰς τὴν ἁγίαν πόλιν, καὶ ἔστησεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ πτερύγιον τοῦ ἱεροῦ, 4.6. καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Εἰ υἱὸς εἶ τοῦ θεοῦ, βάλε σεαυτὸν κάτω· γέγραπται γὰρ ὅτι Τοῖς ἀγγέλοις αὐτοῦ ἐντελεῖται περὶ σοῦ καὶ ἐπὶ χειρῶν ἀροῦσίν σε, μή ποτε προσκόψῃς πρὸς λίθον τὸν πόδα σου. 4.7. ἔφη αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς Πάλιν γέγραπται Οὐκ ἐκπειράσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου. 4.8. Πάλιν παραλαμβάνει αὐτὸν ὁ διάβολος εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν λίαν, καὶ δείκνυσιν αὐτῷ πάσας τὰς βασιλείας τοῦ κόσμου καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν, 4.9. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ταῦτά σοι πάντα δώσω ἐὰν πεσὼν προσκυνήσῃς μοι. 4.10. τότε λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς Ὕπαγε, Σατανᾶ· γέγραπται γάρ Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου προσκυνήσεις καὶ αὐτῷ μόνῳ λατρεύσεις. 4.11. Τότε ἀφίησιν αὐτὸν ὁ διάβολος, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄγγελοι προσῆλθον καὶ διηκόνουν αὐτῷ. 5.3. ΜΑΚΑΡΙΟΙ οἱ πτωχοὶ τῷ πνεύματι, ὅτι αὐτῶν ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν. 5.4. μακάριοι οἱ πενθοῦντες, ὅτι αὐτοὶ παρακληθήσονται. 5.46. ἐὰν γὰρ ἀγαπήσητε τοὺς ἀγαπῶντας ὑμᾶς, τίνα μισθὸν ἔχετε; οὐχὶ καὶ οἱ τελῶναι τὸ αὐτὸ ποιοῦσιν; 7.23. καὶ τότε ὁμολογήσω αὐτοῖς ὅτι Οὐδέποτε ἔγνων ὑμᾶς· ἀποχωρεῖτε ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ οἱ ἐργαζόμενοι τὴν ἀνομίαν. 16.24. Τότε [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ Εἴ τις θέλει ὀπίσω μου ἐλθεῖν, ἀπαρνησάσθω ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἀράτω τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκολουθείτω μοι. 19.29. καὶ πᾶς ὅστις ἀφῆκεν οἰκίας ἢ ἀδελφοὺς ἢ ἀδελφὰς ἢ πατέρα ἢ μητέρα ἢ τέκνα ἢ ἀγροὺς ἕνεκεν τοῦ ἐμοῦ ὀνόματος, πολλαπλασίονα λήμψεται καὶ ζωὴν αἰώνιον κληρονομήσει. 23.9. καὶ πατέρα μὴ καλέσητε ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, εἷς γάρ ἐστιν ὑμῶν ὁ πατὴρ ὁ οὐράνιος· 26.75. καὶ ἐμνήσθη ὁ Πέτρος τοῦ ῥήματος Ἰησοῦ εἰρηκότος ὅτι Πρὶν ἀλέκτορα φωνῆσαι τρὶς ἀπαρνήσῃ με, καὶ ἐξελθὼν ἔξω ἔκλαυσεν πικρῶς. | 4.1. Then Jesus was led up by the Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted by the devil. 4.2. When he had fasted forty days and forty nights, he was hungry afterward. 4.3. The tempter came and said to him, "If you are the Son of God, command that these stones become bread." 4.4. But he answered, "It is written, 'Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceeds out of the mouth of God.'" 4.5. Then the devil took him into the holy city. He set him on the pinnacle of the temple, 4.6. and said to him, "If you are the Son of God, throw yourself down, for it is written, 'He will give his angels charge concerning you.' and, 'On their hands they will bear you up, So that you don't dash your foot against a stone.'" 4.7. Jesus said to him, "Again, it is written, 'You shall not test the Lord, your God.'" 4.8. Again, the devil took him to an exceedingly high mountain, and showed him all the kingdoms of the world, and their glory. 4.9. He said to him, "I will give you all of these things, if you will fall down and worship me." 4.10. Then Jesus said to him, "Get behind me, Satan! For it is written, 'You shall worship the Lord your God, and him only shall you serve.'" 4.11. Then the devil left him, and behold, angels came and ministered to him. 5.3. "Blessed are the poor in spirit, For theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven. 5.4. Blessed are those who mourn, For they shall be comforted. 5.46. For if you love those who love you, what reward do you have? Don't even the tax collectors do the same? 7.23. Then I will tell them, 'I never knew you. Depart from me, you who work iniquity.' 16.24. Then Jesus said to his disciples, "If anyone desires to come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow me. 19.29. Everyone who has left houses, or brothers, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my name's sake, will receive one hundred times, and will inherit eternal life. 23.9. Call no man on the earth your father, for one is your Father, he who is in heaven. 26.75. Peter remembered the word which Jesus had said to him, "Before the cock crows, you will deny me three times." He went out and wept bitterly. |
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| 24. Plutarch, On Exilio, 599b, 599c, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 535 |
| 25. New Testament, Acts, 25, 122 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 249 |
26. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 4.18, 7.9-7.10, 10.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and selfdisclosure •evagrius of pontus,, on demons •evagrius of pontus, godly or beneficial λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 543; Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 223; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 260| 4.18. μὴ σκοπούντων ἡμῶν τὰ βλεπόμενα ἀλλὰ τὰ μὴ βλεπόμενα, τὰ γὰρ βλεπόμενα πρόσκαιρα, τὰ δὲ μὴ βλεπόμενα αἰώνια. 7.9. οὐχ ὅτι ἐλυπήθητε, ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἐλυπήθητε εἰς μετάνοιαν, ἐλυπήθητε γὰρ κατὰ θεόν, ἵνα ἐν μηδενὶ ζημιωθῆτε ἐξ ἡμῶν. 7.10. ἡ γὰρ κατὰ θεὸν λύπη μετάνοιαν εἰς σωτηρίαν ἀμεταμέλητον ἐργάζεται· ἡ δὲ τοῦ κόσμου λύπη θάνατον κατεργάζεται. 10.4. τὰ γὰρ ὅπλα τῆς στρατείας ἡμῶν οὐ σαρκικὰ ἀλλὰ δυνατὰ τῷ θεῷ πρὸς καθαίρεσιν ὀχυρωμάτων,— | |
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| 27. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 105 |
28. Polycarp of Smyrna, Letter To The Philippians, 11.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224| 11.2. θυι αυτεμ νον ποτεστ σε ιν ηις γυβερναρε, #3υομοδο αλιι προνυντιατ Eph. 5, 5; Col. 3, 5 ηοε? σι #3υις νον σε αβστινυεριτ αβ αϝαριτια, αβ Jer. 5, 4 ιδολολατρια ξοιν#3υιναβιτυρ ετ ταμ#3υαμ ιντερ γεντες I Cor. 6, 2 ιυδιξαβιτυρ, #3υι ιγνοραντ ιυδιξιυμ δομινι. αυτ νεσξιμυς, #3υια σανξτι μυνδυμ ιυδιξαβυντ? σιξυτ παυλυς δοξετ. | 11.2. |
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| 29. Theon Aelius, Exercises, 60 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 188 |
| 30. Galen, On The Movement of Muscles, 8.2, 10.4, 10.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 534 |
| 31. Galen, To Posthumus, On Prognosis, 6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 534 |
| 32. Galen, On The Preservation of Health, 1.5, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 534 |
| 33. Galen, On Temperaments, 2.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 534 |
| 34. Galen, That The Qualities of The Mind Depend On The Temperament of The Body, 71 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 12, 13, 25, 26, 46, 47 |
| 35. Herodianus Aelius, General Prosody, 1.8.2-1.8.3, 1.9.2-1.9.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antirrheticus (evagrius of pontus) •evagrius of pontus, calligraphy Found in books: Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 120, 144 |
| 36. Galen, On The Art of Healing, 8.2, 10.4, 10.6, 10.10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on the eight wicked spirits •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, affective lexica, passion lists creating Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 534, 541 |
| 37. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 7.39.6, 7.42.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224, 251 |
| 38. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, de malignis cogitationibusnan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 25 |
| 39. Galen, On The Art of Medicine, 24 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 534 |
40. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 3, 6 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 70 | 6. Ethiopia covers the western wing of the entire earth under the sun, just as India does the eastern wing; and at Meroe it adjoins Egypt, and, after skirting a part of Libya Incognita, it ends at the sea which the poets call by the name of the Ocean, that being the name they applied to the mass of water which surrounds the earth. This country supplies Egypt with the river Nile, which takes its rise at the cataracts (Catadupi), and brings down from Ethiopia all Egypt, the soil of which in flood-time it inundates. Now in size this country is not worthy of comparison with India, not for that matter is any of the continents that are famous among men; and even if you put together all Egypt with Ethiopia, and we may regard the river as so combining the two, we should not compare the two together with India, so vast is the standard of comparison. However their respective rivers, theIndus and the Nile, resemble one another, if we consider their creatures. For they both spread their moisture over the land in the summer season, when the earth most wants it, and unlike all other rivers they produced the crocodile and the river-horse; and the religious rites celebrated over them correspond with one another, for many of the religious invocations of the Indians are repeated in the case of the Nile. We have a proof of the similarity of the two countries in the spices which are found in them, also in the fact that the lion and the elephant are captured and confined in both the one and the other. They are also the haunts of animals not found elsewhere, and of black men — a feature not found in other continents — and we meet in them with races of pigmies and of people who bark in various ways instead of talking, and other wonders of the kind. And the griffins of the Indians and the ants of the Ethiopians, though they are dissimilar in form, yet, from what we hear, play similar parts; for in each country they are the guardians of gold, and devoted to the gold reefs of the two countries. But we will not pursue these subjects; for we must resume the course of our history and follow in the sage's footsteps.,For when he arrived at the confines of Ethiopia and Egypt, and the name of the place is Sycaminus, he came across a quantity of uncoined gold and linen and an elephant and various roots and myrrh and spices, which are all lying without anyone to watch them at the crossways. I will explain the meaning of this, for the same custom still survives among ourselves. It was a market place to which the Ethiopians bring all the products of their country; and the Egyptians in their turn take them all away and bring to the same spot their own wares of equal value, so bartering what they have got for what they have not. Now the inhabitants of the marches are not yet fully black but are half-breeds in matter of color, for they are partly not so black as the Ethiopians, yet partly more so than the Egyptians. Apollonius, accordingly, when he realized the character of the market, remarked: Contrast our good Hellenes: they pretend they cannot live unless one penny begets another and unless they can force up the price of their goods by chaffering or holding them back; and one pretends that he has got a daughter whom it is time to marry, and another that he has got a son who has just reached manhood, and a third that he has to pay his subscription to his club, and a fourth that he is having a house built for him, and a fifth that he would be ashamed of being thought a worse man of business than his father was before him. What a splendid thing then it would be, if wealth were held in less honor and equality flourished a little more and “if the black iron were left to rust in the ground,” for all men would agree with one another, and the whole earth would be like one brotherhood.,With such conversations, the occasions providing as usual the topics he talked about, he turned his steps towards Memnon; an Egyptian showed them the way, of whom Damis gives the following account: Timasion was the name of this stripling, who was just emerging from boyhood, and was now in the prime of life and strength. He had a stepmother who had fallen in love with him; and when he rejected her overtures, she set upon him and by way of spiting him had poisoned his father's mind against him, condescending to a lower intrigue than ever Phaedra had done, for she accused him of being effeminate, and of finding his pleasure in pederasts rather than in women. He had accordingly abandoned Naucratis, for it was there that all this happened, and was living in the neighborhood of Memphis; and he had acquired and manned a boat of his own and was plying as a waterman on the Nile. He then, was going down the river when he saw Apollonius sailing up it; and he concluded that the crew consisted of wise men, because he judged them by the cloaks they wore and the books they were hard at work studying. So he asked them whether they would allow one who was so passionately fond of wisdom as himself to share their voyage; and Apollonius said: This youth is wise, my friends, so let him be granted his request. And he further related the story about his stepmother to those of his companions who were nearest to him in a low tone while the stripling was still sailing towards them. But when the ships were alongside of one another, Timasion stepped out of his boat, and after addressing a word or two to his pilot, about the cargo in his own boat, he greeted the company. Apollonius then ordered him to sit down under his eyes, and said: You stripling of Egypt, for you seem to be one of the natives, tell me what you have done of evil or what of good; for in the one case you shall be forgiven by me, in consideration of your youth; but in the other you shall reap my commendation and become a fellow-student of philosophy with me and with these gentlemen. Then noticing that Timasion blushed and checked his impulse to speak, and hesitated whether to say or not what he had been going to say, he pressed his question and repeated it, just as if he had no foreknowledge of the youth at his command. Then Timasion plucked up courage and said: O Heavens, how shall I describe myself? for I am not a bad boy, and yet I do not know whether I ought to be considered a good one, for there is no particular merit in having abstained from wrong. But Apollonius cried: Bravo, my boy, you answer me just as if you were a sage from India; for this was just the sentiment of the divine Iarchas. But tell me how you came to form these opinions, and how long ago; for it strikes me that you have been on your guard against some sin. The youth then began to tell them of his stepmother's infatuation for himself, and of how he had rejected her advances; and when he did so, there was a shout in recognition of the divine inspiration under which Apollonius had foretold these details. Timasion, however, caught them up and said: Most excellent people, what is the matter with you? for my story is one which calls as little for your admiration, I think, as for your ridicule. But Damis said: It was not that we were admiring, but something else which you don't know about yet. As for you, my boy, we praise you because you think that you did nothing very remarkable. And Apollonius said: Do you sacrifice to Aphrodite, my boy? And Timasion answered: Yes, by Zeus, every day; for I consider that this goddess has great influence in human and divine affairs. Thereat Apollonius was delighted beyond measure, and cried: Let us, gentlemen, vote a crown to him for his continence rather than to Hippolytus the son of Theseus, for the latter insulted Aphrodite; and that perhaps is why he never fell a victim to the tender passion, and why love never ran riot in his soul; but he was allotted an austere and unbending nature. But our friend here admits that he is devoted to the goddess, and yet did not respond to his stepmother's guilty overtures, but went away in terror of the goddess herself, in case he were not on his guard against another's evil passions; and the mere aversion to any one of the gods, such as Hippolytus entertained in regard to Aphrodite, I do not class as a form of sobriety; for it is a much greater proof of wisdom and sobriety to speak well of the gods, especially at Athens, where altars are set up in honor even of unknown gods. So great was the interest which he took in Timasion. Nevertheless he called him Hippolytus for the eyes with which he looked at his stepmother. It seemed also that he was a young man who was particular about his person and enhanced its charms by attention to athletic exercises.,Under his guidance, they say, they went on to the sacred enclosure of Memnon, of whom Damis gives the following account. He says that he was the son of the Dawn, and that he did not meet his death in Troy, where indeed he never went; but that he died in Ethiopia after ruling the land for five generations. But his countrymen being the longest lived of men, still mourn him as a mere youth and deplore his untimely death. But the place in which his statue is set up resembles, they tell us, an ancient market-place, such as remain in cities that were long ago inhabited, and where we come on broken stumps and fragments of columns, and find traces of walls as well as seats and jambs of doors, and images of Hermes, some destroyed by the hand of man, others by that of time. Now this statue, says Damis, was turned towards the sunrise, and was that of a youth still unbearded; and it was made of a black stone, and the two feet were joined together after the style in which statues were made in the time of Daedalus; and the arms of the figure were perpendicular to the seat pressing upon it, for though the figure was still sitting it was represented in the very act of rising up. We hear much of this attitude of the statue, and of the expression of its eyes, and of how the lips seem about to speak; but they say that they had no opportunity of admiring these effects until they saw them realized; for when the sun's rays fell upon the statue, and this happened exactly at dawn, they could not restrain their admiration; for the lips spoke immediately the sun's ray touched them, and the eyes seemed to stand out and gleam against the light as do those of men who love to bask in the sun. Then they say they understood that the figure was of one in the act of rising and making obeisance to the sun, in the way those do who worship the powers above standing erect. They accordingly offered a sacrifice to the Sun of Ethiopia and to Memnon of the Dawn, for this the priests recommended them to do, explaining that one name was derived from the words signifying to burn and be warm [ 1] and the other from his mother. Having done this they set out upon camels for the home of the naked philosophers.,On the way they met a man wearing the garb of the inhabitants of Memphis, but who was wandering about rather than wending his steps to a fixed point; so Damis asked him who he was and why he was roving about like that. But Timasion said: You had better ask me, and not him; for he will never tell you what is the matter with him, because he is ashamed of the plight in which he finds himself; but as for me, I know the poor man and pity him, and I will tell you all about him. For he has slain unwittingly a certain inhabitant of Memphis, and the laws of Memphis prescribe that a person exiled for an involuntary offense of this kind, — and the penalty is exile, — should remain with the naked philosophers until he has washed away the guilt of bloodshed, and then he may return home as soon as he is pure, though he must first go to the tomb of the slain man and sacrifice there some trifling victim. Now until he has been received by the naked philosophers, so long he must roam about these marches, until they take pity upon him as if he were a suppliant. Apollonius therefore put the question to Timasion: What do the naked philosophers think of this particular exile? And he answered: I do not know anything more than that this is the seventh month that he has remained here as a suppliant, and that he has not yet obtained redemption. Said Apollonius: You don't call men wise, who refuse to purify him, and are not aware that Philiscus whom he slew was a descendant of Thamus the Egyptian, who long ago laid waste the country of these naked philosophers. Thereat Timasion said in surprise: What do you mean? I mean, said the other, my good youth, what was actually the fact; for this Thamus once on a time was intriguing against the inhabitants of Memphis, and these philosophers detected his plot and prevented him; and he having failed in his enterprise retaliated by laying waste all the land upon which they live, for by his brigandage he tyrannized the country round Memphis. I perceive that Philiscus whom this man slew was the thirteenth in descent from this Thamus, and was obviously an object of execration to those whose country the latter so thoroughly ravaged at the time in question. Where then is their wisdom? Here is a man that they ought to crown, even if he had slain the other intentionally; and yet they refuse to purge him of a murder which he committed involuntarily on their behalf.. The youth then was astounded and said: Stranger, who are you? And Apollonius replied: He whom you shall find among these naked philosophers. But as it is not allowed me by my religion to address one who is stained with blood, I would ask you, my good boy, to encourage him, and tell him that he will at once be purged of guilt, if he will come to the place where I am lodging. And when the man in question came, Apollonius went through the rites over him which Empedocles and Pythagoras prescribe for the purification of such offenses, and told him to return home, for that he was now pure of guilt.,Thence they rode out at sunrise, and arrived before midday at the academy of the naked sages, who dwell, they relate, upon a moderate-sized hill a little way from the bank of the Nile; and in point of wisdom they fall short of the Indians rather more than they excel the Egyptians. And they wear next to no clothes in the same way as people do at Athens in the heat of summer. And in their district there are few trees, and a certain grove of no great size to which they resort when they meet for the transaction of common affairs; but they do not build their shrines in one and the same place, as Indian shrines are built, but one is in one part of the hill and another in another, all worthy of observation, according