| 1. Pindar, Parthenia, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 90 |
| 2. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, 1.52-1.54 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 90 |
3. Herodotus, Histories, 1.46-1.52, 8.134 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 16, 166 | 1.46. After the loss of his son, Croesus remained in deep sorrow for two years. After this time, the destruction by Cyrus son of Cambyses of the sovereignty of Astyages son of Cyaxares, and the growth of the power of the Persians, distracted Croesus from his mourning; and he determined, if he could, to forestall the increase of the Persian power before they became great. ,Having thus determined, he at once made inquiries of the Greek and Libyan oracles, sending messengers separately to Delphi , to Abae in Phocia, and to Dodona , while others were despatched to Amphiaraus and Trophonius, and others to Branchidae in the Milesian country. ,These are the Greek oracles to which Croesus sent for divination: and he told others to go inquire of Ammon in Libya . His intent in sending was to test the knowledge of the oracles, so that, if they were found to know the truth, he might send again and ask if he should undertake an expedition against the Persians. 1.47. And when he sent to test these shrines he gave the Lydians these instructions: they were to keep track of the time from the day they left Sardis , and on the hundredth day inquire of the oracles what Croesus, king of Lydia , son of Alyattes, was doing then; then they were to write down whatever the oracles answered and bring the reports back to him. ,Now none relate what answer was given by the rest of the oracles. But at Delphi , no sooner had the Lydians entered the hall to inquire of the god and asked the question with which they were entrusted, than the Pythian priestess uttered the following hexameter verses: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" “I know the number of the grains of sand and the extent of the sea, /l l And understand the mute and hear the voiceless. /l l The smell has come to my senses of a strong-shelled tortoise /l l Boiling in a cauldron together with a lamb's flesh, /l l Under which is bronze and over which is bronze.” /l /quote 1.48. Having written down this inspired utterance of the Pythian priestess, the Lydians went back to Sardis . When the others as well who had been sent to various places came bringing their oracles, Croesus then unfolded and examined all the writings. Some of them in no way satisfied him. But when he read the Delphian message, he acknowledged it with worship and welcome, considering Delphi as the only true place of divination, because it had discovered what he himself had done. ,For after sending his envoys to the oracles, he had thought up something which no conjecture could discover, and carried it out on the appointed day: namely, he had cut up a tortoise and a lamb, and then boiled them in a cauldron of bronze covered with a lid of the same. 1.49. Such, then, was the answer from Delphi delivered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they had followed the due custom of the temple, I cannot say what it was, for nothing is recorded of it, except that Croesus believed that from this oracle too he had obtained a true answer. 1.50. After this, he tried to win the favor of the Delphian god with great sacrifices. He offered up three thousand beasts from all the kinds fit for sacrifice, and on a great pyre burnt couches covered with gold and silver, golden goblets, and purple cloaks and tunics; by these means he hoped the better to win the aid of the god, to whom he also commanded that every Lydian sacrifice what he could. ,When the sacrifice was over, he melted down a vast store of gold and made ingots of it, the longer sides of which were of six and the shorter of three palms' length, and the height was one palm. There were a hundred and seventeen of these. Four of them were of refined gold, each weighing two talents and a half; the rest were of gold with silver alloy, each of two talents' weight. ,He also had a figure of a lion made of refined gold, weighing ten talents. When the temple of Delphi was burnt, this lion fell from the ingots which were the base on which it stood; and now it is in the treasury of the Corinthians, but weighs only six talents and a half, for the fire melted away three and a half talents. 