1. Hebrew Bible, Jonah, 4.3-4.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 256| 4.3. "וְעַתָּה יְהוָה קַח־נָא אֶת־נַפְשִׁי מִמֶּנִּי כִּי טוֹב מוֹתִי מֵחַיָּי׃", 4.4. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה הַהֵיטֵב חָרָה לָךְ׃", 4.5. "וַיֵּצֵא יוֹנָה מִן־הָעִיר וַיֵּשֶׁב מִקֶּדֶם לָעִיר וַיַּעַשׂ לוֹ שָׁם סֻכָּה וַיֵּשֶׁב תַּחְתֶּיהָ בַּצֵּל עַד אֲשֶׁר יִרְאֶה מַה־יִּהְיֶה בָּעִיר׃", 4.6. "וַיְמַן יְהוָה־אֱלֹהִים קִיקָיוֹן וַיַּעַל מֵעַל לְיוֹנָה לִהְיוֹת צֵל עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ לְהַצִּיל לוֹ מֵרָעָתוֹ וַיִּשְׂמַח יוֹנָה עַל־הַקִּיקָיוֹן שִׂמְחָה גְדוֹלָה׃", 4.7. "וַיְמַן הָאֱלֹהִים תּוֹלַעַת בַּעֲלוֹת הַשַּׁחַר לַמָּחֳרָת וַתַּךְ אֶת־הַקִּיקָיוֹן וַיִּיבָשׁ׃", 4.8. "וַיְהִי כִּזְרֹחַ הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ וַיְמַן אֱלֹהִים רוּחַ קָדִים חֲרִישִׁית וַתַּךְ הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ עַל־רֹאשׁ יוֹנָה וַיִּתְעַלָּף וַיִּשְׁאַל אֶת־נַפְשׁוֹ לָמוּת וַיֹּאמֶר טוֹב מוֹתִי מֵחַיָּי׃", | 4.3. "Therefore now, O LORD, take, I beseech Thee, my life from me; for it is better for me to die than to live.’", 4.4. "And the LORD said: ‘Art thou greatly angry?’", 4.5. "Then Jonah went out of the city, and sat on the east side of the city, and there made him a booth, and sat under it in the shadow, till he might see what would become of the city.", 4.6. "And the LORD God prepared a gourd, and made it to come up over Jonah, that it might be a shadow over his head, to deliver him from his evil. So Jonah was exceeding glad because of the gourd.", 4.7. "But God prepared a worm when the morning rose the next day, and it smote the gourd, that it withered.", 4.8. "And it came to pass, when the sun arose, that God prepared a vehement east wind; and the sun beat upon the head of Jonah, that he fainted, and requested for himself that he might die, and said: ‘It is better for me to die than to live.’", |
|
2. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 19.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 256| 19.4. "וְהוּא־הָלַךְ בַּמִּדְבָּר דֶּרֶךְ יוֹם וַיָּבֹא וַיֵּשֶׁב תַּחַת רֹתֶם אחת [אֶחָד] וַיִּשְׁאַל אֶת־נַפְשׁוֹ לָמוּת וַיֹּאמֶר רַב עַתָּה יְהוָה קַח נַפְשִׁי כִּי־לֹא־טוֹב אָנֹכִי מֵאֲבֹתָי׃", | 19.4. "But he himself went a day’s journey into the wilderness, and came and sat down under a broom-tree; and he requested for himself that he might die; and said: ‘It is enough; now, O LORD, take away my life; for I am not better than my fathers.’", |
|
3. Homer, Iliad, 1.116-1.117 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 338 | 1.116. / Yet even so will I give her back, if that is better; I would rather the people be safe than perish. But provide me with a prize of honour forthwith, lest I alone of the Argives be without one, since that would not be proper. For you all see this, that my prize goes elsewhere. 1.117. / Yet even so will I give her back, if that is better; I would rather the people be safe than perish. But provide me with a prize of honour forthwith, lest I alone of the Argives be without one, since that would not be proper. For you all see this, that my prize goes elsewhere. |
|
4. Hesiod, Works And Days, 203-212, 202 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 110 | 202. Might will be right and shame shall cease to be, |
|
5. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 15.14-15.22 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 207| 15.14. "הוּא־בָא עַד־לֶחִי וּפְלִשִׁתִּים הֵרִיעוּ לִקְרָאתוֹ וַתִּצְלַח עָלָיו רוּחַ יְהוָה וַתִּהְיֶינָה הָעֲבֹתִים אֲשֶׁר עַל־זְרוֹעוֹתָיו כַּפִּשְׁתִּים אֲשֶׁר בָּעֲרוּ בָאֵשׁ וַיִּמַּסּוּ אֱסוּרָיו מֵעַל יָדָיו׃", 15.15. "וַיִּמְצָא לְחִי־חֲמוֹר טְרִיָּה וַיִּשְׁלַח יָדוֹ וַיִּקָּחֶהָ וַיַּךְ־בָּהּ אֶלֶף אִישׁ׃", 15.16. "וַיֹּאמֶר שִׁמְשׁוֹן בִּלְחִי הַחֲמוֹר חֲמוֹר חֲמֹרָתָיִם בִּלְחִי הַחֲמוֹר הִכֵּיתִי אֶלֶף אִישׁ׃", 15.17. "וַיְהִי כְּכַלֹּתוֹ לְדַבֵּר וַיַּשְׁלֵךְ הַלְּחִי מִיָּדוֹ וַיִּקְרָא לַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא רָמַת לֶחִי׃", 15.18. "וַיִּצְמָא מְאֹד וַיִּקְרָא אֶל־יְהוָה וַיֹּאמַר אַתָּה נָתַתָּ בְיַד־עַבְדְּךָ אֶת־הַתְּשׁוּעָה הַגְּדֹלָה הַזֹּאת וְעַתָּה אָמוּת בַּצָּמָא וְנָפַלְתִּי בְּיַד הָעֲרֵלִים׃", 15.19. "וַיִּבְקַע אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הַמַּכְתֵּשׁ אֲשֶׁר־בַּלֶּחִי וַיֵּצְאוּ מִמֶּנּוּ מַיִם