to the accounts of the Egyptians. The Nile is the chief object of their worship, for they regard this river as land and water at once. They have no need, however, of hut or dwelling, because they live in the open air directly under the heaven itself, but they have built an hospice to accommodate strangers, and it is a portico of no great size, about equal in length to those of Elis, beneath which the athletes await the sound of the midday trumpet.,At this place Damis records an action of Euphrates, which if we do not regard it as juvenile, was anyhow unworthy of the dignity of a philosopher. Euphrates had heard Apollonius often say that he wished to compare the wisdom of India with that of Egypt, so he sent up to the naked sages one Thrasybulus, a native of Naucratis, to take away our sage's character. Thrasybulus at the same time that he pretended to have come there in order to enjoy their society, told them that the sage of Tyana would presently arrive, and that they would have no little trouble with him, because he esteemed himself more highly than the sages of India did themselves, though he extolled the latter whenever he opened his mouth; and he added that Apollonius had contrived a thousand pitfalls for them, and that he would not allow any sort of influence either to the sun, or to the sky, or to the earth, but pretended to move and juggle and rearrange these forces for whatever end he chose.,Having concocted these stories the man of Naucratis went away; and they, imagining they were true, did not indeed decline to meet Apollonius when he arrived, but pretended that they were occupied with important business and were so intent upon it, that they could only arrange an interview with him if they had time, and if they were informed first of what he wanted and of what attracted him thither.And a messenger from the bade them stay and lodge in the portico, but Apollonius remarked: We do not want to hear about a house for ourselves, for the climate here is such that anyone can live naked, — an unkind reference this to them, as it implied that they went without clothes not to show their endurance, but because it was too to wear any. And he added: I am not surprised indeed at their nor yet knowing what I want, and what I am come here for, though the Indians never asked me these questions.,Accordingly Apollonius lay down under one of the trees, and let his companions who were there with him ask whatever question they pleased. Damis took Timasion apart and asked him the question in private: About these naked sages, my good fellow, as you have lived with them, and in all probability know, tell me what their wisdom comes to? It is, answered the other, manifold an profound. And yet, said Damis, their demeanor towards us does not evince any wisdom, my fine fellow; for when they refuse to converse about wisdom with so great a man as our master, and assume all sorts of airs against him, what can I say of them except that they are too vain and proud. Pride and vanity! said the other, I have already come among them twice, and I never saw any such thing about them; for they were always very modest and courteous towards those who came to visit them. At any rate a little time ago, perhaps a matter of fifty days, one Thrasybulus was staying here who achieved nothing remarkable in philosophy, and they received him with open arms merely because he said he was a disciple of Euphrates. Then Damis cried: What's that you say, my boy? Then you saw Thrasybulus of Naucratis in this academy of theirs? Yes, and what's more, answered the other, I conveyed him hence, when he went down the river, in my own boat. Now I have it, by Athena, cried Damis, in a loud tone of indignation. I warrant he has played us some dirty trick. Timasion then replied: Your master, when I asked him yesterday who he was, would not answer me at once, but kept his name a secret; but do you, unless this is a mystery, tell me who he is, for then I could probably help you to find what you seek. And when he heard from Damis, that it was the sage of Tyana, You have put the matter, he said, in a nutshell. For Thrasybulus, as he descended the Nile with me, in answer to my question what he had gone up there for, explained to me that his love for wisdom was not genuine, and said that he had filled these naked sages with suspicion of Apollonius, to the end that whenever he came here they might flout him; and what his quarrel is with him I know not, but anyhow, it is, I think, worthy of a woman or of a vulgar person to backbite him as he has done. But I will address myself to these people and ascertain their real disposition; for they are friendly to me. And about eventide Timasion returned, though without telling Apollonius any more than that he had interchanged words with them; however he told Damis in private that they meant to come the next morning primed with all that they had heard from Thrasybulus.,They spent that evening conversing about trifles which are not worth recording, and then they lay down to sleep on the spot where they had supped; but at daybreak Apollonius, after adoring the sun according to his custom, had set himself to meditate upon some problem, when Nilus, who was the youngest of the naked philosophers, running up to him, exclaimed: We are coming to you. Quite right, said Apollonius, for to get to you I have made this long journey from the sea all the way here. And with these words he followed Nilus. So after exchanging greetings with the sages, and they met him close to the portico. Where, said Apollonius, shall we hold our interview? Here, said Thespesion, pointing to the grove. Now Thespesion was the eldest of the sect, and led them in procession; and they followed him with an orderly and leisurely step, just as the jury of the athletic sports at Olympia follow the eldest of their number. And when they had sat down, which they did anyhow, and without the observing their previous order, they all fixed their eyes on Thespesion as the one who should regale them with a discourse, which he proceeded as follows: They say, Apollonius, that you have visited the Pythian and Olympian festivals; for this was reported of you here by Stratocles of Pharos, who says he met you there. Now those who come to the Pythian festival are, they say, escorted with the sound of pipe and song and lyre, and are honored with shows of comedies and tragedies; and then last of all they are presented with an exhibition of games and races run by naked athletes. At the Olympic festival, however, these superfluities are omitted as inappropriate and unworthy of the place; and those who go to the festival are only provided with the show of naked athletes originally instituted by Heracles. You may see the same contrast between the wisdom of the Indians and our own. For they, like those who invite others to the Pythian festival, appeal to the crowd with all sorts of charms and wizardry; but we, like the athletes of Olympia, go naked. Here earth strews for us no couches, nor does it yield us milk or wine as if we were bacchants, nor does the air uplift us and sustain us aloft. But the earth beneath us is our only couch, and we live by partaking of its natural fruits, which we would have it yield to us gladly and without being tortured against its will. But you shall see that we are not unable to work tricks if we like. Heigh! you tree yonder, he cried, pointing to an elm tree, the third in the row from that under which they were talking, just salute the wise Apollonius, will you? And forthwith the tree saluted him, as it was bidden to do, in accents which were articulate and like those of a woman. Now he wrought this sign to discredit the Indians, and in the belief that by doing so he would wean Apollonius of his excessive estimate of their powers; for he was always recounting to everybody what the Indians said and did.Then the Egyptian added these precepts: he said that it is sufficient for the sage to abstain from eating all flesh of living animals, and from the roving desires which mount up in the soul through the eyes, and from envy which ends by teaching injustice to hand and will, and that truth stands not in need of miracle-mongering and sinister arts. For look, he said, at the Apollo of Delphi, who keeps the center of Hellas for the utterance of his oracles. There then, as you probably know yourself, a person who desires a response, puts his question briefly, and Apollo tells what he knows without any miraculous display. And yet it would be just as easy for him to convulse the whole mountain of Parnassus, and to alter the springs of the Castalian fountain so that it should run with wine, and to check the river Cephisus and stay its stream; but he reveals the bare truth without any of this show of ostentation. Nor must we suppose that it is by his will, that so much gold and showy offerings enter his treasury, nor that he would care for his temple even if it were made twice as large as it already is. For once on a time this god Apollo dwelt in quite a humble habitation; and a little hut was constructed for him to which the bees are said to have contributed their honeycomb and wax, and the birds their feathers. For simplicity is the teacher of wisdom and the teacher of truth; and you must embrace it, if you would have men think you really wise, and forget all your legendary tales that you have acquired among the Indians. For what need is there to beat the drum over such simple matters as: “Do this, or do not do it,” or “I know it, or I do not know it,” or “It is this and not that'? What do you want with thunder, nay, I would say, What do you want to be thunder-struck for?You have seen in picture-books the representation of Heracles by Prodicus; in it Heracles is represented as a youth, who has not yet chosen the life he will lead; and vice and virtue stand in each side of him plucking his garments and trying to draw him to themselves. Vice is adorned with gold and necklaces and with purple raiment, and her cheeks are painted and her hair delicately plaited and her eyes underlined with henna; and she also wears golden slippers, for she is pictured strutting about in these; but virtue in the picture resembles a woman worn out with toil, with a pinched look; and she has chosen for her adornment rough squalor, and she goes without shoes and in the plainest of raiment, and she would have appeared naked if she had not too much regard for her feminine decency. Now figure yourself, Apollonius, as standing between Indian wisdom on one side, and our humble wisdom on the other; imagine that you hear the one telling you how she will strew flowers under you when you lie down to sleep, yes, and by Heaven, how she will regale you upon milk and nourish you on honey-comb, and how she will supply you with nectar and wings, whenever you want them; and how she will wheel in tripods, whenever you drink, and golden thrones; and you shall have no hard work to do, but everything will be flung unsought into your lap. But the other discipline insists that you must lie on the bare ground in squalor, and be seen to toil naked like ourselves; and that you must not find dear or sweet anything which you have not won by hard work; and that you must not be boastful, not hunt after vanities and pursue pride; and that you must be on your guard against all dreams and visions which lift you off the earth. If then you really make the choice of Heracles, and steel your will resolutely, neither to dishonor truth, nor to decline the simplicity of nature, then you may say that you have overcome many lions and have cut off the heads of many hydras and of monsters like Geryon and Nessus, and have accomplished all his other labors, but if you embrace the life of a strolling juggler, you will flatter men's eyes and ears, but they will think you no wiser than anybody else, and you will become the vanquished of any naked philosopher of Egypt.,When he ended, all turned their eyes upon Apollonius; his own followers knowing well that he would reply, while Thespesion's friends wondered what he could say in answer. But he, after praising the fluency and vigor of the Egyptian, merely said: Have you anything more to say? No, by Zeus, said the other, for I have said all I have to say. Then he asked afresh: And has not any one of the rest of the Egyptians anything to say? I am their spokesman, answered his antagonist, and you have heard them all. Apollonius accordingly paused for a minute and then, fixing his eyes, as it were, on the discourse he had heard, he spoke as follows: You have very well described and in a sound philosophic spirit the choice which Prodicus declares Heracles to have made as a young man; but, ye wise men of the Egyptians, it does not apply in the least to myself. For I am not come here to ask your advice about how to live, insomuch as I long ago made choice of the life which seemed best to myself; and as I am older than any of you, except Thespesion, I myself am better qualified, now I have got here, to advise you how to choose wisdom, if I did not find that you had already made the choice. Being, however, as old as I am, and so far advanced in wisdom as I am, I shall not hesitate as it were to make you the auditors of my life and motives, and teach you that I rightly chose this life of mine, than which no better one has ever suggested itself to me. For I discerned a certain sublimity in the discipline of Pythagoras, and how a certain secret wisdom enabled him to know, not only who he was himself, but also who he had been; and I saw that he approached the altars in purity, and suffered not his belly to be polluted by partaking of the flesh of animals and that he kept his body pure of all garments woven of dead animal refuse; and that he was the first of mankind to restrain his tongue, inventing a discipline of silence described in the proverbial phrase, An ox sits upon it. I also saw that his philosophical system was in other respects oracular and true. So I ran to embrace his teachings, not choosing one form of wisdom rather than another of two presented me, as you, my excellent Thespesion, advise me to do. For philosophy marshaled before me her various points of view, investing them with the adornment proper to each and she commanded me to look upon them and make a sound choice. Now they were all possessed of an august and divine beauty; and some of them were of such dazzling brightness that you might well have closed your eyes. However I fixed my eyes firmly upon all of them, for they themselves encouraged me to do so by moving towards me, and telling me beforehand how much they would give me. Well, one of them professed that she would shower upon me a swarm of pleasures without any toil on my part and another that she would give me rest after toil; and a third that she would mingle mirth and merriment in my toil; and everywhere I had glimpses of pleasures and of unrestrained indulgence in the pleasures of the table; and it seemed that I had only to stretch out my hand to be rich, and that I needed not to set any bridle upon my eyes, but love and loose desire and such-like feelings were freely allowed me. One of them, however, boasted that she would restrain me from such things, but she was bold and abusive and in an unabashed manner elbowed all others aside; and I beheld the ineffable form of wisdom,Damis says that he breathed afresh when he heard this address; for that the Egyptians were so impressed by Apollonius' words, that Thespesion, in spite of the blackness of his complexion, visibly blushed, while the rest of them seemed in some way stunned by the vigorous and fluent discourse which they listened to; but the youngest of them, whose name was Nilus, leapt up from the ground, he says, in admiration, and passing over to Apollonius shook hands with him, and besought him to tell him about the interviews which he had had with the Indians. And Apollonius, he says, replied: I should not grudge you anything, for you are ready to listen, as I see, and are ready to welcome wisdom of every kind; but I should not care to pour out the teachings I gathered there upon Thespesion or on anyone else who regards the lore of the Indians as so much nonsense. Whereupon Thespesion said: But if you were a merchant or a seafarer, and you brought to us some cargo or other from over there, would you claim, merely because it came from India, to dispose of it untested and unexamined, refusing us either the liberty of looking at it or tasting it? But Apollonius repled as follows: I should furnish it to those who asked for it; but if the moment my ship had reached the harbor, someone came down the beach and began to run down my cargo and abuse myself, and say that I came from a country which produces nothing worth having, and if he reproached me for sailing with a cargo of shoddy goods, and tried to persuade the rest to think like himself, do you suppose that one would, after entering such a harbor, cast anchor or make his cables fast, and not rather hoist his sails and put to sea afresh, entrusting his goods more gladly to the winds than to such undiscerning and inhospitable people? Well, I anyhow, said Nilus, lay hold on your cables, and entreat you, my skipper, to let me share your goods that you bring hither; and I would gladly embark with you in your ship as a super-cargo and a clerk to check your merchandise.,Thespesion, however, was anxious to put a stop to such propositions, so he said: I am glad, Apollonius, that you are annoyed at what we said to you; for you can the more readily condone our annoyance at the misrepresentation you made of our local wisdom, long before you had gained any experience of its quality. Apollonius was for a moment astonished at these words, for he had heard nothing as yet of the intrigues of Thrasybulus and Euphrates; but as was his wont, he guessed the truth and said: The Indians, O Thespesion, would never have behaved as you have, nor have given ear to these insinuation dropped by Euphrates, for they have a gift of prescience. Now I never have had any quarrel of my own with Euphrates; I only tried to wean him of his passion for money and cure his propensity to value everything by what he could make out of it; but I found that my advice was not congenial to him, nor in his case practicable; nay he merely takes it as a tacit reproach, and never loses any opportunity of intriguing against me. But since you have found his attacks upon my character so plausible, I may as well tell you that it is you, rather than myself, that he has calumniated. For though, as is clear to me, the victims of calumny incur considerable dangers, since they are, I suppose, sure to be disliked without having done any wrong, yet neither are those who incline to listen to the calumnies free from danger; for in the first place they will be convicted of paying respect to lies and giving them as much attention as they would to the truth, and secondly they are convicted of levity and credulity, faults which it is disgraceful even for a stripling to fall into. And they will be thought envious, because they allow envy to teach them to listen to unjust tittle-tattle; and they expose themselves all the more to calumny, because they think it true of others. For man is by nature inclined to commit a fault which he does not discredit when he hears it related to others. Heaven forbid that a man of these inclinations should become a tyrant, or even president of a popular state; for in his hands even a democracy would become a tyranny; nor let him be made a judge, for surely he will not ever discern the truth. Nor let him be captain of a ship, for the crew would mutiny, nor general of an army, for that would bring luck to the adversary; nor let one of his disposition attempt philosophy, for he would not consider the truth in forming his opinions. But Euphrates has deprived you of even the quality of wisdom; for how can those on whom he has imposed with his falsehoods claim wisdom for themselves? have they not deserted from it to take sides with one who has persuaded them of improbabilities? Here Thespesion tried to calm him, and remarked: Enough of Euphrates and of his small-minded affairs; for we are quite ready even to reconcile you with him, since we consider it the proper work of a sage to be umpire in the disputes of other sages. But, said Apollonius, who shall reconcile me with you? For the victim of lies must surely be driven into hostility by the falsehood. ... Be it so, said Apollonius, and let us hold a conversation, for that will be the best way of reconciling us.,And Nilus, as he was passionately anxious to listen to Apollonius, said: And what's more, it behoves you to begin the conversation, and to tell us all about the journey which you made to the people of India, and about the conversations which you held there, I have no doubt, on the most brilliant topics. And I too, said Thespesion, long to hear about the wisdom of Phraotes, for you are said to have brought from India some examples of his arguments. Apollonius accordingly began by telling them about the events which occurred in Babylon, and told them everything, and they gladly listened to him, spellbound by his words. But when it was midday, they broke of the conversations, for at this time of day the naked sages, like others, attend to the ceremonies of religion.,Apollonius and his comrades were about to dine, when Nilus presented himself with vegetables and bread and dried fruits, some of which he carried himself, while his friends carried the rest; and very politely he said: The sages send these gifts of hospitality, not only to yourselves but to me; for I mean to share in your repast, not uninvited, as they say, but inviting myself. It is a delightful gift of hospitality, said Apollonius, which you bring to us, O youth, in the shape of yourself and your disposition, for you are evidently a philosopher without guile, and an enthusiastic lover of the doctrines of the Indians and of Pythagoras. So lie down here and eat with us. I will do so, said the other, but your dishes will not be ample enough to satisfy me. It seems to me, said the other, that you are a gourmand and an appalling eater. None like me, said the other, for although you have set before me so ample and so brilliant a repast, I am not sated; and after a little time I am come back again to eat