1.51. When these offerings were ready, Croesus sent them to Delphi , with other gifts besides: namely, two very large bowls, one of gold and one of silver. The golden bowl stood to the right, the silver to the left of the temple entrance. ,These too were removed about the time of the temple's burning, and now the golden bowl, which weighs eight and a half talents and twelve minae, is in the treasury of the Clazomenians, and the silver bowl at the corner of the forecourt of the temple. This bowl holds six hundred nine-gallon measures: for the Delphians use it for a mixing-bowl at the feast of the Divine Appearance. ,It is said by the Delphians to be the work of Theodorus of Samos , and I agree with them, for it seems to me to be of no common workmanship. Moreover, Croesus sent four silver casks, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and dedicated two sprinkling-vessels, one of gold, one of silver. The golden vessel bears the inscription “Given by the Lacedaemonians,” who claim it as their offering. But they are wrong, ,for this, too, is Croesus' gift. The inscription was made by a certain Delphian, whose name I know but do not mention, out of his desire to please the Lacedaemonians. The figure of a boy, through whose hand the water runs, is indeed a Lacedaemonian gift; but they did not give either of the sprinkling-vessels. ,Along with these Croesus sent, besides many other offerings of no great distinction, certain round basins of silver, and a female figure five feet high, which the Delphians assert to be the statue of the woman who was Croesus' baker. Moreover, he dedicated his own wife's necklaces and girdles. 1.52. Such were the gifts which he sent to Delphi . To Amphiaraus, of whose courage and fate he had heard, he dedicated a shield made entirely of gold and a spear all of solid gold, point and shaft alike. Both of these were until my time at Thebes , in the Theban temple of Ismenian Apollo. 8.134. This man Mys is known to have gone to Lebadea and to have bribed a man of the country to go down into the cave of Trophonius and to have gone to the place of divination at Abae in Phocis. He went first to Thebes where he inquired of Ismenian Apollo (sacrifice is there the way of divination, as at Olympia), and moreover he bribed one who was no Theban but a stranger to lie down to sleep in the shrine of Amphiaraus. ,No Theban may seek a prophecy there, for Amphiaraus bade them by an oracle to choose which of the two they wanted and forgo the other, and take him either for their prophet or for their ally. They chose that he should be their ally. Therefore no Theban may lie down to sleep in that place. |
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4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 3.3.2, 4.96.3, 4.99, 4.113.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 67, 116, 167| 3.3.2. καὶ πέμπουσιν ἐξαπιναίως τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς αἳ ἔτυχον περὶ Πελοπόννησον παρεσκευασμέναι πλεῖν: Κλεϊππίδης δὲ ὁ Δεινίου τρίτος αὐτὸς ἐστρατήγει. 4.96.3. καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ μέχρι μέσου ἡσσᾶτο ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ ἐπίεσαν τούς τε ἄλλους ταύτῃ καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τοὺς Θεσπιᾶς. ὑποχωρησάντων γὰρ αὐτοῖς τῶν παρατεταγμένων, καὶ κυκλωθέντων ἐν ὀλίγῳ, οἵπερ διεφθάρησαν Θεσπιῶν, ἐν χερσὶν ἀμυνόμενοι κατεκόπησαν: καί τινες καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων διὰ τὴν κύκλωσιν ταραχθέντες ἠγνόησάν τε καὶ ἀπέκτειναν ἀλλήλους. 4.113.1. τῶν δὲ Τορωναίων γιγνομένης τῆς ἁλώσεως τὸ μὲν πολὺ οὐδὲν εἰδὸς ἐθορυβεῖτο, οἱ δὲ πράσσοντες καὶ οἷς ταῦτα ἤρεσκε μετὰ τῶν ἐσελθόντων εὐθὺς ἦσαν. | 3.3.2. They accordingly suddenly sent off forty ships that had been got ready to sail round Peloponnese , under the command of Cleippides, son of Deinias, and two others; 4.96.3. The Boeotian left, as far as the center, was worsted by the Athenians. The Thespians in that part of the field suffered most severely. The troops alongside them having given way, they were surrounded in a narrow space and cut down fighting hand to hand; some of the Athenians also fell into confusion in surrounding the enemy and mistook and so killed each other. 4.113.1. The capture of the town was effected before the great body of the Toronaeans had recovered from their surprise and confusion; |