וַיֵּשְׁתְּ וַתָּשָׁב רוּחוֹ וַיֶּחִי עַל־כֵּן קָרָא שְׁמָהּ עֵין הַקּוֹרֵא אֲשֶׁר בַּלֶּחִי עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃", | 15.14. "And when he came to Leĥi, the Pelishtim shouted against him: and the spirit of the Lord came mightily upon him: and the cords that were upon his arms became as flax that was burnt with fire, and his bands melted from off his hands.", 15.15. "And he found a new jawbone of an ass, and put out his hand, and took it, and slew a thousand men with it.", 15.16. "And Shimshon said, With the jawbone of an ass, heaps upon heaps; with the jaw of an ass have I slain a thousand men.", 15.17. "And it came to pass, when he had made an end of speaking, that he cast away the jawbone out of his hand, and called that place Ramat-leĥi.", 15.18. "And he was very thirsty, and called on the Lord, and said, Thou hast given this great deliverance into the hand of Thy servant: and now shall I die of thirst, and fall into the hand of the uncircumcised?", 15.19. "But God split the hollow place that was in Leĥi, and water came out; and when he had drunk, his spirit was restored, and he revived: therefore he called the name of it ῾En-haqqore, which is in Leĥi to this day.", 15.20. "And he judged Yisra᾽el in the days of the Pelishtim for twenty years.", |
|
| 6. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 393, 524-525, 531-540 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171 |
| 7. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.20-1.22, 3.82 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 12, 74 |
| 8. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.3.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 215 |
9. Herodotus, Histories, 1.8-1.14, 2.19-2.34 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 41, 81; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198 | 1.8. This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own wife, so much so that he believed her to be by far the most beautiful woman in the world; and believing this, he praised her beauty beyond measure to Gyges son of Dascylus, who was his favorite among his bodyguard; for it was to Gyges that he entrusted all his most important secrets. ,After a little while, Candaules, doomed to misfortune, spoke to Gyges thus: “Gyges, I do not think that you believe what I say about the beauty of my wife; men trust their ears less than their eyes: so you must see her naked.” Gyges protested loudly at this. ,“Master,” he said, “what an unsound suggestion, that I should see my mistress naked! When a woman's clothes come off, she dispenses with her modesty, too. ,Men have long ago made wise rules from which one ought to learn; one of these is that one should mind one's own business. As for me, I believe that your queen is the most beautiful of all women, and I ask you not to ask of me what is lawless.” 1.9. Speaking thus, Gyges resisted: for he was afraid that some evil would come of it for him. But this was Candaules' answer: “Courage, Gyges! Do not be afraid of me, that I say this to test you, or of my wife, that you will have any harm from her. I will arrange it so that she shall never know that you have seen her. ,I will bring you into the chamber where she and I lie and conceal you behind the open door; and after I have entered, my wife too will come to bed. There is a chair standing near the entrance of the room: on this she will lay each article of her clothing as she takes it off, and you will be able to look upon her at your leisure. ,Then, when she moves from the chair to the bed, turning her back on you, be careful she does not see you going out through the doorway.” 1.10. As Gyges could not escape, he consented. Candaules, when he judged it to be time for bed, brought Gyges into the chamber; his wife followed presently, and when she had come in and was laying aside her garments, Gyges saw her; ,when she turned her back upon him to go to bed, he slipped from the room. The woman glimpsed him as he went out, and perceived what her husband had done. But though shamed, she did not cry out or let it be seen that she had perceived anything, for she meant to punish Candaules; ,since among the Lydians and most of the foreign peoples it is felt as a great shame that even a man be seen naked. 