afresh. What then can you call me but an insatiable cormorant? Eat your fill, said Apollonius, and as for topics of conversation, some you must yourself supply, and I will give you others.,So when they had dined, I, said Nilus, until now have been camping together with the naked sages, and joined my forces with them as with certain light armed troops or slingers. But now I intend to put on my heavy armor, and it is your shield that shall adorn me. But, said Apollonius, I think, my good Egyptian, that you will incur the censure of Thespesion and his society for two reasons; firstly, that after no further examination and testing of ourselves you have left them, and secondly that you give the preference to our manners and discipline with more precipitancy than is admissible where a man is making choice of how he shall live. I agree with you, said the young man, but if I am to blame for making this choice, I might also be to blame if I did not make it; and anyhow they will be most open to rebuke, if they make the same choice as myself. For it will be more justly reprehensible in them, as they are both older and wiser than myself, not to have made the choice long ago which I make now; for with all their advantages they will have failed to choose what in practice would so much redound to their advantage. A very generous sentiment indeed, my good youth, is this which you have expressed, said Apollonius; but beware lest the mere fact of their being so wise and aged should give them an appearance, at any rate, of being right in choosing as they have done, and of having good reason for rejecting my doctrine; and lest you should seem to take up a very bold position in setting them to rights rather than in following them. But the Egyptian turned short round upon Apollonius and countering his opinion said: So far as it was right for a young man to agree with his elders, I have been careful to do so; for so long as I thought that these gentlemen were possessed of a wisdom which belonged to no other set of men, I attached myself to them; and the motive which actuated me to do so was the following: My father once made a voyage on his own initiative to the Red Sea, for he was, I may tell you, captain of the ship which the Egyptians send to the Indies. And after he had had intercourse with the Indians of the seaboard, he brought home stories of the wise men of that region, closely similar to those which you have told us. And his account which I heard was somewhat as follows, namely that the Indians are the wisest of mankind, but that the Ethiopians are colonists sent from India, who follow their forefathers in matters of wisdom, and fix their eyes on the institutions of their home. Well, I, having reached my teens, surrendered my patrimony to those who wanted it more than myself, and frequented the society of these naked sages, naked myself as they, in the hope of picking up the teaching of the Indians, or at any rate teaching allied to theirs. And they certainly appeared to me to be wise, though not after the manner of India; but when I asked them point blank why they did not teach the philosophy of India, they plunged into abuse of the natives of that country very much as you have heard them do in their speeches this very day. Now I was still young, as you see, so they made me a member of their society, because I imagine they were afraid I might hastily quit them and undertake a voyage to the Red Sea, as my father did before me. And I should certainly have done so, yes, by Heaven, I would have pushed on until I reached the hill of the sages, unless someone of the gods had sent you hither to help me and enabled me without either making any voyage over the Red Sea or adventuring to the inhabitants of the Gulf, to taste the wisdom of India. It is not today therefore for the first time that I shall make my choice, but I made it long ago, though I did not obtain what I hoped to obtain. For what is there to wonder at if a man who has missed what he was looking for, returns to the search? And if I should convert my friends yonder to this point of view, and persuade them to adopt the convictions which I have adopted myself, should I, tell me, be guilty of any hardihood? For you must not reject the claim that youth makes, that in some way it assimilates an idea more easily than old age; and anyone who counsels another to adopt the wisdom and teaching which he himself has chosen, anyhow escapes the imputation of trying to persuade others of things he does not believe himself. And anyone who takes the blessings bestowed upon him by fortune into a corner and there enjoys them by himself, violates their character as blessings, for he prevents their sweetness from being enjoyed by as many as possible.,When Nilus had finished these arguments, and juvenile enough they were, Apollonius took him up and said: If you were in love with my wisdom, had you not better, before I begin, discuss with me the question of my reward? Let us discuss it, answered Nilus, and do you ask whatever you like. I ask you, he said, to be content with the choice you have made, and not to annoy the naked sages by giving them advice which they will not take. I consent, he said, and let this be agreed upon as your reward. This then was the substance of their conversation, and when Nilus at its close asked him how long a time he would stay among the naked sages he replied: So long as the quality of their wisdom justifies anyone in remaining in their company; and after that I shall take my way to the cataracts, in order to see the springs of the Nile, for it will be delightful not only to behold the sources of the Nile, but also to listen to the roar of its waterfalls.,After they had held this discussion and listened to some recollections of India, they lay down to sleep upon the grass; but at daybreak, having offered their accustomed prayers, they followed Nilus, who led them into the presence of Thespesion. They accordingly greeted one another, and sitting down together in the grove they began a conversation in which Apollonius led as follows: How important it is, said he, not to conceal wisdom, is proved by our conversation of yesterday; for because the Indians taught me as much of their wisdom as I thought it proper for me to know, I not only remember my teachers, but I go about instilling into others what I heard from them. And you too will be richly rewarded by me, if you send me away with a knowledge of your wisdom as well; for I shall not cease to go about and repeat your teachings to the Greeks, while to the Indians I shall write them.,Ask, they said, for you know question comes first and argument follows on it. It is about the gods that I would like to ask you a question first, namely, what induced you to impart, as your tradition, to the people of this country forms of the gods that are absurd and grotesque in all but a few cases? In a few cases, do I say? I would rather say that in very few are the gods' images fashioned in a wise and god-like manner, for the mass of your shrines seem to have been erected in honor rather of irrational and ignoble animals than of gods. Thespesion, resenting these remarks, said: And your own images in Greece, how are they fashioned? In the way, he replied, in which it is best and most reverent to construct images of the gods. I suppose you allude, said the other, to the statue of Zeus in Olympia, and to the image of Athena and to that of the Cnidian goddess and to that of the Argive goddess and to other images equally beautiful and full of charm? Not only to these, replied Apollonius, but without exception I maintain, that whereas in other lands statuary has scrupulously observed decency and fitness, you rather make ridicule of the gods than really believe in them. Your artists, then, like Phidias, said the other, and like Praxiteles, went up, I suppose, to heaven and took a copy of the forms of the gods, and then reproduced these by their art or was there any other influence which presided over and guided their molding? There was, said Apollonius, and an influence pregt with wisdom and genius. What was that? said the other, for I do not think you can adduce any except imitation. Imagination, said Apollonius, wrought these works, a wiser and subtler artist by far than imitation; for imitation can only create as its handiwork what it has seen, but imagination equally what it has not seen; for it will conceive of its ideal with reference to the reality, and imitation is often baffled by terror, but imagination by nothing; for it marches undismayed to the goal which it has itself laid down. When you entertain a notion of Zeus you must, I suppose, envisage him along with heaven and seasons and stars, as Phidias in his day endeavoured to do, and if you would fashion an image of Athena you must imagine in your mind armies and cunning, and handicrafts, and how she leapt out of Zeus himself. But if you make a hawk or an owl or a wolf or a dog, and put it in your temples instead of Hermes or Athena or Apollo, your animals and your birds may be esteemed and of much price as likenesses, but the gods will be very much lowered in their dignity. I think, said the other, that you criticize our religion very superficially; for if the Egyptians have any wisdom, they show it by their deep respect and reverence in the representation of the gods, and by the circumstance that they fashion their forms as symbols of a profound inner meaning, so as to enhance their solemnity and august character. Apollonius thereon merely laughed and said: My good friends, you have indeed greatly profited by the wisdom of Egypt and Ethiopia, if your dog and your ibis and your goat seem particularly august and god-like, for this is what I learn from Thespesion the sage.But what is there that is august or awe-inspiring in these images? Is it not likely that perjurers and temple-thieves and all the rabble of low jesters will despise such holy objects rather than dread them; and if they are to be held for the hidden meanings which they convey, surely the gods in Egypt would have met with much greater reverence, if no images of them had ever been set up at all, and if you had planned your theology along other lines wiser and more mysterious. For I imagine you might have built temples for them, and have fixed the altars and laid down rules about what to sacrifice and what not, and when and on what scale, and with what liturgies and rites, without introducing any image at all, but leaving it to those who frequented the temples to imagine the images of the gods; for the mind can more or less delineate and figure them to itself better than can any artist; but you have denied to the gods the privilege of beauty both of the outer eye and of an inner suggestion. Thespesion replied and said: There was a certain Athenian, called Socrates, a foolish old man like ourselves, who thought that the dog and the goose and the plane tree were gods and used to swear by them. He was not foolish, said Apollonius, but a divine and unfeignedly wise man; for he did not swear by these objects on the understanding that they were gods, but to save himself from swearing by the gods.,Thereupon Thespesion as if anxious to drop the subject, put some questions to Apollonius, about the scourging in Sparta, and asked if the Lacedaemonians were smitten with rods in public. Yes, answered the other, as hard, O Thespesion, as men can smite them; and it is especially men of noble birth among them that are so treated. Then what do they do to menials, he asked, when they do wrong? They do not kill them nowadays, said Apollonius, as Lycurgus formerly allowed, but the same whip is used to them too. And what judgment does Hellas pass upon the matter? They flock, he answered, to see the spectacle with pleasure and utmost enthusiasm, as if to the festival of Hyacinthus, or to that of the naked boys. Then these excellent Hellenes are not ashamed, either to behold those publicly whipped who erewhile governed them or to reflect that they were governed by men who are whipped by men who are whipped before the eyes of all? And how is it that you did not reform this abuse? For they say that you interested yourself in the affairs of the Lacedaemonians, as of other people. So far as anything could be reformed, I gave them my advice, and they readily adopted it; for they are the freest of the Hellenes; but at the same time they will only listen to one who gives them good advice. Now the custom of scourging is a ceremony in honor of the Scythian Artemis, so they say, and was prescribed by oracles, and to oppose the regulations of the gods is in my opinion utter madness. 'Tis a poor wisdom, Apollonius, he replied, which you attribute to the gods of the Hellenes, if they countece scourging as a part of the discipline of freedom. It's not the scourging, he said, but the sprinkling of the altar with human blood that is important, for the Scythians too held the altar to be worthy thereof; but the Lacedaemonians modified the ceremony of sacrifice because of its implacable cruelty, and turned it into a contest of endurance, undergone without any loss of life, and yet securing to the goddess as first fruits an offering of their own blood. Why then, said the other, do they not sacrifice strangers right out to Artemis, as the Scythians formerly considered right to do? Because, he answered, it is not congenial to any of the Greeks to adopt in full rigor the manners and customs of barbarians. And yet, said the other, it seems to me that it would be more humane to sacrifice one or two of them than to enforce as they do a policy of exclusion against all foreigners.Let us not assail, said the other, O Thespesion, the law-giver Lycurgus; but we must understand him, and then we shall see that his prohibition to strangers to settle in Sparta and live there was not inspired on his part by mere boorish exclusiveness, but by a desire to keep the institutions of Sparta in their original purity by preventing outsiders from mingling in her life. Well, said the other, I should allow the men of Sparta to be what they claim to be, if they had ever lived with strangers, and yet had faithfully adhered to their home principles; for it was not by keeping true to themselves in the absence of strangers, but by doing so in spite of their presence, that they needed to show their superiority. But they, although they enforced his policy of excluding strangers, corrupted their institutions, and were found doing exactly the same as did those of the Greeks whom they most detested. Anyhow, their subsequent naval program and policy of imposing tribute was modelled entirely upon that of Athens, and they themselves ended by committing acts which they had themselves regarded as a just casus belli against the Athenians, whom they had no sooner beaten in the field than they humbly adopted, as if they were the beaten party, their pet institution. And the very fact that the goddess was introduced from Taurus and Scythia was the action of men who embraced alien customs. But if an oracle prescribed this, what want was there of the scourge? What need to feign an endurance fit for slaves? Had they wanted to prove the disdain that Lacedaemonians felt for death, they had I think done better to sacrifice a youth of Sparta with his own consent upon the altar. For this would have been a real proof of the superior courage of the Spartans, and would have disinclined Hellas from ranging herself in the opposite camp to them. But you will say that they had to save their young men for the battlefield; well, in that case the law which prevails among the Scythians, and sentences all men of sixty years of age to death, would have been more suitably introduced and followed among the Lacedaemonians then among the Scythians, supposing that they embrace death in its grim reality and not as a mere parade. These remarks of mine are directed not so much against the Lacedaemonians, as against yourself, O Apollonius. For if ancient institutions, whose hoary age defies our understanding of their origins, are to be examined in an unsympathetic spirit, and the reason why they are pleasing to heaven subjected to cold criticism, such a line of speculation will produce a crop of odd conclusions; for we could attack the mystery rite of Eleusis in the same way and ask, why it is this and not that; and the same with the rites of the Samothracians, for in their ritual they avoid one thing and insist on another; and the same with the Dionysiac ceremonies and the phallic symbol, and the figure erected in Cyllene, and before we know where we are we shall be picking holes in everything. Let us choose, therefore, any other topic you like, but respect the sentiment of Pythagoras, which is also our own; for it is better, if we can't hold our tongues about everything, at any rate to preserve silence about such matters as these. Apollonius replied and said, If, O Thespesion, you had wished to discuss the topic seriously, you would have found that the Lacedaemonians have many excellent arguments to advance in favor of their institutions, proving that they are sound and superior to those of other Hellenes; but since you are so averse to continue the discussion, and even regard it as impious to talk about such things, let us proceed to another subject, of great importance, as I am convinced, for it is about justice that I shall now put a question.,Let us, said Thespesion, tackle the subject; for it is one very suitable to men, whether they are wise or not wise. But lest we should drag in the opinions of Indians, and so confuse our discussion, and go off without having formed any conclusions, do you first impart to us the views held by the Indians concerning justice, for you probably examined their views on the spot; and if their opinion is proved to be correct we will adopt it; but if we have something wiser to put in its place, you must adopt our view, for that too is plain justice. Said Apollonius: Your plan is excellent and most satisfactory to me; so do listen to the conversation which I held there. For I related to them how I had once been captain of a large ship, in the period when my soul was in command of another body, and how I thought myself extremely just because, when robbers offered me a reward, if I would betray my ship by running it into roads where they were going to lie in wait for it, in order to seize its cargo, I agreed and made the promise, just to save them from attacking us, but intending to slip by them and get beyond the place agreed upon. And, said Thespesion, did the Indians agree that this was justice? No, they laughed at the idea, he said, for they said that justice was something more than not being unjust. It was very sensible, said the other, of the Indians to reject such a view; for good sense is something more than not entertaining nonsense, just as courage is something more than not running away from the ranks; and so temperance is something more than the avoidance of adultery, and no one reserves his praise for a man who has simply shown himself to be not bad. For because a thing, no matter what, is equidistant between praise and punishment, it is not on that account to be reckoned off-hand to be virtue How then. O Thespesion, said Apollonius, are we to crown the just man and for what actions? Could you have discussed justice more completely and more opportunely, said the other, than when the sovereign of so large and flourishing a country intervened in your philosophic discussion of the art of kingship, a thing intimately connected with justice? If it had been Phraotes, said Apollonius, who turned up on that occasion, you might rightly blame me for not gravely discussing the subject of justice in his presence. But you from the account which I gave of him yesterday that the man is a drunkard and an enemy of all philosophy. What need therefore was there to inflict on him the trouble? Why should we try to win credit for ourselves in the presence of a sybarite who thinks of nothing but his own pleasures? But inasmuch as it is incumbent upon wise men like ourselves to explore and trace out justice, more so than on kings and generals, let us proceed to examine the absolutely just man. For though I thought myself just in the affair of the ship, and thought others just too because they do not practice injustice, you deny that this in itself constitutes them just or worthy of honor. And rightly so, said the other, for whoever heard of a decree drafted by Athenians or Lacedaemonians in favor of crowning so and so, because he is not a libertine, or of granting the freedom of the city to so and so, because the temples have not been robbed by him? Who then is the just man and what are is actions? For neither did I ever hear of anyone being crowned merely for his justice, nor of a decree being proposed over a just man to the effect that so and so shall be crowned, because such and such actions of his show him to be just. For anyone who considers the fate of Palamedes in Troy or Socrates in Athens, will discover that even justice is not sure of success among men, for assuredly these men suffered most unjustly being themselves most just. Still they at least were put to death on the score of acts of injustice imputed on them, and the verdict was a distortion of the truth; whereas in the case of Aristides the son of Lysimachus, it was very justice that was the undoing of him, for he in spite of his integrity was banished merely because of his reputation for this very virtue. And I am sure that justice will appear in a very ridiculous light; for having been appointed by Zeus and by the Fates to prevent men being unjust to one another, she has never been able to defend herself against injustice.And the history of Aristides is sufficient to me to show the difference between one who is nor unjust and one who is really just. For, tell me, is not this the same Aristides of whom your Hellenic compatriots when they come here tell us that he undertook a voyage to the islands to fix the tribute of the allies, and after settling it on a fair basis, returned again to his country still wearing the same cloak in which he left it? It is he, answered Apollonius, who made the love of poverty once to flourish. Now, said the other, let us suppose that there were at Athens two public orators passing an encomium upon Aristides, just