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| 5. Xenophon, Hellenica, 7.1.1-7.1.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 76 |
| 6. Hyperides, Pro Euxenippo, 16 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 93, 94 |
| 7. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 43.1, 52.2, 53.4, 54.1, 54.7, 56.3-56.4, 57.1-57.4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 86, 87, 88, 89, 94 |
8. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 12.55.3, 15.67.1, 18.56.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 76, 81, 116 | 12.55.3. The Lacedaemonians were glad to accept this offer, but while they were busied with the building of the triremes, the Athenians forestalled their completion by sending forthwith a force against Lesbos, having manned forty ships and chosen Cleinippides as their commander. He gathered reinforcements from the allies and put in at Mytilenê. 15.67.1. The Thebans, having accomplished in eighty-five days all that is narrated above, and having left a considerable garrison for Messenê, returned to their own land. The Lacedaemonians, who had unexpectedly got rid of their enemies, sent to Athens a commission of the most distinguished Spartans, and came to an agreement over the supremacy: the Athenians should be masters of the sea, the Lacedaemonians of the land; but after this in both cities they set up a joint command. 18.56.6. If in any case Philip or Alexander published regulations that are inconsistent with each other, let the cities concerned present themselves before us so that, after bringing the provisions into harmony, they may follow a course of action advantageous both to us and to themselves. The Athenians shall possess everything as at the time of Philip and Alexander, save that Oropus shall belong to its own people as at present. |
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9. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.9, 31.26 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 229, 230 | 31.9. For whenever you vote a statue to anyone â and the idea of doing this comes to you now quite readily because you have an abundant supply of statues on hand â though for one thing I could not possibly criticise you, I mean for letting a little time elapse and delaying action; for, on the contrary, as soon as any person is proposed for the honour by you â presto! there he stands on a pedestal, or rather, even before the vote is taken! But what occurs is quite absurd: your chief magistrate, namely, merely points his finger at the first statue that meets his eyes of those which have already been dedicated, and then, after the inscription which was previously on it has been removed and another name engraved, the business of honouring is finished; and there you are! The man whom you have decreed to be worthy of the honour has already got his statue, and quite easily, it seems to me, and at a good bargain, when you look at the matter from this point of view â that the abundance of supply is wonderful and your business a thing to envy, if you are the only people in the world who can set up in bronze any man you wish without incurring any expense, and in fact, without either yourselves or those whom you honour putting up a single drachma. 31.26. So, then, it cannot be said, either, that this is not the greatest of the gifts that have been given to any persons, since, apart from the fact that the truth is patent to everyone, those who deny it will be contradicting themselves. For they protest that it is necessary to honour many of the leading men at the present time, and that if it proves necessary to get statues made for them all, enormous expense will be incurred, since the other honours are not in keeping with their position, and the men themselves would not accept them, as being far too inadequate. |