1.11. For the present she made no sign and kept quiet. But as soon as it was day, she prepared those of her household whom she saw were most faithful to her, and called Gyges. He, supposing that she knew nothing of what had been done, answered the summons; for he was used to attending the queen whenever she summoned him. ,When Gyges came, the lady addressed him thus: “Now, Gyges, you have two ways before you; decide which you will follow. You must either kill Candaules and take me and the throne of Lydia for your own, or be killed yourself now without more ado; that will prevent you from obeying all Candaules' commands in the future and seeing what you should not see. ,One of you must die: either he, the contriver of this plot, or you, who have outraged all custom by looking on me uncovered.” Gyges stood awhile astonished at this; presently, he begged her not to compel him to such a choice. ,But when he could not deter her, and saw that dire necessity was truly upon him either to kill his master or himself be killed by others, he chose his own life. Then he asked: “Since you force me against my will to kill my master, I would like to know how we are to lay our hands on him.” ,She replied, “You shall come at him from the same place where he made you view me naked: attack him in his sleep.” 1.12. When they had prepared this plot, and night had fallen, Gyges followed the woman into the chamber (for Gyges was not released, nor was there any means of deliverance, but either he or Candaules must die). She gave him a dagger and hid him behind the same door; ,and presently he stole out and killed Candaules as he slept. Thus he made himself master of the king's wife and sovereignty. He is mentioned in the iambic verses of Archilochus of Parus who lived about the same time. 1.13. So he took possession of the sovereign power and was confirmed in it by the Delphic oracle. For when the Lydians took exception to what was done to Candaules, and took up arms, the faction of Gyges came to an agreement with the rest of the people that if the oracle should ordain him king of the Lydians, then he would reign; but if not, then he would return the kingship to the Heraclidae. ,The oracle did so ordain, and Gyges thus became king. However, the Pythian priestess declared that the Heraclidae would have vengeance on Gyges' posterity in the fifth generation; an utterance to which the Lydians and their kings paid no regard until it was fulfilled. 1.14. Thus the Mermnadae robbed the Heraclidae of the sovereignty and took it for themselves. Having gotten it, Gyges sent many offerings to Delphi : there are very many silver offerings of his there; and besides the silver, he dedicated a hoard of gold, among which six golden bowls are the offerings especially worthy of mention. ,These weigh thirty talents and stand in the treasury of the Corinthians; although in truth it is not the treasury of the Corinthian people but of Cypselus son of Eetion. This Gyges then was the first foreigner whom we know who placed offerings at Delphi after the king of Phrygia , Midas son of Gordias. ,For Midas too made an offering: namely, the royal seat on which he sat to give judgment, and a marvellous seat it is. It is set in the same place as the bowls of Gyges. This gold and the silver offered by Gyges is called by the Delphians “Gygian” after its dedicator. 2.19. When the Nile is in flood, it overflows not only the Delta but also the lands called Libyan and Arabian, as far as two days' journey from either bank in places, and sometimes more than this, sometimes less. Concerning its nature, I could not learn anything either from the priests or from any others. ,Yet I was anxious to learn from them why the Nile comes down with a rising flood for a hundred days from the summer solstice; and when this number of days is passed, sinks again with a diminishing stream, so that the river is low for the whole winter until the summer solstice again. ,I was not able to get any information from any of the Egyptians regarding this, when I asked them what power the Nile has to be contrary in nature to all other rivers. I wished to know this, and asked; also, why no breezes blew from it as from every other river. 