after he had returned from the allies; one of the proposes that he shall be crowned, because he has come back again without enriching himself or amassing any fortune, but the poorest of the Athenians, poorer than he was before; and the other orator, we will suppose, drafts his motion somewhat as follows: “Whereas Aristides has fixed the tribute of the allies according to their ability to pay, and not in excess of the resources of their respective countries; and whereas he has endeavored to keep them loyal to the Athenians, and to see that they shall feel it no grievance to pay upon this scale, it is hereby resolved to crown him for justice.” Do you not suppose that Aristides himself would have opposed the first of these resolutions, as an indignity to his entire life, seeing that it only honored him for not doing injustice; whereas, he might perhaps have supported the other resolution as a fair attempt to express his intentions and policy? For I imagine it was with an eye to the interest of Athenians and subject states alike, that he took care to fix the tribute on a fair and moderate basis, and in fact his wisdom in this matter was conclusively proved after his death. For when the Athenians exceeded his valuations and imposed heavier tributes upon the islands, their naval supremacy at once went to pieces, though it more than anything else had made them formidable; on the other hand the prowess of the Lacedaemonians passed on to the sea itself; and nothing was left of Athenian supremacy, for the whole of the subject states rushed into revolution and made good their escape. It follows then, O Apollonius, that rightly judged, it is not the man who abstains from injustice that is just, but the man who himself does what is just, and also influences others not to be unjust; and from such justice as his there will spring up a crop of other virtues, especially those of the law-court and of the legislative chamber. For such a man as he will make a much fairer judge than people who take their oaths upon the dissected parts of victims, and his legislation will be similar to that of Solon and of Lycurgus; for assuredly these great legislators were inspired by justice to undertake their work.,Such, according to Damis, was the discussion held by them with regard to the just man, and Apollonius, he says, assented to their argument, for he always agreed with what was reasonably put. They also had a philosophic talk about the soul, proving its immortality, and about nature, along much the same lines which Plato follows in his Timaeus; and after some further remarks and discussions of the laws of the Hellenes, Apollonius said: For myself I have come all this way to see yourselves and visit the springs of the Nile; for a person who only comes as far as Egypt may be excused if he ignores the latter, but if he advances as far as Ethiopia, as I have done, he will be rightly reproached if he neglects to visit them, and to draw as it were from their well-springs some arguments of his own. Farewell then, said the other, and pray to the springs for whatever you desire, for they are divine. But I imagine you will take as your guide Timasion, who formerly lived at Naucratis, but is now of Memphis; for he is well acquainted with the springs of the Nile and he is not so impure as to stand in need of further lustrations. But as for you, O Nilus, we would like to have a talk to you by ourselves. The meaning of this sally was clear enough to Apollonius, for he well understood their annoyance at Nilus' preference for himself; but to give them an opportunity of speaking him apart, he left them to prepare and pack up for his journey, for he meant to start at daybreak. And after a little time Nilus returned, but did not tell them anything of what they had said to him, though he laughed a good deal to himself. And no one asked him what he was laughing about, but they respected his secret.,They then took their supper and after a discussion of certain trifles they laid them down to sleep where they were; but at daybreak they said goodbye to the naked sages, and started off along the road which leads to the mountains, keeping the Nile on their right hand, and they saw the following spectacles deserving of notice. The Catadupi [the first cataract] are mountains formed of good soil, about the same size as the hill of the Lydians called Tmolus; and from them the Nile flows rapidly down, washing with it the soil of which it creates Egypt; but the roar of the stream, as it breaks down in a cataract from the mountains and hurls itself into the Nile, is terrible and intolerable to the ears, and many of those have approached it too close have returned with the loss of their hearing.,Apollonius, however, and his party pushed on till they saw some round-shaped hills covered with trees, the leaves and bark and gum of which the Ethiopians regard as of great value; and they also saw lions close to the path, and leopards and other such wild animals; but they were not attracted by any of them, for they fled from them in haste as if they were scared at the sight of men. And they also saw stags and gazelles, and ostriches an asses, the latter in great numbers, and also many wild bulls and ox-goats, the former of these two animals being a mixture of the stag and the ox, that latter of the creatures from which its name is taken. They found moreover on the road the bones and half-eaten carcases of these; for the lions, when they have gorged themselves with fresh prey, care little for what is left over of it, because, I think, they feel sure of catching fresh quarry whenever they want it.,It is here that the nomad Ethiopians live in a sort of colony upon wagons, and not far from them the elephant-hunters, who cut up these animals and sell the flesh, and are accordingly called by a name which signifies the selling of elephants. And the Nasamones and the man-eaters and the pigmies and the shadow-footed people are also tribes of Ethiopia, and they extend as far as the Ethiopian ocean, which no mariners ever enter except castaways who do so against their will.,As our company were discussing these animals and talking learnedly about the food which nature supplies in their different cases, they heard a sound as of thunder; not a crashing sound, but of thunder as it is when it is still hollow and concealed in the cloud. And Timasion said: A cataract is at hand, gentlemen, the last for those who are descending the river, but the first to meet you on your way up. And after they had advanced about ten stades, he says that they saw a river discharging itself from the hill-side as big as the Marsyas and the Meander at their first confluence; and he says that after they had put up a prayer to the Nile, they went on till they no longer saw any animals at all; for the latter are naturally afraid of noise, and therefore live by calm waters rather than by those which rush headlong with a noise. And after fifteen stades they heard another cataract which this time was horrible and unbearable to the senses, for it was twice as loud as the first one and it fell from much higher mountains. And Damis relates that his own ears and those of one of his companions were so stunned by the noise, that he himself turned back and besought Apollonius not to go further; however he, along with Timasion and Nilus, boldly pressed on to the third cataract, of which he made the following report on their return. Peaks overhang the Nile, at the most eight stades in height; but the eminence faces the mountains, namely a beetling brow of rocks mysteriously cut away, as if in a quarry, and the fountains of the Nile cling to the edge of the mountain, till they overbalance and fall on to the rocky eminence, from which they pour into the Nile as an expanse of whitening billows. But the effect produced upon the senses by this cataract, which is many times greater than the earlier ones, and the echo which leaps up therefrom against the mountains render it impossible to hear what your companion tells you about the river [ 1]. But the further road which leads up to the first springs of the river was impracticable, they tell us, and impossible to think of; for they tell many stories of the demons which haunt it, stories similar to those which Pindar in his wisdom puts into verse about the demon whom he sets over these springs to preserve the due proportions of the Nile.,After passing the cataracts they halted in a village of the Ethiopians of no great size, and they were dining, towards the evening, mingling in their conversation the grave with the gay, when all on a sudden they heard the women of the village screaming and calling to one another to join in the pursuit and catch the thing; and they also summoned their husbands to help them in the matter. And the latter caught up sticks and stones and anything which came handy, and called upon one another to avenge the insult to their wives. And it appears that for ten months the ghost of a satyr had been haunting the village, who was mad after the women and was said to have killed two of them to whom he was supposed to be specially attached. The companions, then, of Apollonius were frightened out of their wits till Apollonius said: You need not be afraid, for it's only a satyr that is running amuck here. Yes, by Zeus, said Nilus, it's the one that we naked sages have found insulting us for a long time past and we could never stop his jumps and leaps. But, said Apollonius, I have a remedy against these hell-hounds, which Midas is said once to have employed; for Midas himself had some of the blood of satyrs in his veins, as was clear from the shape of his ears; and a satyr once, trespassing on his kinship with Midas, made merry at the expense of his ears, not only singing about them, but piping about them. Well, Midas, I understand, had heard from his mother that when a satyr is overcome by wine he falls asleep, and at such times comes to his senses and will make friends with you; so he mixed wine which he had in his palace in a fountain and let the satyr get at it, and the latter drank it up and was overcome. And to show that the story is true, let us go to the head man of the village, and if the villagers have any wine, we will mix it with water for the satyr and he will share the fate of Midas' satyr. They thought it a good plan, so he poured four Egyptian jars of wine into the trough out of which the village cattle drank, and then called the satyr by means of some secret rebuke or threat; and though as yet the latter was not visible, the wine sensibly diminished as if it was being drunk up. And when it was quite finished, Apollonius said: Let us make peace with the satyr, for he is fast asleep. And with these words he led the villagers to the cave of the nymphs, which was not quite a furlong away from the village; and he showed them a satyr lying fast asleep in it, but he told them not to hit him or abuse him, For, he said, his nonsense is stopped for ever. Such was this exploit of Apollonius, and, by heavens, we may call it not an incidental work in passing, but a masterwork of his passing by [ 1]; and if you read the sage's epistle, in which he wrote to an insolent young man that he had sobered even a satyr demon in Ethiopia, you will perforce call to mind the above story. But we must not disbelieve that satyrs both exist and are susceptible to the passion of love; for I knew a youth of my own age in Lemnos whose mother was said to be visited by a satyr, as he well might to judge by this story; for he was represented as wearing in his back a fawn-skin that exactly fitted him, the front paws of which were drawn around his neck and fastened over his chest. But I must not go further into this subject; but, anyhow, credit is due as much to experience of facts as it is to myself.,When he had come down from Ethiopia the breach with Euphrates grew wider and wider, especially on account of the daily disputes and discussions; though he left them to Menippus and Nilus to conduct, and seldom himself attacked Euphrates, being much too busy with the training of Nilus.,After Titus had taken Jerusalem, and when the country all round was filled with corpses, the neighboring races offered him a crown; but he disclaimed any such honor to himself, saying that it was not himself that had accomplished this exploit, but that he had merely lent his arms to God, who had so manifested his wrath; and Apollonius praised his action, for therein he displayed a great deal of judgment and understanding of things human and divine, and it showed great moderation on his part that he refused to be crowned because he had shed blood. Accordingly Apollonius indited to him a letter which he sent by the hands of Damis and of which the text was as follows:Apollonius sends greetings to Titus the Roman general. Whereas you have refused to be proclaimed for success in war and for shedding the blood of your enemies, I myself assign to you the crown of temperance and moderation, because you thoroughly understand what deeds really merit a crown. Farewell.Now Titus was overjoyed with this epistle, and replied: In my own behalf I thank you, no less then in behalf of my father, and I will not forget your kindness; for although I have captured Jerusalem, you have captured me.,And after Titus had been proclaimed emperor in Rome and rewarded with the meed of his valor, he went away to become the colleague in empire of his father; but he did not forget Apollonius, and thinking that even a short interview with him would be precious to himself, he besought him to come to Tarsus; and when he arrived he embraced him, saying: My father has told me by letter everything in respect of which he consulted you; and lo, here is his letter, in which you are described as his benefactor and the being to whom we owe all that we are. Now though I am only just thirty years of age, I am held worthy of the same privileges which my father only attained at the age of sixty. I am called to the throne and to rule, perhaps before I have learned myself to obey, and I therefore dread lest I am undertaking a task beyond my powers. Thereupon Apollonius, after stroking his neck, said (for had as stout a neck as any athlete in training): And who will force so sturdy a bull-neck as yours under the yoke? He that from my youth up reared me as calf, answered Titus, meaning his own father, and implying that he could only be controlled by the latter, who had accustomed him from childhood to obey himself. I am delighted then, said Apollonius, in the first place to see you prepared to subordinate yourself to your father, whom without being his natural children so many are delighted to obey, and next to see you rendering to his court a homage in which others will associate yourself. When youth and age are paired in authority, is there any lyre or any flute that will produce so sweet a harmony and so nicely blended? For the qualities of old age will be associated with those of youth, with the result that old age will gain in strength and youth in discipline.,And for myself, O man of Tyana, answered Titus, can you give me any precepts as to how to rule and exercise the authority of a sovereign? Only such rules, replied the other, as you have laid upon yourself; for in so submitting yourself to your father's will, it is, I think, certain that you will grow like him. And I should like to repeat to you on this occasion a saying of Archytas, which is a noble one and worth committing to memory. Archytas was a man of Tarentum who was learned in the lore of Pythagoras, and he wrote a treatise on the education of children, in which he says: Let the father be an example of virtue to his children, for fathers also will the more resolutely walk in the path of virtue because their children are coming to resemble them. But for myself, I propose to associate with you my own companion Demetrius, who will attend you as much as you like and instruct you in the whole duty of a good ruler. And what sort of wisdom, O Apollonius, does this person possess? Courage, he replied, to speak the truth unabashed by anyone, for he possesses the constancy and strength of character of a cynic. And as Titus did not seem very pleased to hear the name of dog [ 1], he continued: And yet in Homer, Telemachus, when he was young, required, it appears, two dogs, and the poet sends these to accompany the youth to the market place of Ithaca, in spite of their being irrational animals; but you will have a dog to accompany you who will bark in your behalf not only at other people, but at yourself in case you go wrong, and he will bark withal wisely, and never irrationally. Well, said the other, give me your dog to accompany me, and I will even let him bite me, in case he feels I am committing injustice. I will write him a letter, for he teaches philosophy in Rome. Pray do so, said Titus, and I wish I could get someone to write to you in my behalf, and induce you to share with me my journey to Rome. I will come there, said the other, whenever it is best for both of us.,Then Titus dismissed the company, and said: Now that we are alone, O man of Tyana, you will allow me perhaps to ask you a question upon matters of grave importance to myself. Pray do so, said the other, and do so all the more readily because the matter is so important. It is about my own life, said the other, and I would feign know whom I ought most to be on my guard against. That is my question, and I hope you will not think me cowardly for already being anxious about it. Nay, you are only cautious, said the other, and circumspect; for a man ought to be more careful about this than about anything else. And glancing at the Sun he swore by that god that he had himself intended to address Titus about this matter even if he had not asked him. For, he said, the gods have told me to warn you, so long as your father is alive, to be on your guard against his bitterest enemies, but after his death against your own kith and kin. And, said Titus, in what way am I to die? In the same way, said the other, as Odysseus is said to have died, for they say that he too met with his death by the sea. Damis interprets the above utterance as follows: Namely, that he was to be on his guard against the cusp of the fish called the trygon, with which they say Odysseus was wounded. Anyhow, after he had occupied the throne for two years, in succession of his father, he died through eating the fish called the sea-hare; and this fish, according to Damis, causes secret humors in the body worse and more fatal than anything else either in the sea or on land. And Nero, he says, introduced this sea-hare in his dishes to poison his worst enemies; and so did Domitian in order to remove his brother Titus, not because he objected to sharing his throne with his brother, but to sharing it with one who was both gentle and good. Such was their conversation in private, after which they embraced one another in public, and as Titus departed Apollonius greeted him with these last words: Pray you, my King, overcome your enemies by your arms, but your father by your virtues.,But the letter to Demetrius ran as follows: Apollonius, the Philosopher, sends greeting to Demetrius the cynic.I have made a present of you to the Emperor Titus, that you may instruct him how to behave as a sovereign, and take care that you confirm the truth of my words to him, and make yourself, anger apart, everything to him. Farewell.,Now the inhabitants of Tarsus had previously detested Apollonius, because of the violent reproaches which he addressed to them, owing to the fact that through their languid indifference and sensual indolence they could not put up with the vigor of his remarks. But on this occasion they became such devoted admirers of our hero as to regard him as their second founder and the mainstay of their city. For on one occasion the Emperor was offering a sacrifice in public, when the whole body of citizens met and presented a petition to him asking for certain great favors; and he replied that he would mention the matter to his father, and be himself their ambassador to procure them what they wanted; whereupon Apollonius stepped forward and said: Supposing I convicted some who are standing here of being your own and your father's enemies, and of having sent legates to Jerusalem to excite a rebellion, and of being the secret allies of your most open enemies, what would happen to them? Why, what else, said the Emperor, than instant death? Then is it not disgraceful, replied Apollonius, that you should be instant in demanding their punishment, and yet dilatory in conferring a boon; and be ready yourself to undertake the punishment, but reserve the benefaction until you can see and consult your father? But the king, over-delighted with this remark, said: I grant the favors they ask for, for my father will not be annoyed at my yielding to truth and to yourself.,So many were the races which they say Apollonius had visited until then, eager and zealous for others as they for him. But his subsequent journeys abroad, though they were numerous, were yet not so many as before, nor did he go to fresh districts which he was not already acquainted with; for when he came down from Ethiopia he made a long stay on the sea-board of Egypt, and then he returned to Phoenicia and Cilicia, and to Ionia and Achaea, and Italy, never failing anywhere to show himself the same as ever. For, hard as it is to know oneself, I myself consider it still harder for the sage to remain always himself; for he cannot ever reform evil natures and improve them, unless he has first trained himself never to alter in his own person. Now about these matters I have discoursed at length in other treatises, and shown those of my readers who were careful and hard students, that a man who is really a man will never alter his nature nor become a slave. But lest I should unduly prolong this work by giving a minute account of the several teachings which he addressed to individuals, and lest on the other hand I should skip over any important chapter of a life, which I am taking so much pains to transmit to those who never knew Apollonius, I think it time to record more important incidents and matters which will repay the remembering; for we must consider that such episodes are comparable to the visits to mankind paid by the sons of