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10. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.34.1-1.34.5, 6.4.5, 7.11.4-7.11.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 4, 93, 99, 131| 1.34.1. τὴν δὲ γῆν τὴν Ὠρωπίαν μεταξὺ τῆς Ἀττικῆς καὶ Ταναγρικῆς, Βοιωτίαν τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς οὖσαν, ἔχουσιν ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Ἀθηναῖοι, πολεμήσαντες μὲν τὸν πάντα ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς χρόνον, κτησάμενοι δὲ οὐ πρότερον βεβαίως πρὶν ἢ Φίλιππος Θήβας ἑλὼν ἔδωκέ σφισιν. ἡ μὲν οὖν πόλις ἐστὶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης μέγα οὐδὲν ἐς συγγραφὴν παρεχομένη· ἀπέχει δὲ δώδεκα τῆς πόλεως σταδίους μάλιστα ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀμφιαράου. 1.34.2. λέγεται δὲ Ἀμφιαράῳ φεύγοντι ἐκ Θηβῶν διαστῆναι τὴν γῆν καὶ ὡς αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὸ ἅρμα ὑπεδέξατο· πλὴν οὐ ταύτῃ συμβῆναί φασιν, ἀλλά ἐστιν ἐκ Θηβῶν ἰοῦσιν ἐς Χαλκίδα Ἅρμα καλούμενον. θεὸν δὲ Ἀμφιάραον πρώτοις Ὠρωπίοις κατέστη νομίζειν, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ οἱ πάντες Ἕλληνες ἥγηνται. καταλέξαι δὲ καὶ ἄλλους ἔχω γενομένους τότε ἀνθρώπους, οἳ θεῶν παρʼ Ἕλλησι τιμὰς ἔχουσι, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἀνάκεινται πόλεις, Ἐλεοῦς ἐν Χερρονήσῳ Πρωτεσιλάῳ, Λεβάδεια Βοιωτῶν Τροφωνίῳ· καὶ Ὠρωπίοις ναός τέ ἐστιν Ἀμφιαράου καὶ ἄγαλμα λευκοῦ λίθου. 1.34.3. παρέχεται δὲ ὁ βωμὸς μέρη· τὸ μὲν Ἡρακλέους καὶ Διὸς καὶ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι Παιῶνος, τὸ δὲ ἥρωσι καὶ ἡρώων ἀνεῖται γυναιξί, τρίτον δὲ Ἑστίας καὶ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Ἀμφιαράου καὶ τῶν παίδων Ἀμφιλόχου· Ἀλκμαίων δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς Ἐριφύλην ἔργον οὔτε ἐν Ἀμφιαράου τινά, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παρὰ τῷ Ἀμφιλόχῳ τιμὴν ἔχει. τετάρτη δέ ἐστι τοῦ βωμοῦ μοῖρα Ἀφροδίτης καὶ Πανακείας, ἔτι δὲ Ἰασοῦς καὶ Ὑγείας καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Παιωνίας· πέμπτη δὲ πεποίηται νύμφαις καὶ Πανὶ καὶ ποταμοῖς Ἀχελῴῳ καὶ Κηφισῷ. τῷ δὲ Ἀμφιλόχῳ καὶ παρʼ Ἀθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πόλει βωμὸς καὶ Κιλικίας ἐν Μαλλῷ μαντεῖον ἀψευδέστατον τῶν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. 1.34.4. ἔστι δὲ Ὠρωπίοις πηγὴ πλησίον τοῦ ναοῦ, ἣν Ἀμφιαράου καλοῦσιν, οὔτε θύοντες οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὴν οὔτʼ ἐπὶ καθαρσίοις ἢ χέρνιβι χρῆσθαι νομίζοντες· νόσου δὲ ἀκεσθείσης ἀνδρὶ μαντεύματος γενομένου καθέστηκεν ἄργυρον ἀφεῖναι καὶ χρυσὸν ἐπίσημον ἐς τὴν πηγήν, ταύτῃ γὰρ ἀνελθεῖν τὸν Ἀμφιάραον λέγουσιν ἤδη θεόν. Ἰοφῶν δὲ Κνώσσιος τῶν ἐξηγητῶν χρησμοὺς ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ παρείχετο, Ἀμφιάραον χρῆσαι φάμενος τοῖς ἐς Θήβας σταλεῖσιν Ἀργείων. ταῦτα τὰ ἔπη τὸ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐπαγωγὸν ἀκρατῶς εἶχε· χωρὶς δὲ πλὴν ὅσους ἐξ Ἀπόλλωνος μανῆναι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον, μάντεών γʼ οὐδεὶς χρησμολόγος ἦν, ἀγαθοὶ δὲ ὀνείρατα ἐξηγήσασθαι καὶ διαγνῶναι πτήσεις ὀρνίθων καὶ σπλάγχνα ἱερείων. 1.34.5. δοκῶ δὲ Ἀμφιάραον ὀνειράτων διακρίσει μάλιστα προ ς κεῖσθαι· δῆλος δέ, ἡνίκα ἐνομίσθη θεός, διʼ ὀνειράτων μαντικὴν καταστησάμενος. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν καθήρασθαι νομίζουσιν ὅστις ἦλθεν Ἀμφιαράῳ χρησόμενος· ἔστι δὲ καθάρσιον τῷ θεῷ θύειν, θύουσι δὲ καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ πᾶσιν ὅσοις ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ τὰ ὀνόματα· προεξειργασμένων δὲ τούτων κριὸν θύσαντες καὶ τὸ δέρμα ὑποστρωσάμενοι καθεύδουσιν ἀναμένοντες δήλωσιν ὀνείρατος. 