2.20. But some of the Greeks, wishing to be notable for cleverness, put forward three opinions about this river, two of which I would not even mention except just to show what they are. ,One of them maintains that the Etesian winds are the cause of the river being in flood, because they hinder the Nile from emptying into the sea. But there are many times when the Etesian winds do not blow, yet the Nile does the same as before. ,And further, if the Etesian winds were the cause, then the other rivers which flow contrary to those winds should be affected like the Nile , and even more so, since being smaller they have a weaker current. Yet there are many rivers in Syria and many in Libya , and they behave nothing like the Nile . 2.21. The second opinion is less grounded on knowledge than the previous, though it is more marvellous to the ear: according to it, the river effects what it does because it flows from Ocean, which flows around the whole world. 2.22. The third opinion is by far the most plausible, yet the most erroneous of all. It has no more truth in it than the others. According to this, the Nile flows from where snows melt; but it flows from Libya through the midst of Ethiopia , and comes out into Egypt . ,How can it flow from snow, then, seeing that it comes from the hottest places to lands that are for the most part cooler? In fact, for a man who can reason about such things, the principal and strongest evidence that the river is unlikely to flow from snows is that the winds blowing from Libya and Ethiopia are hot. ,In the second place, the country is rainless and frostless; but after snow has fallen, it has to rain within five days ; so that if it snowed, it would rain in these lands. And thirdly, the men of the country are black because of the heat. ,Moreover, kites and swallows live there all year round, and cranes come every year to these places to winter there, flying from the wintry weather of Scythia . Now, were there but the least fall of snow in this country through which the Nile flows and where it rises, none of these things would happen, as necessity proves. 2.23. The opinion about Ocean is grounded in obscurity and needs no disproof; for I know of no Ocean river; and I suppose that Homer or some older poet invented this name and brought it into his poetry. 2.24. If, after having condemned the opinions proposed, I must indicate what I myself think about these obscure matters, I shall say why I think the Nile floods in the summer. During the winter, the sun is driven by storms from his customary course and passes over the inland parts of Libya . ,For the briefest demonstration, everything has been said; for whatever country this god is nearest, or over, it is likely that that land is very thirsty for water and that the local rivers are dried up. 2.25. A lengthier demonstration goes as follows. In its passage over the inland parts of Libya , the sun does this: as the air is always clear in that region, the land warm, and the winds cool, the sun does in its passage exactly as it would do in the summer passing through the middle of the heaven: ,it draws the water to itself, and having done so, expels it away to the inland regions, and the winds catch it and scatter and dissolve it; and, as is to be expected, those that blow from that country, the south and the southwest, are the most rainy of all winds. ,Yet I think that the sun never lets go of all of the water that it draws up from the Nile yearly, but keeps some back near itself. Then, as the winter becomes milder, the sun returns to the middle of the heaven, and after that draws from all rivers alike. ,Meanwhile, the other rivers are swollen to high flood by the quantity of water that falls into them from the sky, because the country is rained on and cut into gullies; but in the summer they are low, lacking the rain and being drawn up too by the sun. ,But the Nile , being fed by no rain, and being the only river drawn up by the sun in winter, at this time falls far short of the height that it had in summer; which is but natural; for in summer all other waters too and not it alone are attracted to the sun, but in the winter it alone is afflicted. 