Asclepius.,There was a youth who, without having any education of his own, undertook to educate birds, which he kept in his home to make them clever; and he taught them to talk like human beings and to whistle tunes like flute-players. Apollonius met him and asked: How are you occupying yourself? And when he replied, and told him all about his nightingales and his blackbirds, and how he trained the tongues of stone curlews — as he had himself a very uneducated accent — Apollonius said: I think you are spoiling the accents of the birds, in the first place because you don't let them utter their own notes, which are so sweet that not even the best musical instruments could rival or imitate them, and in the second place because you yourself talk the vilest Greek dialects and are only teaching them to stutter like yourself. And what is more, my good youth, you are also wasting your own substance; for when I look at all your hangers-on, and at your get-up, I should say that you are a delicately bred and somewhat wealthy man; but sycophants steal honey from people like yourself, being ready with tongue poised against them for a sting. And what will be the use to you of all this bird-fancying when the time comes? For if you collected all the songbirds in the world, it would not help you to shake off the parasites that cling to you and oppress you; nay you are forced to shower your wealth upon them and cast your gold before them, and you scatter tidbits before dogs; and to stop their barking you must give again and again, until at last you will find yourself reduced to hunger and to poverty.What you want is some splendid diversion which will instantly make some alteration in your character, otherwise you will wake up one day and find that you have been plucked of your wealth as if it were plumage, and that you are a fitter subject to excite the birds to lament than to sing. The remedy you need to effect such a change is not a very great one; for there is in all cities a class of men, whose acquaintance you have never made, but who are called schoolmasters. You give them a little of your substance with the certainty of getting it back with interest; for they will teach you the rhetoric of the Forum, and it is not a difficult art to acquire. I may add that, if I had known you as a child, and come across you then, I should have advised you assiduously to attend at the doors of the philosophers and sophists, so as to be able to hedge round your habitation with a wider learning; but, since it is too late for you to manage that, at any rate learn to plead for yourself; for remember, if you had acquired a more complete training and education, you would have resembled a man who is heavy-armed and therefore formidable; yet, if you thoroughly learn this branch, you will at any rate be equipped like a light-armed soldier or a slinger, for you will be able to fling words at your sycophants, as you would stones at dogs. The young man took to heart this advice, and he gave up wasting his time over birds and betook himself to school, much to the improvement both of his judgment and oh his tongue.,Two stories are told in Sardes, one that the River Pactolus used to bring down gold dust to Croesus, and the other that trees are older than earth. The former story Apollonius said he accepted because it was probable, for that there had once been a sand of gold on mount Tmolus, and that the showers of rain had swept it down into the river Pactolus; although subsequently, as is generally the case in such matters, it had given out, being all washed away. But the second story he ridiculed and said: You pretend that trees were created before the earth; well, I have been studying all this time, yet never heard of the stars being created before the heaven. The inference he wished to convey was that nothing could be created as long as that in which it grows does not exist.,Theruler of Syria had plunged Antioch into a feud, by disseminating among the citizens suspicions such that when they met in assembly they all quarreled with one another. But a violent earthquake happening to occur, they were all cowering, and as is usual in the case of heavenly portents, praying for one another. Apollonius accordingly stepped forward and remarked: It is God who is clearly anxious to reconcile you to one another, and you will not revive these feuds since you cherish the same fears. And so he implanted in them a sense of what was to happen to them, and made each faction entertain the same fears as the other.,Here is another incident worth recording. A certain man was sacrificing to mother Earth in hope of finding a treasure, and he did not hesitate to offer a prayer to Apollonius with that intent. He, perceiving what he was after, said: I see that you are a formidable man in business. Nay, but an unlucky one, remarked the other, that have nothing except a few pence, and not enough to feed my family. You seem, said the other, to keep a large household of idle servants, for you yourself seem not to be wanting in wits. But the man shed a quiet tear and answered: I have four daughters, who want four dowries, and, when my daughters have had their dowries assigned to them, my capital, which is now only 20,000 drachmas, will have vanished; and they will think that they have got all too little, while I shall perish because I shall have nothing at all. Therefore Apollonius took compassion on him and said: We will provide for you, myself and mother Earth, for I hear that you are sacrificing to her. With these words he conducted the man into the suburbs, as if he were going to buy some fruit, and there he saw an estate planted with olive-trees; and being delighted with the trees, for they were very good ones and well grown, and there was a little garden in the place, in which he saw bee-hives and flowers, he went into the garden as if he had important business to examine into, and then, having put up a prayer to Pandora, he returned to the city. Then he proceeded to the owner of the field, who had amassed a fortune in the most unrighteous manner, by informing against the estates of Phoenicians, and said: For how much did you purchase such and such an estate, and how much labor have you spent upon it? The other replied that he had bought the estate a year before for the sum of 15,000 drachmas, but that as yet he had spent no labor upon it, whereupon Apollonius persuaded him to sell it to him for 20,000 drachmas, which he did, esteeming the 5,000 a great windfall. Now the man who wanted to find the treasure did not in the least understand the gift that was made him, indeed he hardly considered it a fair bargain, because, whereas he might have kept the 20,000 drachmas that he had in hand, he now reflected that the estate which he purchased for the sum might suffer from frost and hailstorms and from other influences ruinous to the crops. But when he found a jar almost at once in the field containing 3,000 darics, close by the beehive in the little garden, and when he got a very large yield from the olive-trees, when everywhere else the crops had failed, he began to hymn the praises of the sage, and his house was crowded with suitors for the hand of his daughters urging their suits upon him.,Here is another story which I came upon about Apollonius, and which deserves to be put upon record: There was a man who was in love with a nude statue of Aphrodite which is erected in the island of Cnidus; and he was making offerings to it, and said that he would make yet others with a view to marrying the statue. But Apollonius, though on other grounds he thought his conduct absurd, yet as the islanders were not averse of the idea, but said that the fame of the goddess would be greatly enhanced if she had a lover, determined to purge the temple of all this nonsense; and when the Cnidians asked him if he would reform their system of sacrifice or their litanies in any way, he replied: I will reform your eyes, but let the ancestral service of your temple as it is. Accordingly he called to him the languishing lover and asked him if he believed in the existence of the gods: and when he replied that he believed in their existence so firmly that he was actually in love with them, and mentioned a marriage with one of them which he hoped to celebrate shortly, Apollonius replied: The poets have turned your poor head by their talk of unions of Anchises and Peleus and other heroes with goddess; but I know this much about loving and being loved: gods fall in love with gods, and human beings with human beings, and animals with animals, and in a word like with like, and they have true issue of their own kind; but when two beings of different kinds contract a union, there is no true marriage or love. And if only you would bear in mind the fate of Ixion, you would never have dreamed of falling in love with beings so much above you. For he, you remember, is portrayed across the heaven tortured upon a wheel; and you, unless you get out of this shrine, will perish wherever you are upon earth, nor will you be able to say that the gods have been unjust in their sentence upon you. Thus he put a stop to this mad freak, and the man went away who said he was in love, after sacrificing in order to gain forgiveness.,At one time the cities on the left side of the Hellespont were visited by earthquakes, and Egyptians and Chaldaeans went begging about through them to collect money, pretending that they wanted ten talents with which to offer sacrifices to earth and to Poseidon. And the cities began to contribute under the stress of fear, partly out of their common funds and partly out of private. But the imposters refused to offer the sacrifices in behalf of their dupes unless the money was deposited in the banks. Now the sage determined not to allow the peoples of the Hellespont to be imposed upon; so he visited their cities, and drove out the quacks who were making money out of the misfortunes of others, and when he divined the causes of the supernatural wrath, and by making such offerings as suited each case averted the visitation at small cost, and the land was at rest.,Theemperor Domitian about the same time passed a law against making men eunuchs, and against planting fresh vineyards, and also in favor of cutting down vineyards already planted, whereonApollonius, who was visiting the Ionians, remarked: These rescripts do not concern me, for I, alone perhaps of mankind, require neither to beget my kind nor to drink wine; but our egregious sovereign seems not aware that he is sparing mankind, while he eunuchises the earth. This witticism emboldened the Ionians to send a deputation to the emperor in behalf of their vines, and ask for a repeal of the law which ordered the earth to be laid waste and not planted.,Here too is a story which they tell of him in Tarsus. A mad dog had attacked a lad, and as a result of the bite the lad behaved exactly like a dog, for he barked and howled and went on all four feet using his hands as such, and ran about in that manner. And he had been ill in this way for thirty days, when Apollonius, who had recently come to Tarsus, met him and ordered a search to be made for the dog which had done the harm. But they said that the dog had not been found, because the youth had been attacked outside the wall when he was practicing with javelins, nor could they learn from the patient what the dog was like, for he did not even know himself any more. Then Apollonius reflected for a moment and said: O Damis, the dog is a white shaggy sheep-dog, as big as an Amphilochian hound, and he is standing at a certain fountain trembling all over, for he is longing to drink the water, but at the same time is afraid of it. Bring him to me to the bank of the river, where there are the wrestling grounds, merely telling that it is I who call him. So Damis dragged the dog along, and it crouched at the feet of Apollonius, crying out as a suppliant might do before an altar. But he quite tamed it by stroking it with his hand, and then he stood the lad close by, holding him with his hand; and in order that the multitude might be cognizant of so great a mystery, he said: The soul of Telephus of Mysia has been transferred into this boy, and the Fates impose the same things upon him as upon Telephus. And with these words he bade the dog lick the wound all round where he had bitten the boy, so that the agent of the wound might in turn be its physician and healer. After that the boy returned to his father and recognized his mother, and saluted his comrades as before, and drank of the waters of the Cydnus. Nor did the sage neglect the dog either, but after offering a prayer to the river he sent the dog across it; and when the dog had crossed the river, he took his stand on the opposite bank, and began to bark, a thing which mad dogs rarely do, and he folded back his ears and wagged his tail, because he knew that he was all right again, for a draught of water cures a mad dog, if he has only the courage to take it.Such were the exploits of our sage in behalf of both temples and cities; such were the discourses he delivered to the public or in behalf of different communities, and in behalf of those who were dead or who were sick; and such were the harangues he delivered to wise and unwise alike, and to the sovereigns who consulted him about moral virtue. |
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| 41. Origen, Commentary On The Song of Songs, prol.2, 1.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 161 |
| 42. Serapion of Thmuis, Contra Manichaeos, 4.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 231 |
| 43. Nag Hammadi, The Sentences of Sextus, 240 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, philoxenos influenced by •evagrius of pontus, gluttony and Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 519 |
44. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 5.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, de malignis cogitationibusnan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 25 | 5.19. Serapion, who, as report says, succeeded Maximinus at that time as bishop of the church of Antioch, mentions the works of Apolinarius against the above-mentioned heresy. And he alludes to him in a private letter to Caricus and Pontius, in which he himself exposes the same heresy, and adds the following words:,That you may see that the doings of this lying band of the new prophecy, so called, are an abomination to all the brotherhood throughout the world, I have sent you writings of the most blessed Claudius Apolinarius, bishop of Hierapolis in Asia.,In the same letter of Serapion the signatures of several bishops are found, one of whom subscribes himself as follows:I, Aurelius Cyrenius, a witness, pray for your health.And another in this manner:Aelius Publius Julius, bishop of Debeltum, a colony in Thrace. As God lives in the heavens, the blessed Sotas in Anchialus desired to cast the demon out of Priscilla, but the hypocrites did not permit him. And the autograph signatures of many other bishops who agreed with them are contained in the same letter.So much for these persons. |
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45. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.112-7.113 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, praktikos •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, antirrhêtikos •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, de malignis cogitationibus •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, complex/multivalent analysis of •demons, evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 533, 534, 538 | 7.112. Heaviness or vexation is grief which weighs us down, annoyance that which coops us up and straitens us for want of room, distress a pain brought on by anxious thought that lasts and increases, anguish painful grief, distraction irrational grief, rasping and hindering us from viewing the situation as a whole.Fear is an expectation of evil. Under fear are ranged the following emotions: terror, nervous shrinking, shame, consternation, panic, mental agony. Terror is a fear which produces fright; shame is fear of disgrace; nervous shrinking is a fear that one will have to act; consternation is fear due to a presentation of some unusual occurrence; 7.113. panic is fear with pressure exercised by sound; mental agony is fear felt when some issue is still in suspense.Desire or craving is irrational appetency, and under it are ranged the following states: want, hatred, contentiousness, anger, love, wrath, resentment. Want, then, is a craving when it is baulked and, as it were, cut off from its object, but kept at full stretch and attracted towards it in vain. Hatred is a growing and lasting desire or craving that it should go ill with somebody. Contentiousness is a craving or desire connected with partisanship; anger a craving or desire to punish one who is thought to have done you an undeserved injury. The passion of love is a craving from which good men are free; for it is an effort to win affection due to the visible presence of beauty. |
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| 46. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 15.65 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 535 |
47. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.48, 3.61, 4.83, 7.38, 8.30 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and spiritual senses •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 161; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224; Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 231; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 276 | 1.48. Although the Jew, then, may offer no defense for himself in the instances of Ezekiel and Isaiah, when we compare the opening of the heavens to Jesus, and the voice that was heard by Him, to the similar cases which we find recorded in Ezekiel and Isaiah, or any other of the prophets, we nevertheless, so far as we can, shall support our position, maintaining that, as it is a matter of belief that in a dream impressions have been brought before the minds of many, some relating to divine things, and others to future events of this life, and this either with clearness or in an enigmatic manner - a fact which is manifest to all who accept the doctrine of providence; so how is it absurd to say that the mind which could receive impressions in a dream should be impressed also in a waking vision, for the benefit either of him on whom the impressions are made, or of those who are to hear the account of them from him? And as in a dream we fancy that we hear, and that the organs of hearing are actually impressed, and that we see with our eyes - although neither the bodily organs of sight nor hearing are affected, but it is the mind alone which has these sensations - so there is no absurdity in believing that similar things occurred to the prophets, when it is recorded that they witnessed occurrences of a rather wonderful kind, as when they either heard the words of the Lord or beheld the heavens opened. For I do not suppose that the visible heaven was actually opened, and its physical structure divided, in order that Ezekiel might be able to record such an occurrence. Should not, therefore, the same be believed of the Saviour by every intelligent hearer of the Gospels?- although such an occurrence may be a stumbling-block to the simple, who in their simplicity would set the whole world in movement, and split in sunder the compact and mighty body of the whole heavens. But he who examines such matters more profoundly will say, that there being, as the Scripture calls it, a kind of general divine perception which the blessed man alone knows how to discover, according to the saying of Solomon, You shall find the knowledge of God; and as there are various forms of this perceptive power, such as a faculty of vision which can naturally see things that are better than bodies, among which are ranked the cherubim and seraphim; and a faculty of hearing which can perceive voices which have not their being in the air; and a sense of taste which can make use of living bread that has come down from heaven, and that gives life unto the world; and so also a sense of smelling, which scents such things as leads Paul to say that he is a sweet savour of Christ unto God; and a sense of touch, by which John says that he handled with his hands of the Word of life; - the blessed prophets having discovered this divine perception, and seeing and hearing in this divine manner, and tasting likewise, and smelling, so to speak, with no sensible organs of perception, and laying hold on the Logos by faith, so that a healing effluence from it comes upon them, saw in this manner what they record as having seen, and heard what they say they heard, and were affected in a similar manner to what they describe when eating the roll of a book that was given them. And so also Isaac smelled the savour of his son's divine garments, and added to the spiritual blessing these words: See, the savour of my son is as the savour of a full field which the Lord blessed. And similarly to this, and more as a matter to be understood by the mind than to be perceived by the senses, Jesus touched the leper, to cleanse him, as I think, in a twofold sense - freeing him not only, as the multitude heard, from the visible leprosy by visible contact, but also from that other leprosy, by His truly divine touch. It is in this way, accordingly, that John testifies when he says, I beheld the Spirit descending from heaven like a dove, and it abode upon Him. And I knew Him not; but He that sent me to baptize with water, the same said to me, Upon whom you will see the Spirit descending, and abiding on Him, the same is He that baptizes with the Holy Ghost. And I saw, and bear witness, that this is the Son of God. Now it was to Jesus that the heavens were opened; and on that occasion no one except John is recorded to have seen them opened. But with respect to this opening of the heavens, the Saviour, foretelling to His disciples that it would happen, and that they would see it, says, Verily, verily, I say unto you, You shall see the heavens opened, and the angels of God ascending and descending upon the Son of man. And so Paul was carried away into the third heaven, having previously seen it opened, since he was a disciple of Jesus. It does not, however, belong to our present object to explain why Paul says, Whether in the body, I know not; or whether out of the body, I know not: God knows. But I shall add to my argument even those very points which Celsus imagines, viz., that Jesus Himself related the account of the opening of the heavens, and the descent of the Holy Spirit upon Him at the Jordan in the form of a dove, although the Scripture does not assert that He said that He saw it. For this great man did not perceive that it was not in keeping with Him who commanded His disciples on the occasion of the vision on the mount, Tell what you have seen to no man, until the Son of man be risen from the dead, to have related to His disciples what was seen and heard by John at the Jordan. For it may be observed as a trait of the character of Jesus, that He on all occasions avoided unnecessary talk about Himself; and on that account said, If I speak of Myself, My witness is not true. And since He avoided unnecessary talk about Himself, and preferred to show by acts rather than words that He was the Christ, the Jews for that reason said to Him, If You are the Christ, tell us plainly. And as it is a Jew who, in the work of Celsus, uses the language to Jesus regarding the appearance of the Holy Spirit in the form of a dove, This is your own testimony, unsupported save by one of those who were sharers of your punishment, whom you adduce, it is necessary for us to show him that such a statement is not appropriately placed in the mouth of a Jew. For the Jews do not connect John with Jesus, nor the punishment of John with that of Christ. And by this instance, this man who boasts of universal knowledge is convicted of not knowing what words he ought to ascribe to a Jew engaged in a disputation with Jesus. 