6.4.5. ὁ δὲ παῖς ὁ ἀναδούμενος ταινίᾳ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπεισήχθω μοι καὶ οὗτος ἐς τὸν λόγον Φειδίου τε ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἐς τὰ ἀγάλματα τοῦ Φειδίου σοφίας, ἐπεὶ ἄλλως γε οὐκ ἴσμεν ὅτου τὴν εἰκόνα ὁ Φειδίας ἐποίησε. Σάτυρος δὲ Ἠλεῖος Λυσιάνακτος πατρός, γένους δὲ τοῦ Ἰαμιδῶν, ἐν Νεμέᾳ πεντάκις ἐνίκησε πυκτεύων καὶ Πυθοῖ τε δὶς καὶ δὶς ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ· τέχνη δὲ Ἀθηναίου Σιλανίωνος ὁ ἀνδριάς ἐστι. πλάστης δὲ ἄλλος τῶν Ἀττικῶν Πολυκλῆς , Σταδιέως μαθητὴς Ἀθηναίου, πεποίηκε παῖδα Ἐφέσιον παγκρατιαστήν, Ἀμύνταν Ἑλλανίκου. 7.11.4. ὁ μὲν δὴ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἐποίει, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἀνάγκῃ πλέον ἢ ἑκουσίως διαρπάζουσιν Ὠρωπὸν ὑπήκοόν σφισιν οὖσαν· πενίας γὰρ ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον Ἀθηναῖοι τηνικαῦτα ἧκον ἅτε ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων πολέμῳ πιεσθέντες μάλιστα Ἑλλήνων. καταφεύγουσιν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων βουλὴν οἱ Ὠρώπιοι· καὶ δόξαντες παθεῖν οὐ δίκαια, καὶ ἐπεστάλη Σικυωνίοις ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιβάλλειν σφᾶς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς Ὠρωπίους ζημίαν κατὰ τῆς βλάβης ἧς ἦρξαν τὴν ἀξίαν. 7.11.5. Σικυώνιοι μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἀφικομένοις ἐς καιρὸν τῆς κρίσεως Ἀθηναίοις ζημίαν πεντακόσια τάλαντα ἐπιβάλλουσι, Ῥωμαίων δὲ ἡ βουλὴ δεηθεῖσιν Ἀθηναίοις ἀφίησι πλὴν ταλάντων ἑκατὸν τὴν ἄλλην ζημίαν· ἐξέτισαν δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλὰ ὑποσχέσεσι καὶ δώροις ὑπελθόντες Ὠρωπίους ὑπάγονται σφᾶς ἐς ὁμολογίαν φρουράν τε Ἀθηναίων ἐσελθεῖν ἐς Ὠρωπὸν καὶ ὁμήρους λαβεῖν παρὰ Ὠρωπίων Ἀθηναίους· ἢν δὲ αὖθις ἐς Ἀθηναίους γένηται ἔγκλημα Ὠρωπίοις, τὴν φρουρὰν τότε ἀπάγειν παρʼ αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίους, ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ ὀπίσω τοὺς ὁμήρους. 7.11.6. χρόνος τε δὴ οὐ πολὺς ὁ μεταξὺ ἤνυστο, καὶ τῶν φρουρῶν ἀδικοῦσιν ἄνδρες Ὠρωπίους. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀπέστελλον ὁμήρους τε ἀπαιτήσοντας καὶ φρουράν σφισιν ἐξάγειν κατὰ τὰ συγκείμενα ἐροῦντας· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐδέτερα ἔφασαν ποιήσειν, ἀνθρώπων γὰρ τῶν ἐπὶ τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ οὐ τοῦ Ἀθηναίων δήμου τὸ ἁμάρτημα εἶναι· τοὺς μέντοι αὐτὰ εἰργασμένους ἐπηγγέλλοντο ὑφέξειν δίκην. 7.11.7. οἱ δὲ Ὠρώπιοι καταφεύγοντες ἐπὶ Ἀχαιοὺς ἐδέοντο τιμωρῆσαί σφισιν· Ἀχαιοῖς δὲ ἤρεσκε μὴ τιμωρεῖν φιλίᾳ τε καὶ αἰδοῖ τῇ Ἀθηναίων. ἐνταῦθα οἱ Ὠρώπιοι Μεναλκίδᾳ, Λακεδαιμονίῳ μὲν γένος, στρατηγοῦντι δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε Ἀχαιῶν, ὑπισχνοῦνται δέκα ταλάντων δόσιν, ἤν σφισιν ἐπικουρεῖν Ἀχαιοὺς ἄγῃ· ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν χρημάτων μεταδώσειν Καλλικράτει τὸ ἥμισυ ὑπισχνεῖτο, ἰσχύοντι διὰ φιλίαν τὴν Ρωμαίων ἐν Ἀχαιοῖς μέγιστον. 7.11.8. προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ Καλλικράτους πρὸς τὴν Μεναλκίδου γνώμην ἐκεκύρωτο κατὰ Ἀθηναίων ἀμύνειν Ὠρωπίοις. καί τις ἐξαγγέλλει ταῦτα ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους· οἱ δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος τάχους εἶχεν ἐς τὸν Ὠρωπὸν ἐλθόντες καὶ αὖθις κατασύραντες εἴ τι ἐν ταῖς προτέραις παρεῖτό σφισιν ἁρπαγαῖς, ἀπάγουσι τὴν φρουράν. Ἀχαιοὺς δὲ ὑστερήσαντας τῆς βοηθείας Μεναλκίδας μὲν καὶ Καλλικράτης ἐσβάλλειν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἔπειθον· ἀνθισταμένων δὲ ἄλλων τε αὐτοῖς καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ἀνεχώρησεν ὀπίσω τὸ στράτευμα. | 1.34.1. The land of Oropus, between Attica and the land of Tanagra , which originally belonged to Boeotia , in our time belongs to the Athenians, who always fought for it but never won secure pos session until Philip gave it to them after taking Thebes . The city is on the coast and affords nothing remarkable to record. About twelve stades from the city is a sanctuary of Amphiaraus. 1.34.2. Legend says that when Amphiaraus was exiled from Thebes the earth opened and swallowed both him and his chariot. Only they say that the incident did not happen here, the place called the Chariot being on the road from Thebes to Chalcis . The divinity of Amphiaraus was first established among the Oropians, from whom afterwards all the Greeks received the cult. I can enumerate other men also born at this time who are worshipped among the Greeks as gods; some even have cities dedicated to them, such as Eleus in Chersonnesus dedicated to Protesilaus, and Lebadea of the Boeotians dedicated to Trophonius. The Oropians have both a temple and a white marble statue of Amphiaraus. 