2.26. I am convinced, therefore, that the sun is the cause of this phenomenon. The dryness of the air in these parts is also caused by the sun, in my opinion, because it burns its way through it; hence, it is always summer in the inland part of Libya . ,But were the stations of the seasons changed, so that the south wind and the summer had their station where the north wind and winter are now set, and the north wind was where the south wind is now—if this were so, the sun, when driven from mid-heaven by the winter and the north wind, would pass over the inland parts of Europe as it now passes over Libya , and I think that in its passage over all Europe it would have the same effect on the Ister as it now does on the Nile . 2.27. And as to why no breeze blows from the river, this is my opinion: it is not natural that any breeze blow from very hot places; breezes always come from that which is very cold. 2.28. Let this be, then, as it is and as it was in the beginning. But as to the sources of the Nile , no one that conversed with me, Egyptian, Libyan, or Greek, professed to know them, except the recorder of the sacred treasures of Athena in the Egyptian city of Saïs. ,I thought he was joking when he said that he had exact knowledge, but this was his story. Between the city of Syene in the Thebaid and Elephantine, there are two hills with sharp peaks, one called Crophi and the other Mophi. ,The springs of the Nile , which are bottomless, rise between these hills; half the water flows north towards Egypt , and the other half south towards Ethiopia . ,He said that Psammetichus king of Egypt had put to the test whether the springs are bottomless: for he had a rope of many thousand fathoms' length woven and let down into the spring, but he could not reach to the bottom. ,This recorder, then, if he spoke the truth, showed, I think, that there are strong eddies and an upward flow of water, such that with the stream rushing against the hills the sounding-line when let down cannot reach bottom. 2.29. I was unable to learn anything from anyone else, but this much further I did learn by the most extensive investigation that I could make, going as far as the city of Elephantine to look myself, and beyond that by question and hearsay. ,Beyond Elephantine, as one travels inland, the land rises. Here one must pass with the boat roped on both sides as men harness an ox; and if the rope breaks, the boat will be carried away by the strength of the current. ,This part of the river is a four days' journey by boat, and the Nile here is twisty just as the Maeander ; a distance of twelve schoeni must be passed in the foregoing manner. After that, you come to a level plain, where there is an island in the Nile , called Takhompso. ,The country above Elephantine now begins to be inhabited by Ethiopians: half the people of the island are Ethiopians, and half Egyptians. Near the island is a great lake, on whose shores live nomadic Ethiopians. After crossing this, you come to the stream of the Nile , which empties into this lake. ,Then you disembark and journey along the river bank for forty days; for there are sharp projecting rocks in the Nile and many reefs, through which no boat can pass. ,Having traversed this part in forty days as I have said, you take boat again and so travel for twelve days until you come to a great city called Meroe , which is said to be the capital of all Ethiopia . ,The people of the place worship no other gods but Zeus and Dionysus; these they greatly honor, and they have a place of divination sacred to Zeus; they send out armies whenever and wherever this god through his oracle commands them. 2.30. From this city you make a journey by water equal in distance to that by which you came from Elephantine to the capital city of Ethiopia , and you come to the land of the Deserters. These Deserters are called Asmakh, which translates, in Greek, as “those who stand on the left hand of the king”. ,These once revolted and joined themselves to the Ethiopians, two hundred and forty thousand Egyptians of fighting age. The reason was as follows. In the reign of Psammetichus, there were watchposts at Elephantine facing Ethiopia , at Daphnae of Pelusium facing Arabia and Assyria, and at Marea facing Libya . ,And still in my time the Persians hold these posts as they were held in the days of Psammetichus; there are Persian guards at Elephantine and at Daphnae . Now the Egyptians had been on guard for three years, and no one came to relieve them; so, organizing and making common cause, they revolted from Psammetichus and went to Ethiopia . ,Psammetichus heard of it and pursued them; and when he overtook them, he asked them in a long speech not to desert their children and wives and the gods of their fathers. Then one of them, the story goes, pointed to his genitals and said that wherever that was, they would have wives and children. ,So they came to Ethiopia , and gave themselves up to the king of the country; who, to make them a gift in return, told them to dispossess certain Ethiopians with whom he was feuding, and occupy their land. These Ethiopians then learned Egyptian customs and have become milder-mannered by intermixture with the Egyptians. 