3.61. Not to participation in mysteries, then, and to fellowship in the wisdom hidden in a mystery, which God ordained before the world to the glory of His saints, do we invite the wicked man, and the thief, and the housebreaker, and the poisoner, and the committer of sacrilege, and the plunderer of the dead, and all those others whom Celsus may enumerate in his exaggerating style, but such as these we invite to be healed. For there are in the divinity of the word some helps towards the cure of those who are sick, respecting which the word says, They that be whole need not a physician, but they that are sick; others, again, which to the pure in soul and body exhibit the revelation of the mystery, which was kept secret since the world began, but now is made manifest by the Scriptures of the prophets, and by the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, which appearing is manifested to each one of those who are perfect, and which enlightens the reason in the true knowledge of things. But as he exaggerates the charges against us, adding, after his list of those vile individuals whom he has mentioned, this remark, What other persons would a robber summon to himself by proclamation? we answer such a question by saying that a robber summons around him individuals of such a character, in order to make use of their villainy against the men whom they desire to slay and plunder. A Christian, on the other hand, even though he invite those whom the robber invites, invites them to a very different vocation, viz., to bind up these wounds by His word, and to apply to the soul, festering amid evils, the drugs obtained from the word, and which are analogous to the wine and oil, and plasters, and other healing appliances which belong to the art of medicine. 4.83. After Celsus has finished speaking of the bees, in order to depreciate (as far as he can) the cities, and constitutions, and governments, and sovereignties not only of us Christians, but of all mankind, as well as the wars which men undertake on behalf of their native countries, he proceeds, by way of digression, to pass a eulogy upon the ants, in order that, while praising them, he may compare the measures which men take to secure their subsistence with those adopted by these insects, and so evince his contempt for the forethought which makes provision for winter, as being nothing higher than the irrational providence of the ants, as he regards it. Now might not some of the more simple-minded, and such as know not how to look into the nature of all things, be turned away (so far, at least, as Celsus could accomplish it) from helping those who are weighed down with the burdens (of life), and from sharing their toils, when he says of the ants, that they help one another with their loads, when they see one of their number toiling under them? For he who needs to be disciplined by the word, but who does not at all understand its voice, will say: Since, then, there is no difference between us and the ants, even when we help those who are weary with bearing their heavy burdens, why should we continue to do so to no purpose? And would not the ants, as being irrational creature, be greatly puffed up, and think highly of themselves, because their works were compared to those of men? While men, on the other hand, who by means of their reason are enabled to hear how their philanthropy towards others is contemned, would be injured, so far as could be effected by Celsus and his arguments: for he does not perceive that, while he wishes to turn away from Christianity those who read his treatise, he turns away also the sympathy of those who are not Christians from those who bear the heaviest burdens (of life). Whereas, had he been a philosopher, who was capable of perceiving the good which men may do each other, he ought, in addition to not removing along with Christianity the blessings which are found among men, to have lent his aid to co-operate (if he had it in his power) with those principles of excellence which are common to Christianity and the rest of mankind. Moreover, even if the ants set apart in a place by themselves those grains which sprout forth, that they may not swell into bud, but may continue throughout the year as their food, this is not to be deemed as evidence of the existence of reason among ants, but as the work of the universal mother, Nature, which adorned even irrational animals, so that even the most insignificant is not omitted, but bears traces of the reason implanted in it by nature. Unless, indeed, by these assertions Celsus means obscurely to intimate (for in many instances he would like to adopt Platonic ideas) that all souls are of the same species, and that there is no difference between that of a man and those of ants and bees, which is the act of one who would bring down the soul from the vault of heaven, and cause it to enter not only a human body, but that of an animal. Christians, however, will not yield their assent to such opinions: for they have been instructed before now that the human soul was created in the image of God; and they see that it is impossible for a nature fashioned in the divine image to have its (original) features altogether obliterated, and to assume others, formed after I know not what likeness of irrational animals. 7.38. Since we hold that the great God is in essence simple, invisible, and incorporeal, Himself pure intelligence, or something transcending intelligence and existence, we can never say that God is apprehended by any other means than through the intelligence which is formed in His image, though now, in the words of Paul, we see in a glass obscurely, but then face to face. And if we use the expression face to face, let no one pervert its meaning; but let it be explained by this passage, Beholding with open face the glory of the Lord, we are changed into the same image, from glory to glory, which shows that we do not use the word in this connection to mean the visible face, but take it figuratively, in the same way as we have shown that the eyes, the ears, and the other parts of the body are employed. And it is certain that a man - I mean a soul using a body, otherwise called the inner man, or simply the soul- would answer, not as Celsus makes us answer, but as the man of God himself teaches. It is certain also that a Christian will not make use of the language of the flesh, having learned as he has to mortify the deeds of the body by the spirit, and to bear about in his body the dying of Jesus; and mortify your members which are on the earth, and with a true knowledge of these words, My spirit shall not always strive with man, for that he also is flesh, and again, They that are in the flesh cannot please God, he strives in every way to live no longer according to the flesh, but only according to the Spirit. 8.30. For that which is offered to idols is sacrificed to demons, and a man of God must not join the table of demons. As to things strangled, we are forbidden by Scripture to partake of them, because the blood is still in them; and blood, especially the odour arising from blood, is said to be the food of demons. Perhaps, then, if we were to eat of strangled animals, we might have such spirits feeding along with us. And the reason which forbids the use of strangled animals for food is also applicable to the use of blood. And it may not be amiss, as bearing on this point, to recall a beautiful saying in the writings of Sextus, which is known to most Christians: The eating of animals, says he, is a matter of indifference; but to abstain from them is more agreeable to reason. It is not, therefore, simply an account of some traditions of our fathers that we refrain from eating victims offered to those called gods or heroes or demons, but for other reasons, some of which I have here mentioned. It is not to be supposed, however, that we are to abstain from the flesh of animals in the same way as we are bound to abstain from all race and wickedness: we are indeed to abstain not only from the flesh of animals, but from all other kinds of food, if we cannot partake of them without incurring evil, and the consequences of evil. For we are to avoid eating for gluttony, or for the mere gratification of the appetite, without regard to the health and sustece of the body. We do not believe that souls pass from one body to another, and that they may descend so low as to enter the bodies of the brutes. If we abstain at times from eating the flesh of animals, it is evidently, therefore, not for the same reason as Pythagoras; for it is the reasonable soul alone that we honour, and we commit its bodily organs with due honours to the grave. For it is not right that the dwelling-place of the rational soul should be cast aside anywhere without honour, like the carcasses of brute beasts; and so much the more when we believe that the respect paid to the body redounds to the honour of the person who received from God a soul which has nobly employed the organs of the body in which it resided. In regard to the question, How are the dead raised up, and with what body do they come? we have already answered it briefly, as our purpose required. |
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| 48. Athanasius, Life of Anthony, 39.1, 69.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 261 |
| 49. Origen, Commentary On Matthew, 15.3 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 276 |
| 50. Origen, Homilies On Leviticus, 3.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and spiritual senses Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 161 |
| 51. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 2.14, 2.71, 16.20 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224, 240, 261 |
| 52. Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, 11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 187 |
| 53. Rufinus of Aquileia, Historia Monachorum, 1.3.6, 1.3.19-1.3.24, 7.1.1, 21.1.6, 27.7.1-27.7.5, 28.3.1-28.3.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 21, 27, 28, 259, 260, 262, 263, 264 |
| 54. Evagrius Ponticus, Kephalaia Gnostica, 2.35 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and spiritual senses Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 161 |
| 55. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Hebrews, 7.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 240 |
| 56. Rufinus of Aquileia, Apologiae In Sanctum Hieronimum Libri Duo, 2.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 268 |
| 57. John Chrysostom, Homilies On 2 Timothy, 5.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 58. Paulinus of Milan, Vita Sancti Ambrosii Mediolanensis, 18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 252 |
| 59. John Chrysostom, De Sacerdotio, 5.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 60. Leo I Pope, Sermons, 2.1-2.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 61. Macarius The Great, Homiliae Spirituales 50 (Collectio H), 33.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and spiritual senses Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 153 |
| 62. Nemesius, On The Nature of Man, 19 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 535 |
| 63. Anon., Andrew, 15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233 |
| 64. Anon., Agathon, 37 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 240 |
| 65. Didymus, Pst, 211.8-211.10, 222.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 172 |
| 66. Theodoret of Cyrus, Religious History, 4.12, 17.2, 24.1, 26.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233 |
| 67. Theodoret of Cyrus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.40 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 193 |
68. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.7.9, 1.21, 2.35.7, 2.43.4, 3.16.27, 3.23.30, 3.23.39, 3.23.58, 4.23, 4.23.2-4.23.11, 4.23.22, 4.23.29, 4.23.34, 4.23.43-4.23.44, 4.23.66-4.23.67, 4.23.72-4.23.76, 4.23.80, 4.25, 4.25.9, 6.3, 7.10.3, 7.27.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 193; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 246, 266; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 60, 70, 71, 170 | 4.23. Since I have referred to the monasteries of Egypt, it may be proper here to give a brief account of them. They were founded probably at a very early period, but were greatly enlarged and augmented by a devout man whose name was Ammoun. In his youth this person had an aversion to matrimony; but when some of his relatives urged him not to contemn marriage, but to take a wife to himself, he was prevailed upon and was married. On leading the bride with the customary ceremonies from the banquet-room to the nuptial couch, after their mutual friends had withdrawn, he took a book containing the epistles of the apostles and read to his wife Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians, explaining to her the apostle's admonitions to married persons. Adducing many external considerations besides, he descanted on the inconveniences and discomforts attending matrimonial intercourse, the pangs of child-bearing, and the trouble and anxiety connected with rearing a family. He contrasted with all this the advantages of chastity; described the liberty, and immaculate purity of a life of continence; and affirmed that virginity places persons in the nearest relation to the Deity. By these and other arguments of a similar kind, he persuaded his virgin bride to renounce with him a secular life, prior to their having any conjugal knowledge of each other. Having taken this resolution, they retired together to the mountain of Nitria, and in a hut there inhabited for a short time one common ascetic apartment, without regarding their difference of sex, being according to the apostles, 'one in Christ.' But not long after, the recent and unpolluted bride thus addressed Ammoun: 'It is unsuitable,' said she, 'for you who practice chastity, to look upon a woman in so confined a dwelling; let us therefore, if it is agreeable to you, perform our exercise apart.' This agreement again was satisfactory to both, and so they separated, and spent the rest of their lives in abstinence from wine and oil, eating dry bread alone, sometimes passing over one day, at others fasting two, and sometimes more. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, asserts in his Life of Anthony, that the subject of his memoir who was contemporary with this Ammoun, saw his soul taken up by angels after his decease. Accordingly, a great number of persons emulated Ammoun's manner of life, so that by degrees the mountains of Nitria and Scitis were filled with monks, an account of whose lives would require an express work. As, however, there were among them persons of eminent piety, distinguished for their strict discipline and apostolic lives, who said and did many things worthy of being recorded, I deem it useful to interweave with my history a few particulars selected out of the great number for the information of my readers. It is said that Ammoun never saw himself naked, being accustomed to say that 'it became not a monk to see even his own person exposed.' And when once he wanted to pass a river, but was unwilling to undress, he besought God to enable him to cross without his being obliged to break his resolution; and immediately an angel transported him to the other side of the river. Another monk named Didymus lived entirely alone to the day of his death, although he had reached the age of ninety years. Arsenius, another of them, would not separate young delinquents from communion, but only those that were advanced in age: 'for,' said he, 'when a young person is excommunicated he becomes hardened; but an elderly one is soon sensible of the misery of excommunication.' Pior was accustomed to take his food as he walked along. As a certain one asked him, 'Why do you eat thus?' 'That I may not seem,' said he, 'to make eating serious business but rather a thing done by the way.' To another putting the same question he replied, 'Lest even in eating my mind should be sensible of corporeal enjoyment.' Isidore affirmed that he had not been conscious of sin even in thought for forty years; and that he had never consented either to lust or anger. Pambos being an illiterate man went to some one for the purpose of being taught a psalm; and having heard the first verse of the thirty-eighth psalm, 'I said I will take heed to my ways, that I offend not with my tongue,' he departed without staying to hear the second verse, saying, 'this one will suffice, if I can practically acquire it.' And when the person who had given him the verse reproved him because he had not seen him for the space of six months, he answered that he had not yet learned to practice the verse of the psalm. After a considerable lapse of time, being asked by one of his friends whether he had made himself master of the verse, his answer was, 'I have scarcely succeeded in accomplishing it during nineteen years.' A certain individual having placed gold in his hands for distribution to the poor, requested him to reckon what he had given him. 'There is no need of counting,' said he, 'but of integrity of mind.' This same Pambos, at the desire of Athanasius the bishop, came out of the desert to Alexandria and on beholding an actress there, he wept. When those present asked him why he wept, he replied, 'Two causes have affected me: one is the destruction of this woman; the other is that I exert myself less to please my God than she does to please obscene characters.' Another said that 'a monk who did not work ought to be regarded as on a level with the covetous man.' Piterus was well-informed in many branches of natural philosophy, and was accustomed frequently to enter into expositions of the principles sometimes of one and sometimes of another department of science, but he always commenced his expositions with prayer. There were also among the monks of that period, two of the same name, of great sanctity, each being called Macarius; one of whom was from Upper Egypt, the other from the city of Alexandria. Both were celebrated for their ascetic discipline, the purity of their life and conversation, and the miracles which were wrought by their hands. The Egyptian Macarius performed so many cures, and cast out so many devils, that it would require a distinct treatise to record all that the grace of God enabled him to do. His manner toward those who resorted to him was austere, yet at the same time calculated to inspire veneration. The Alexandrian Macarius, while in all respects resembling his Egyptian namesake, differed from him in this, that he was always cheerful to his visitors; and by the affability of his manners led many young men to asceticism. Evagrius became a disciple of these men, acquired from them the philosophy of deeds, whereas he had previously known that which consisted in words only. He was ordained deacon at Constantinople by Gregory of Nazianzus, and afterwards went with him into Egypt, where he became acquainted with these eminent persons, and emulated their course of conduct, and miracles were done by his hands as numerous and important as those of his preceptors. Books were also composed by him of very valuable nature, one of which is entitled The Monk, or, On Active Virtue; another The Gnostic, or, To him who is deemed worthy of Knowledge: this book is divided into fifty chapters. A third is designated Antirrheticus, and contains selections from the Holy Scriptures against tempting spirits, distributed into eight parts, according to the number of the arguments. He wrote moreover Six Hundred Prognostic Problems, and also two compositions in verse, one addressed To the Monks living in Communities, and the other To the Virgin. Whoever shall read these productions will be convinced of their excellence. It will not be out of place here, I conceive, to subjoin to what has been before stated, a few things mentioned by him respecting the monks. These are his words: It becomes us to enquire into the habits of the pious monks who have preceded us, in order that we may correct ourselves by their example: for undoubtedly very many excellent things have been said and done by them. One of them was accustomed to say, that 'a drier and not irregular diet combined with love, would quickly conduct a monk into the haven of tranquillity.' The same individual freed one of his brethren from being troubled by apparitions at night, by enjoining him to minister while fasting to the sick. And being asked why he prescribed this: 'Such affections,' said he, 'are by nothing so effectually dissipated as by the exercise of compassion.' A certain philosopher of those times coming to Anthony the Just, said to him, 'How can you endure, father, being deprived of the comfort of books?' 