1.34.3. The altar shows parts. One part is to Heracles, Zeus, and Apollo Healer, another is given up to heroes and to wives of heroes, the third is to Hestia and Hermes and Amphiaraus and the children of Amphilochus. But Alcmaeon, because of his treatment of Eriphyle, is honored neither in the temple of Amphiaraus nor yet with Amphilochus. The fourth portion of the altar is to Aphrodite and Panacea, and further to Iaso, Health and Athena Healer. The fifth is dedicated to the nymphs and to Pan, and to the rivers Achelous and Cephisus. The Athenians too have an altar to Amphilochus in the city, and there is at Mallus in Cilicia an oracle of his which is the most trustworthy of my day. 1.34.4. The Oropians have near the temple a spring, which they call the Spring of Amphiaraus; they neither sacrifice into it nor are wont to use it for purifications or for lustral water. But when a man has been cured of a disease through a response the custom is to throw silver and coined gold into the spring, for by this way they say that Amphiaraus rose up after he had become a god. Iophon the Cnossian, a guide, produced responses in hexameter verse, saying that Amphiaraus gave them to the Argives who were sent against Thebes . These verses unrestrainedly appealed to popular taste. Except those whom they say Apollo inspired of old none of the seers uttered oracles, but they were good at explaining dreams and interpreting the flights of birds and the entrails of victims. 1.34.5. My opinion is that Amphiaraus devoted him self most to the exposition of dreams. It is manifest that, when his divinity was established, it was a dream oracle that he set up. One who has come to consult Amphiaraus is wont first to purify himself. The mode of purification is to sacrifice to the god, and they sacrifice not only to him but also to all those whose names are on the altar. And when all these things have been first done, they sacrifice a ram, and, spreading the skin under them, go to sleep and await enlightenment in a dream. 6.4.5. The boy who is binding his head with a fillet must be mentioned in my account because of Pheidias and his great skill as a sculptor, but we do not know whose portrait the statue is that Pheidias made. Satyrus of Elis , son of Lysianax, of the clan of the Iamidae, won five victories at Nemea for boxing, two at Pytho , and two at Olympia . The artist who made the statue was Silanion, an Athenian. Polycles, another sculptor of the Attic school, a pupil of Stadieus the Athenian, has made the statue of an Ephesian boy pancratiast, Amyntas the son of Hellanicus. 7.11.4. While he was carrying out his instructions, the Athenian populace sacked Oropus, a state subject to them. The act was one of necessity rather than of free-will, as the Athenians at the time suffered the direst poverty, because the Macedonian war had crushed them more than any other Greeks. So the Oropians appealed to the Roman senate. It decided that an injustice had been committed, and instructed the Sicyonians to inflict a fine on the Athenians commensurate with the unprovoked harm done by them to Oropus. 7.11.5. When the Athenians did not appear in time for the trial, the Sicyonians inflicted on them a fine of five hundred talents, which the Roman senate on the appeal of the Athenians remitted with the exception of one hundred talents. Not even this reduced fine did the Athenians pay, but by promises and bribes they beguiled the Oropians into an agreement that an Athenian garrison should enter Oropus, and that the Athenians should take hostages from the Oropians. If in the future the Oropians should have any complaint to make against the Athenians, then the Athenians were to withdraw their garrison from Oropus and give the hostages back again. 