2.31. To a distance of four months' travel by land and water, then, there is knowledge of the Nile , besides the part of it that is in Egypt . So many months, as reckoning shows, are found to be spent by one going from Elephantine to the country of the Deserters. The river flows from the west and the sun's setting. Beyond this, no one has clear information to declare; for all that country is desolate because of the heat. 2.32. But I heard this from some men of Cyrene , who told me that they had gone to the oracle of Ammon, and conversed there with Etearchus king of the Ammonians, and that from other subjects the conversation turned to the Nile , how no one knows the source of it. Then Etearchus told them that once he had been visited by some Nasamonians. ,These are a Libyan people, inhabiting the country of the Syrtis and a little way to the east of the Syrtis . ,When these Nasamonians were asked on their arrival if they brought any news concerning the Libyan desert, they told Etearchus that some sons of their leading men, proud and violent youths, when they came to manhood, besides planning other wild adventures, had chosen by lot five of their company to visit the deserts of Libya and see whether they could see any farther than those who had seen the farthest. ,It must be known that the whole northern seacoast of Libya , from Egypt as far as the promontory of Soloeis , which is the end of Libya , is inhabited throughout its length by Libyans, many tribes of them, except the part held by Greeks and Phoenicians; the region of Libya that is above the sea and the inhabitants of the coast is infested by wild beasts; and farther inland than the wild-beast country everything is sand, waterless and desolate. ,When the young men left their companions, being well supplied with water and provisions, they journeyed first through the inhabited country, and after passing this they came to the region of wild beasts. ,After this, they travelled over the desert, towards the west, and crossed a wide sandy region, until after many days they saw trees growing in a plain; when they came to these and were picking the fruit of the trees, they were met by little men of less than common stature, who took them and led them away. The Nasamonians did not know these men's language nor did the escort know the language of the Nasamonians. ,The men led them across great marshes, after crossing which they came to a city where all the people were of a stature like that of the guides, and black. A great river ran past this city, from the west towards the rising sun; crocodiles could be seen in it. 2.33. This is enough of the story told by Etearchus the Ammonian; except he said that the Nasamonians returned, as the men of Cyrene told me, and that the people to whose country they came were all wizards; ,as to the river that ran past the city, Etearchus guessed it to be the Nile ; and reason proves as much. For the Nile flows from Libya , right through the middle of it; and as I guess, reasoning about things unknown from visible signs, it rises proportionally as far away as does the Ister. ,For the Ister flows from the land of the Celts and the city of Pyrene through the very middle of Europe ; now the Celts live beyond the Pillars of Heracles, being neighbors of the Cynesii, who are the westernmost of all the peoples inhabiting Europe . ,The Ister, then, flows clean across Europe and ends its course in the Euxine sea , at Istria , which is inhabited by Milesian colonists. 2.34. The Ister, since it flows through inhabited country, is known from many reports; but no one can speak of the source of the Nile ; for Libya , though which it runs, is uninhabited and desert. Regarding its course, I have related everything that I could learn by inquiry; and it issues into Egypt . Now Egypt lies about opposite to the mountainous part of Cilicia ; ,from there, it is a straight five days' journey for an unencumbered man to Sinope on the Euxine ; and Sinope lies opposite the place where the Ister falls into the sea. Thus I suppose the course of the Nile in its passage through Libya to be like the course of the Ister. |