'My book, O philosopher,' replied Anthony, 'is the nature of things that are made, and it is present whenever I wish to read the words of God.' That 'chosen vessel,' Acts 9:15 the aged Egyptian Macarius, asked me, why the strength of the faculty of memory is impaired by cherishing the remembrance of injury received from men; while by remembering those done us by devils it remains uninjured? And when I hesitated, scarcely knowing what answer to make, and begged him to account for it: 'Because,' said he, 'the former is an affection contrary to nature, and the latter is conformable to the nature of the mind.' Going on one occasion to the holy father Macarius about mid-day, and being overcome with the heat and thirst, I begged for some water to drink: 'Content yourself with the shade,' was his reply, 'for many who are now journeying by land, or sailing on the deep, are deprived even of this.' Discussing with him afterwards the subject of abstinence, 'Take courage, my son,' said he: 'for twenty years I have neither eaten, drunk, nor slept to satiety; my bread has always been weighed, my water measured, and what little sleep I have had has been stolen by reclining myself against a wall.' Ezra 4:10-11 The death of his father was announced to one of the monks: 'Cease your blasphemy,' said he to the person that told him; 'my father is immortal.' One of the brethren who possessed nothing but a copy of the Gospels, sold it, and distributed the price in food to the hungry, uttering this memorable saying - 'I have sold the book which says, Sell that you have and give to the poor.' Matthew 19:21 There is an island about the northern part of the city of Alexandria, beyond the lake called Maria, where a monk from Parembole dwells, in high repute among the Gnostics. This person was accustomed to say, that all the deeds of the monks were done for one of these five reasons;- on account of God, nature, custom, necessity, or manual labor. The same also said that there was only one virtue in nature, but that it assumes various characteristics according to the dispositions of the soul: just as the light of the sun is itself without form, but accommodates itself to the figure of that which receives it. Another of the monks said, 'I withdraw myself from pleasures, in order to cut off the occasions of anger: for I know that it always contends for pleasures, disturbing my tranquillity of mind, and unfitting me for the attainment of knowledge.' One of the aged monks said that 'Love knows not how to keep a deposit either of provisions or money.' He added, 'I never remember to have been twice deceived by the devil in the same thing.' Thus wrote Evagrius in his book entitled Practice. And in that which he called The Gnostic he says, 'We have learned from Gregory the Just, that there are four virtues, having distinct characteristics:- prudence and fortitude, temperance and justice. That it is the province of prudence to contemplate the sacred and intelligent powers apart from expression, because these are unfolded by wisdom: of fortitude to adhere to truth against all opposition, and never to turn aside to that which is unreal: of temperance to receive seed from the chief husbandman, Matthew 13:24 but to repel him who would sow over it seed of another kind: and finally, of justice to adapt discourse to every one, according to their condition and capacity; stating some things obscurely, others in a figurative manner, and explaining others clearly for the instruction of the less intelligent.' That pillar of truth, Basil of Cappadocia, used to say that 'the knowledge which men teach is perfected by constant study and exercise; but that which proceeds from the grace of God, by the practice of justice, patience, and mercy.' That the former indeed is often developed in persons who are still subject to the passions; whereas the latter is the portion of those only who are superior to their influence, and who during the season of devotion, contemplate that peculiar light of the mind which illumines them. That luminary of the Egyptians, holy Athanasius, assures us 'that Moses was commanded to place the table on the north Exodus 26:35 side. Let the Gnostics therefore understand what wind is contrary to them, and so nobly endure every temptation, and minister nourishment with a willing mind to those who apply to them.' Serapion, the angel of the church of the Thmuïtae, declared that 'the mind is completely purified by drinking in spiritual knowledge': that 'charity cures the inflammatory tendencies of the soul'; and that 'the depraved lusts which spring up in it are restrained by abstinence.' 'Exercise yourself continually,' said the great and enlightened teacher Didymus, 'in reflecting on providence and judgment; and endeavor to bear in memory the material of whatever discourses you may have heard on these topics, for almost all fail in this respect. You will find reasonings concerning judgment in the difference of created forms, and the constitution of the universe: sermons on providence comprehended in those means by which we are led from vice and ignorance to virtue and knowledge.' These few extracts from Evagrius we thought it would be appropriate to insert here. There was another excellent man among the monks, named Ammonius, who had so little interest in secular matters, that when he went to Rome with Athanasius, he chose to investigate none of the magnificent works of that city, contenting himself with examining the Cathedral of Peter and Paul only. This same Ammonius on being urged to enter upon the episcopal office, cut off his own right ear, that by mutilation of his person he might disqualify himself for ordination. But when long afterwards Evagrius, whom Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, wished to make a bishop, having effected his escape without maiming himself in any way, afterwards happened to meet Ammonius, and told him jocosely, that he had done wrong in cutting off his own ear, as he had by that means rendered himself criminal in the sight of God. To which Ammonius replied, 'And do you think, Evagrius, that you will not be punished, who from self-love have cut out your own tongue, to avoid the exercise of that gift of utterance which has been committed to you?' There were at the same time in the monasteries very many other admirable and devout characters whom it would be too tedious to enumerate in this place, and besides if we should attempt to describe the life of each, and the miracles they did by means of that sanctity with which they were endowed, we should necessarily digress too far from the object we have in view. Should any one desire to become acquainted with their history, in reference both to their deeds and experiences and discourses for the edification of their auditors, as well as how wild beasts became subject to their authority, there is a specific treatise as on the subject, composed by the monk Palladius, who was a disciple of Evagrius, and gives all these particulars in minute detail. In that work he also mentions several women, who practiced the same kind of austerities as the men that have been referred to. Both Evagrius and Palladius flourished a short time after the death of Valens. We must now return to the point whence we diverged. 4.25. About the same period God brought into observation another faithful person, deeming it worthy that through him faith might be witnessed unto: this was Didymus, a most admirable and eloquent man, instructed in all the learning of the age in which he flourished. At a very early age, when he had scarcely acquired the first elements of learning, he was attacked by disease in the eyes which deprived him of sight. But God compensated to him the loss of corporeal vision, by bestowing increased intellectual acumen. For what he could not learn by seeing, he was enabled to acquire through the sense of hearing; so that being from his childhood endowed with excellent abilities, he soon far surpassed his youthful companions who possessed the keenest sight. He made himself master of the principles of grammar and rhetoric with astonishing facility; and proceeded thence to philosophical studies, dialectics, arithmetic, music, and the various other departments of knowledge to which his attention was directed; and he so treasured up in his mind these branches of science, that he was prepared with the utmost readiness to enter into a discussion of these subjects with those who had become conversant therewith by reading books. Not only this, but he was so well acquainted with the Divine oracles contained in the Old and New Testament that he composed several treatises in exposition of them, besides three books on the Trinity. He published also commentaries on Origen's book of Principles, in which he commends these writings, saying that they are excellent, and that those who calumniate their author, and speak slightingly of his works, are mere cavilers. 'For,' says he, 'they are destitute of sufficient penetration to comprehend the profound wisdom of that extraordinary man.' Those who may desire to form a just idea of the extensive erudition of Didymus, and the intense ardor of his mind, must peruse with attention his diversified and elaborate works. It is said that after Anthony had conversed for some time with this Didymus, long before the reign of Valens, when he came from the desert to Alexandria on account of the Arians, perceiving the learning and intelligence of the man, he said to him, 'Didymus, let not the loss of your bodily eyes distress you: for you are deprived of such eyes merely as are the common possession of gnats and flies; rather rejoice that you have eyes such as angels see with, by which the Deity himself is discerned, and his light comprehended.' This address of the pious Anthony to Didymus was made long before the times we are describing: in fact Didymus was then regarded as the great bulwark of the true faith, answering the Arians, whose sophistic cavilings he fully exposed, triumphantly refuting all their vain subtleties and deceptive reasonings. 6.3. John was a native of Antioch in Syria-Cœle, son of Secundus and Anthusa, and scion of a noble family in that country. He studied rhetoric under Libanius the sophist, and philosophy under Andragathius the philosopher. Being on the point of entering the practice of civil law, and reflecting on the restless and unjust course of those who devote themselves to the practice of the forensic courts, he was turned to the more tranquil mode of life, which he adopted, following the example of Evagrius. Evagrius himself had been educated under the same masters, and had some time before retired to a private mode of life. Accordingly he laid aside his legal habit, and applied his mind to the reading of the sacred scriptures, frequenting the church with great assiduity. He moreover induced Theodore and Maximus, who had been his fellow-students under Libanius the sophist, to forsake a profession whose primary object was gain, and embrace a life of greater simplicity. of these two persons, Theodore afterwards became bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilicia, and Maximus of Seleucia in Isauria. At that time being ardent aspirants after perfection, they entered upon the ascetic life, under the guidance of Diodorus and Carterius, who then presided over a monastic institution. The former of these was subsequently elevated to the bishopric of Tarsus, and wrote many treatises, in which he limited his attention to the literal sense of scripture, avoiding that which was mystical. But enough respecting these persons. Now John was then living on the most intimate terms with Basil, at that time constituted a deacon by Meletius, but afterwards ordained bishop of C sarea in Cappadocia. Accordingly Zeno the bishop on his return from Jerusalem, appointed him a reader in the church at Antioch. While he continued in the capacity of a reader he composed the book Against the Jews. Meletius having not long after conferred on him the rank of deacon, he produced his work On the Priesthood, and those Against Stagirius; and moreover those also On the Incomprehensibility of the Divine Nature, and On the Women who lived with the Ecclesiastics. Afterwards, upon the death of Meletius at Constantinople, - for there he had gone on account of Gregory Nazianzen's ordination - John separated himself from the Meletians, without entering into communion with Paulinus, and spent three whole years in retirement. Later, when Paulinus was dead, he was ordained a presbyter by Evagrius the successor of Paulinus. Such is a brief outline of John's career previous to his call to the episcopal office. It is said that on account of his zeal for temperance he was stern and severe; and one of his early friends has said 'that in his youth he manifested a proneness to irritability, rather than to modesty.' Because of the rectitude of his life, he was free from anxiety about the future, and his simplicity of character rendered him open and ingenuous; nevertheless the liberty of speech he allowed himself was offensive to very many. In public teaching he was powerful in reforming the morals of his auditors; but in private conversation he was frequently thought haughty and assuming by those who did not know him. |
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| 69. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, Isidore, 1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 70. Anon., Syncletica, 1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 240 |
| 71. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, Moses, 17 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 72. Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters To Monks, 25.4-25.6, 37.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 267 |
| 73. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, Bessarion, 7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233 |
| 74. Anon., Alphabetical Collection, 10.102 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 546; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233 |
| 75. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 4.27 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 76. Augustine, De Libero Arbitrio, 2.3.27-2.3.37 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and spiritual senses Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 161 |
| 77. Basil of Caesarea, Short Rules, 42 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 252 |
| 78. Evagrius Ponticus, Tractatus Ad Eulogium (Sub Nomine Nili Ancyrani), 2.2, 3.4, 4.4, 9.8, 10.9, 11.10, 13.12, 14.13, 15.15, 18.19, 21.23, 22.23, 23.24, 24.26, 31.33 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 233; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224, 249, 255 |
| 79. Cassian, Conferences, 1.22, 2.5.1, 5.11.199, 10.11, 12.7, 12.22, 23.8.2, 23.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 144; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 192 |
80. Cassian, Institutiones, 4.36, 5.32, 6.10, 9.2-9.3, 12.31 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 547; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 251, 257; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 294 | 5.32. of the letters which were burnt without being read. Nor do I think it less needful to relate this act of a brother who was intent on purity of heart, and extremely anxious with regard to the contemplation of things divine. When after an interval of fifteen years a large number of letters had been brought to him from his father and mother and many friends in the province of Pontus, he received the huge packet of letters, and turning over the matter in his own mind for some time, What thoughts, said he, will the reading of these suggest to me, which will incite me either to senseless joy or to useless sadness! For how many days will they draw off the attention of my heart from the contemplation I have set before me, by the recollection of those who wrote them! How long will it take for the disturbance of mind thus created to be calmed, and what an effort will it cost for that former state of peacefulness to be restored, if the mind is once moved by the sympathy of the letters, and by recalling the words and looks of those whom it has left for so long begins once more in thought and spirit to revisit them, to dwell among them and to be with them. And it will be of no use to have forsaken them in the body, if one begins to look on them with the heart, and readmits and revives that memory which on renouncing this world every one gave up, as if he were dead. Turning this over in his mind, he determined not only not to read a single letter, but not even to open the packet, for fear lest, at the sight of the names of the writers, or on recalling their appearance, the purpose of his spirit might give way. And so he threw it into the fire to be burnt, all tied up just as he had received it, crying, Away, O you thoughts of my home, be burnt up, and try no further to recall me to those things from which I have fled. |
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| 81. Ambrose, On Duties, 2.86-2.90 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 82. Ambrose, On The Holy Spirit, 2.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and spiritual senses Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 161 |
| 83. Ambrose, Letters, 1.6.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 84. Diodore of Tarsus, Commentary On The Psalms, 118, 23.10b, 15.11c, 9.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler, Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity (2023) 272 |
| 85. Basil of Caesarea, Long Rules, 15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 105 |
| 86. Evagrius Ponticus, Praktikos, 32, 31, 58, 51, 27, 25, 23, 19, 14, 83, 53, 12, 65, 8, 21, 40, 48, 54, 80, 5, 26, prol. 8, prol. 9, 24, 64, 22, 38, 20 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 257 |
| 87. Evagrius Ponticus, Exhortations To Monks, 1.2, 1.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 249 |
| 88. Evagrius Ponticus, Gnosticus, 44-48, 10 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 103, 104 |
| 89. Evagrius Ponticus, Vices, 9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 255 |
| 90. Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters On Prayer, 10, 111, 118, 120, 134, 135, 3, 34a, 4, 46, 47, 50, 57, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 90, 91, 94, 96, 71 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 265 |
| 91. Evagrius Ponticus, Eight Thoughts, 8.32 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 255 |
| 92. Evagrius Ponticus, On Evil Thoughts, 12.9-12.14, 28.15-28.22 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 539, 540; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 257 |
| 93. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, a b c d\n0 π.1399 π.1399 π 1399 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 535 |
| 94. Aenas of Gaza, Letters, 16 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 103 |
| 95. Jerome, Commentaria In Aggaeum, 11l1.l. 446-7 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 96. Jerome, Commentaria In Epistolam Ad Titum, 1.6-7 ll. 300-3 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 97. Jerome, Letters, 14.1.2, 22.16.1, 52.3.2, 52.7.2, 52.15.2, 69.8.4, 107.4, 107.13 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224, 233, 252; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 105 |
| 98. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon (A-O), a b c d\n0 π.1399 π.1399 π 1399 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 535 |
| 99. Gregory The Great, Liber Regulae Pastoralis, 1.1 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224 |
| 100. Alexander of Tralles, Therapeutica, 7.1 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, on the eight wicked spirits •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, affective lexica, passion lists creating Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 541 |
| 101. Oribasius, Eunap., 4.117.10 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, on the eight wicked spirits •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, affective lexica, passion lists creating Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 541 |
| 102. Galen, De Animi Cuiuslibet Peccatorum Dignotione Et Curatione, 1.7.2 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 535 |
| 103. Evagrius Ponticus, On The Eight Wicked Spirits, 5.1-5.3, 5.5, 5.9-5.11, 5.15-5.18 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 530, 537, 538, 542 |
| 104. Themistius, De Anima, 67.8 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, de malignis cogitationibusnan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 25 |
| 105. Philoxenus, On Gluttony, 276 (et), 277 (et), 283 (et), 281-82 (et) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 520 |
| 106. Evagrius of Pontus, Capita Practica Ad Anatolium, 10.2-10.12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 537, 538, 540 |
| 107. Evagrius Ponticus, De Passionibus, 1.2.1 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 534 |
| 108. Joannes Stobaeus, Florilegium, 2.7.10 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, hellenistic lists of passions/emotions, λύπη in •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 532 |
| 109. Papyri, P.Lond., 7.2017 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 176 |
| 110. Papyri, P.Paris, 1, 63 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 176 |
| 111. Manuscripts, Cod. Paris, Bnf, gr. 1592 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, godly or beneficial λύπη •evagrius of pontus, influence of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, complex/multivalent analysis of •evagrius of pontus, vice and virtue, bifurcation of λύπη as Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 546 |
| 112. Evagrius Ponticus, Scal., 7.1 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, distress/grief/mourning, defining and characterising •evagrius of pontus, vice and virtue, bifurcation of λύπη as Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 530 |