7.11.6. After no long interval the Oropians were wronged by certain of the garrison. They accordingly despatched envoys to Athens to ask for the restoration of their hostages and to request that the garrison be withdrawn according to the agreement. The Athenians refused to do either of these things, saying that the blame lay, not with the Athenian people, but with the men of the garrison. They promised, however, that the culprits should he brought to account. 7.11.7. The Oropians then appealed to the Achaeans for aid, but these refused to give it out of friendship and respect for the Athenians. Thereupon the Oropians promised Menalcidas, a Lacedaemonian who was then general of the Achaeans, a gift of ten talents if he would induce the Achaeans to help them. Menalcidas promised half of the money to Callicrates, who on account of his friendship with the Romans had most influence among the Achaeans. 7.11.8. Callicrates was persuaded to adopt the plan of Menalcidas, and it was decided to help the Oropians against the Athenians. News of this was brought to the Athenians, who, with all the speed each could, came to Oropus, again dragged away anything they had overlooked in the previous raids, and brought away the garrison. As the Achaeans were too late to render help, Menalcidas and Callicrates urged them to invade Attica . But they met with opposition, especially from Lacedaemon , and the army withdrew. |
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| 11. Harpocration, Lexicon of The Ten Orators, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 96, 97 |
| 12. Epigraphy, Fd, 3.4.229 Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 116 |
| 13. Agatharchides of Knidos (Bnj, Bnj 86, None Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 72 |
| 14. Epigraphy, Phanodemos (Bnj, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 87 |
| 15. Herakleides Kritikos (Bnj, Bnj 369A, None Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 155 |
| 16. Epigraphy, Ig 9.1, 98, 170 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 160, 161 |
| 17. Epigraphy, Petrakos, Δῆμος Τοῦ Ῥαμνοῦντος, 2.167 Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 98 |
| 18. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3 4, 18, 33, 513, 471 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 94 |
| 19. Epigraphy, Ig 12.9, 912 Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 162 |
| 20. Demosthenes, Orations, 21.110, 21.167, 21.200 Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 117 |
| 21. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 33-34, 81 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 94, 95 |
| 22. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 301, 337, 448, 468, 877, 306 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 85 |
| 23. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 96 |
| 24. Epigraphy, Reinmuth, Ephebic Inscrs., 1-4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 96, 97 |
| 25. Epigraphy, Ig Vii, 219, 3207, 4143, 528-531, 4142 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 171 |
| 26. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 2313-2314 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 90 |
| 27. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 177 Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 94 |
| 28. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 1, 127-128, 147, 151-152, 174, 176, 18, 186-188, 197, 2, 21, 210, 24, 27, 276-277, 290, 294-299, 3, 300, 303-317, 32, 323-325, 33, 339, 34, 341-342, 347-348, 35, 352-359, 36, 360-363, 369, 37, 370, 372, 375, 383, 386, 388-389, 394, 404-405, 415, 418-420, 422-425, 428-429, 43, 433, 437, 44, 444-445, 45, 451, 46, 49, 5, 506, 52, 520, 525, 529, 54, 59, 6, 69-74, 78, 82, 84, 92-93, 97, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 78, 156 |
| 29. Epigraphy, Agora Xvi, 84 Tagged with subjects: •epigraphic agents, profile of Found in books: Wilding (2022) 94, 95, 96, 117 |
| 30. Epigraphy, I. Thespiai, 1, 25, 485, 488, 287 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 184 |
| 31. Epigraphy, Syll. , 519, 337 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 133 |