| 113. Barsanuphius, Letters, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 32, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 335-338, 336, 337, 338, 302 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 102, 103 |
| 114. Georgius Monachus, Chronikon, 629.2-629.14 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 231 |
| 115. Pachomius, Praec., 139-140, 138 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 105 |
| 116. Apophthegmata Patrum, G Achillas, 5a Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 26 |
| 117. Greg. Naz., Or., 14.11 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 193 |
| 118. Apophthegmata Patrum, G Arsenius, 6, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 102 |
| 119. Apophthegmata Patrum, Gs, 10.7 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 102 |
| 120. Apophthegmata Patrum, Gn, 592.32 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 334 |
| 121. Didymus of Alexandria, Ecclt, 69.10-69.14 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 176 |
| 122. Papyri, P.Col.Zen., 2.60 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 176 |
| 124. Evagr. Pont., Schol. Prov., 247 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 172 |
| 125. Evagr. Pont., Protrept., 185 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 186 |
| 126. Evagr. Pont., De Malign. Cogit., 16, 19, 31, 7-8, 26 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 190 |
| 127. Anon., Pachomius, Vita Graecae, 19 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233 |
| 128. Evagrius Ponticus, Vita, 4, prol. 24-25 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 541 |
| 129. Gregory of Nyssa, Oratio Catechetica, 37 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, and spiritual senses Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 161 |
| 130. Hebrew Bible, Judith, 16.17 Tagged with subjects: •bible, evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, intertwining biblical and philosophical language •evagrius of pontus, on the eight wicked spirits •evagrius of pontus, on the vices in opposition to the virtues •evagrius of pontus, godly or beneficial λύπη •evagrius of pontus, metaphorical lexica, development of •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, affective lexica, passion lists creating •evagrius of pontus, on λύπη, biblical and philosophical language, intertwining Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 541, 542 |
| 131. Evagrius of Pontus, Reflections, 113 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 252 |
| 132. Julianus Pomerius, De Vita Contemplativa Libri Tres, 1.9.2, 1.15, 1.20, 2.4.2 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 224, 240 |
| 133. Evagrius of Pontus, Foundations, 48, 59, 22 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 259 |
| 134. Dorotheus of Gaza, Ep., 1, 2, 6, 7, 180, 181, 184, 184-185, 184.1-9, 185, 187.1-7, 191, 192 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 111 |
| 135. Clement of Alexandria, Str., 2.22.132-2.22.133 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 82 |
| 136. Isaiah of Scetis, Logos, 2.1-2.2, 2.5-2.10 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 126, 127 |
| 140. Evagrius Ponticus, Antirrhetikos, 1.21, 1.61, 1.62, 1.63, 2.14, 2.22, 2.65, 3.14, 3.46, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.15, 4.22, 4.25, 4.29, 4.33, 4.35, 4.36, 4.39, 4.40, 4.42, 4.50, 4.55, 4.56, 4.60, 4.61, 5.62, 5.63, 5.64, 6.5, 6.9, 6.23, 7.2, 8.8, 54, 55, 57, 58, 61, 63, preface Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 19, 539; Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 223, 224, 225, 227, 228, 233; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 247, 254 |
| 141. Bacch., Med., 38.1 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, calligraphy Found in books: Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 120 |
| 142. Anon., V. Eupr., 1.12 Tagged with subjects: •antirrheticus (evagrius of pontus) Found in books: Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 144 |
| 143. Anon., V. Sinuthii, 12 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 184 |
| 144. Dorotheus of Gaza, Instructions, 1.1-1.3, 1.1.83-1.1.84, 1.5-1.6, 1.5.13-1.5.24, 1.8.2, 1.11, 1.15-1.19, 1.15.1-1.15.37, 1.16.1-1.16.11, 1.17.1-1.17.15, 1.19.1-1.19.11, 1.21, 1.22.1-1.22.26, 2.27, 2.38.7-2.38.21, 3.40, 3.40.1-3.40.5, 3.42-3.43, 3.43.7-3.43.9, 4.52, 4.54, 5.58-5.59, 5.67, 5.67.18, 7.82, 8.89-8.91, 8.89.5-8.89.23, 8.90.1-8.90.31, 8.91.23-8.91.26, 9.101, 10.108.4-10.108.6, 10.111, 10.112.19-10.112.21, 11.113, 11.113.1-11.113.30, 11.114.16-11.114.25, 11.117, 11.117.13-11.117.20, 11.120, 11.121.34, 11.122, 12.125.1-12.125.23, 12.126-12.127, 12.126.1-12.126.9, 12.126.15-12.126.22, 12.127.7-12.127.10, 12.129.11-12.129.18, 13.141.9-13.141.10, 14.151.49-14.151.53, 14.153.1-14.153.21, 15.162, 16.171, 17.174-17.176, 17.174.1-17.174.4, 17.174.9-17.174.10, 17.176.43-17.176.46 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus (ponticus) •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), praktikos •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), on emotions •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), on soul •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), on clothing, monastic •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), on prayer •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), death, practice of •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), and alphabetica •evagrius of pontus (ponticus), letters of Found in books: Champion, Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education (2022) 12, 13, 25, 26, 46, 47, 84, 85, 86, 91, 101, 126, 127, 137, 138, 140, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 152, 158, 193, 194, 195, 196, 209 |
145. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.18, 3.14.18-3.14.19, 3.14.30, 3.17.1, 6.25.9, 6.29-6.30, 6.29.2, 6.34.4, 8.1.9, 8.2 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 193; Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 21, 233, 246; Larsen and Rubenson, Monastic Education in Late Antiquity: The Transformation of Classical 'Paideia' (2018) 60 | 8.2. Nectarius died about this period, and lengthened debates were held on the ordination of a successor. They all voted for different individuals, and it seemed impossible for all to unite on one, and the time passed heavily. There was, however, at Antioch on the Orontes, a certain presbyter named John, a man of noble birth and of exemplary life, and possessed of such wonderful powers of eloquence and persuasion that he was declared by the sophist, Libanius the Syrian, to surpass all the orators of the age. When this sophist was on his death-bed he was asked by his friends who should take his place. It would have been John, replied he, had not the Christians taken him from us. Many of those who heard the discourses of John in the church were thereby excited to the love of virtue and to the reception of his own religious sentiments. For by living a divine life he imparted zeal from his own virtues to his hearers. He produced convictions similar to his own, because he did not enforce them by rhetorical art and strength, but expounded the sacred books with truth and sincerity. For a word which is ornamented by deeds customarily shows itself as worthy of belief; but without these the speaker appears as an impostor and a traitor to his own words, even though he teach earnestly. Approbation in both regards was due to John. He devoted himself to a prudent course of life and to a severe public career, while he also used a clear diction, united with brilliance in speech. His natural abilities were excellent, and he improved them by studying under the best masters. He learned rhetoric from Libanius, and philosophy from Andragathius. When it was expected that he would embrace the legal profession and take part in the career of an advocate, he determined to exercise himself in the sacred books and to practice philosophy according to the law of the Church. He had as teachers of this philosophy, Carterius and Diodorus, two celebrated presidents of ascetic institutions. Diodorus was afterwards the governor of the church of Tarsus, and, I have been informed, left many books of his own writings in which he explained the significance of the sacred words and avoided allegory. John did not receive the instructions of these men by himself, but persuaded Theodore and Maximus, who had been his companions under the instruction of Libanius, to accompany him. Maximus afterwards became bishop of Seleucia, in Isauria; and Theodore, bishop of Mompsuestia, in Cilicia. Theodore was well conversant with the sacred books and with the rest of the discipline of rhetoricians and philosophers. After studying the ecclesiastical laws, and frequenting the society of holy men, he was filled with admiration of the ascetic mode of life and condemned city life. He did not persevere in the same purpose, but after changing it, he was drawn to his former course of life; and, to justify his conduct, cited many examples from ancient history, with which he was well acquainted, and went back into the city. On hearing that he was engaged in business and intent on marriage, John composed an epistle, more divine in language and thought than the mind of man could produce, and sent it to him. Upon reading it, he repented and immediately gave up his possessions, renounced his intention of marrying, and was saved by the advice of John, and returned to the philosophic career. This seems to me a remarkable instance of the power of John's eloquence; for he readily forced conviction on the mind of one who was himself habituated to persuade and convince others. By the same eloquence, John attracted the admiration of the people; while he strenuously convicted sinners even in the churches, and antagonized with boldness all acts of injustice, as if they had been perpetrated against himself. This boldness pleased the people, but grieved the wealthy and the powerful, who were guilty of most of the vices which he denounced. Being, then, held in such high estimation by those who knew him by experience, and by those who were acquainted with him through the reports of others, John was adjudged worthy, in word and in deed, by all the subjects of the Roman Empire, to be the bishop of the church of Constantinople. The clergy and people were uimous in electing him; their choice was approved by the emperor, who also sent the embassy which should conduct him; and, to confer greater solemnity on his ordination, a council was convened. Not long after the letter of the emperor reached Asterius, the general of the East; he sent to desire John to repair to him, as if he had need of him. On his arrival, he at once made him get into his chariot, and conveyed him with dispatch to a military station, Pagras so-called, where he delivered him to the officers whom the emperor had sent in quest of him. Asterius acted very prudently in sending for John before the citizens of Antioch knew what was about to occur; for they would probably have excited a sedition, and have inflicted injury on others, or subjected themselves to acts of violence, rather than have suffered John to be taken from them. When John had arrived at Constantinople, and when the priests were assembled together, Theophilus opposed his ordination; and proposed as a candidate in his stead, a presbyter of his church named Isidore, who took charge of strangers and of the poor at Alexandria. I have been informed by persons who were acquainted with Isidore, that from his youth upwards he practiced the philosophic virtues, near Scetis. Others say that he had gained the friendship of Theophilus by being a participant and a familiar in a very perilous undertaking. For it is reported that during the war against Maximus, Theophilus entrusted Isidore with gifts and letters respectively addressed to the emperor and to the tyrant, and sent him to Rome, desiring him to remain there until the termination of the war, when he was to deliver the gifts, with the letters, to him, who might prove the victor. Isidore acted according to his instructions, but the artifice was detected; and, fearful of being arrested, he fled to Alexandria. Theophilus from that period evinced much attachment towards him, and, with a view of recompensing his services, strove to raise him to the bishopric of Constantinople. But whether there was really any truth in this report, or whether Theophilus desired to ordain this man because of his excellence, it is certain that he eventually yielded to those who decided for John. He feared Eutropius, who was artfully eager for this ordination. Eutropius then presided over the imperial house, and they say he threatened Theophilus, that unless he would vote with the other bishops, he would have to defend himself against those who desired to accuse him; for many written accusations against him were at that time before the council. 8.2. Nectarius died about this period, and lengthened debates were held on the ordination of a successor. They all voted for different individuals, and it seemed impossible for all to unite on one, and the time passed heavily. There was, however, at Antioch on the Orontes, a certain presbyter named John, a man of noble birth and of exemplary life, and possessed of such wonderful powers of eloquence and persuasion that he was declared by the sophist, Libanius the Syrian, to surpass all the orators of the age. When this sophist was on his death-bed he was asked by his friends who should take his place. It would have been John, replied he, had not the Christians taken him from us. Many of those who heard the discourses of John in the church were thereby excited to the love of virtue and to the reception of his own religious sentiments. For by living a divine life he imparted zeal from his own virtues to his hearers. He produced convictions similar to his own, because he did not enforce them by rhetorical art and strength, but expounded the sacred books with truth and sincerity. For a word which is ornamented by deeds customarily shows itself as worthy of belief; but without these the speaker appears as an impostor and a traitor to his own words, even though he teach earnestly. Approbation in both regards was due to John. He devoted himself to a prudent course of life and to a severe public career, while he also used a clear diction, united with brilliance in speech. His natural abilities were excellent, and he improved them by studying under the best masters. He learned rhetoric from Libanius, and philosophy from Andragathius. When it was expected that he would embrace the legal profession and take part in the career of an advocate, he determined to exercise himself in the sacred books and to practice philosophy according to the law of the Church. He had as teachers of this philosophy, Carterius and Diodorus, two celebrated presidents of ascetic institutions. Diodorus was afterwards the governor of the church of Tarsus, and, I have been informed, left many books of his own writings in which he explained the significance of the sacred words and avoided allegory. John did not receive the instructions of these men by himself, but persuaded Theodore and Maximus, who had been his companions under the instruction of Libanius, to accompany him. Maximus afterwards became bishop of Seleucia, in Isauria; and Theodore, bishop of Mompsuestia, in Cilicia. Theodore was well conversant with the sacred books and with the rest of the discipline of rhetoricians and philosophers. After studying the ecclesiastical laws, and frequenting the society of holy men, he was filled with admiration of the ascetic mode of life and condemned city life. He did not persevere in the same purpose, but after changing it, he was drawn to his former course of life; and, to justify his conduct, cited many examples from ancient history, with which he was well acquainted, and went back into the city. On hearing that he was engaged in business and intent on marriage, John composed an epistle, more divine in language and thought than the mind of man could produce, and sent it to him. Upon reading it, he repented and immediately gave up his possessions, renounced his intention of marrying, and was saved by the advice of John, and returned to the philosophic career. This seems to me a remarkable instance of the power of John's eloquence; for he readily forced conviction on the mind of one who was himself habituated to persuade and convince others. By the same eloquence, John attracted the admiration of the people; while he strenuously convicted sinners even in the churches, and antagonized with boldness all acts of injustice, as if they had been perpetrated against himself. This boldness pleased the people, but grieved the wealthy and the powerful, who were guilty of most of the vices which he denounced. Being, then, held in such high estimation by those who knew him by experience, and by those who were acquainted with him through the reports of others, John was adjudged worthy, in word and in deed, by all the subjects of the Roman Empire, to be the bishop of the church of Constantinople. The clergy and people were uimous in electing him; their choice was approved by the emperor, who also sent the embassy which should conduct him; and, to confer greater solemnity on his ordination, a council was convened. Not long after the letter of the emperor reached Asterius, the general of the East; he sent to desire John to repair to him, as if he had need of him. On his arrival, he at once made him get into his chariot, and conveyed him with dispatch to a military station, Pagras so-called, where he delivered him to the officers whom the emperor had sent in quest of him. Asterius acted very prudently in sending for John before the citizens of Antioch knew what was about to occur; for they would probably have excited a sedition, and have inflicted injury on others, or subjected themselves to acts of violence, rather than have suffered John to be taken from them. When John had arrived at Constantinople, and when the priests were assembled together, Theophilus opposed his ordination; and proposed as a candidate in his stead, a presbyter of his church named Isidore, who took charge of strangers and of the poor at Alexandria. I have been informed by persons who were acquainted with Isidore, that from his youth upwards he practiced the philosophic virtues, near Scetis. Others say that he had gained the friendship of Theophilus by being a participant and a familiar in a very perilous undertaking. For it is reported that during the war against Maximus, Theophilus entrusted Isidore with gifts and letters respectively addressed to the emperor and to the tyrant, and sent him to Rome, desiring him to remain there until the termination of the war, when he was to deliver the gifts, with the letters, to him, who might prove the victor. Isidore acted according to his instructions, but the artifice was detected; and, fearful of being arrested, he fled to Alexandria. Theophilus from that period evinced much attachment towards him, and, with a view of recompensing his services, strove to raise him to the bishopric of Constantinople. But whether there was really any truth in this report, or whether Theophilus desired to ordain this man because of his excellence, it is certain that he eventually yielded to those who decided for John. He feared Eutropius, who was artfully eager for this ordination. Eutropius then presided over the imperial house, and they say he threatened Theophilus, that unless he would vote with the other bishops, he would have to defend himself against those who desired to accuse him; for many written accusations against him were at that time before the council. |
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| 147. Augustine, In Matthaeum, 10.20.36 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 231 |
| 148. John Chrysostom, Against Opponents of The Monastic Life, 3.11-3.13 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Amsler, Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity (2023) 229 |
| 149. Ambrose, Epistle To Laeta, 227, 226 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler, Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity (2023) 229 |
| 150. Thomas of Marga, Book of Governors, i74.3-10, i75.1-14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler, Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity (2023) 229 |
| 152. Gregory of Nyssa, De Hominis Opificio, 28.3 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Joosse, Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher (2021) 231 |
| 153. Georgius Choeroboscus, In Theod., 27 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus, calligraphy Found in books: Dilley, Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline (2019) 120 |
| 154. Anon., Life of Daniel The Stylite, 98 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233 |
| 155. Palladius of Aspuna, Lausiac History, 8, 9, 9.12-10.2, 10, 17, 17.5, 18, 20.1, 38.11, 46.6, 54.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233 |
| 156. Isaiah of Gaza, Ascetic Discourses, 6 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus,, on thoughts Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 191 |
| 157. Dorotheos of Gaza, Vita Dosithei, 9 Tagged with subjects: •evagrius of pontus Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman, Religion and the Self in Antiquity (2005) 192 |
| 158. Evagrius Ponticus, To Eulogius, 6.5-6.9, 6.16-6.22, 6.28-6.31, 8.10-8.12, 9.12-9.16, 13.27, 26.18-26.20, 29.33-29.37, 31.55-31.56 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 538, 540, 541, 543, 544 |
| 159. Anon., History of The Monks In Egypt, 1.51, 1.57, 1.47, 1.58, 1.56, 1.32, 1.48, 1.54, 1.49, 1.53, 1.50, 1.52, 1.55, 1.43, 1.29, 1.45, 1.44, 1.42, 1.41, 1.40, 1.39, 1.46, 1.37, 1.38, 1.61, 2.12, 1.25, 5.7, 8.1, 8.15, 1.23, 1.1, 4.1, 8.4, 1.60, 1.31, 1.59, 8.5, 1.28, 6.3, 2.7, 2.4, 8.8, 8.9, 2.8, 1.64, 2.11, 4.2, 8.16, 1.22, 8.50, 8.14, prol. 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain, The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century (2016) 233, 254 |