|
| 10. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 11. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 111 |
| 12. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 1391, 410 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 165 |
| 13. Sophocles, Antigone, 450 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 165 |
| 14. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171 |
| 15. Callimachus, Hymn To Apollo, 185, 206, 108 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 111 |
| 16. Theocritus, Idylls, 7.114, 17.80, 17.98, 21.52, 28.3 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 111 |
| 17. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 199 |
| 18. Ennius, Annales, 372-373 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105 |
| 19. Plautus, Captiui, 72-73 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 20. Plautus, Menaechmi, 124 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 21. Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 652 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 22. Plautus, Mostellaria, 959, 961, 960 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 23. Hegesippus Mecybernaeus, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 251 |
| 24. Plautus, Amphitruo, 65-84, 86, 85 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3 |
25. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.18, 1.201, 3.69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 111, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210| 1.18. Nam quid ego de actione ipsa plura dicam? quae motu corporis, quae gestu, quae vultu, quae vocis conformatione ac varietate moderanda est; quae sola per se ipsa quanta sit, histrionum levis ars et scaena declarat; in qua cum omnes in oris et vocis et motus moderatione laborent, quis ignorat quam pauci sint fuerintque, quos animo aequo spectare possimus? Quid dicam de thesauro rerum omnium, memoria? Quae nisi custos inventis cogitatisque rebus et verbis adhibeatur, intellegimus omnia, etiam si praeclarissima fuerint in oratore, peritura. 1.201. Iam illa non longam orationem desiderant, quam ob rem existimem publica quoque iura, quae sunt propria civitatis atque imperi, tum monumenta rerum gestarum et vetustatis exempla oratori nota esse debere; nam ut in rerum privatarum causis atque iudiciis depromenda saepe oratio est ex iure civili et idcirco, ut ante diximus, oratori iuris civilis scientia necessaria est, sic in causis publicis iudiciorum, contionum, senatus omnis haec et antiquitatis memoria et publici iuris auctoritas et regendae rei publicae ratio ac scientia tamquam aliqua materies eis oratoribus, qui versantur in re publica, subiecta esse debet. 3.69. Haec autem, ut ex Appennino fluminum, sic ex communi sapientiae iugo sunt doctrinarum facta divortia, ut philosophi tamquam in superum mare Ionium defluerent Graecum quoddam et portuosum, oratores autem in inferum hoc, Tuscum et barbarum, scopulosum atque infestum laberentur, in quo etiam ipse Ulixes errasset. | |
|
| 26. Cicero, In Verrem, 1.15.45, 2.1.33, 2.1.154, 2.2.154, 2.2.158-2.2.160, 2.2.167, 2.3.31, 2.4.94, 2.4.126, 2.5.28, 2.5.41, 2.5.81, 2.5.106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, death Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 223; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36, 37, 47, 50; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 27. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.6, 2.18.44, 2.26, 2.42, 2.63, 2.67, 2.105, 5.9.25, 13.9, 13.15.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 256; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 36; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 28. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8 |
| 29. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.13.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 110 |
| 30. Cicero, Pro Murena, 76.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 80 |
31. Terence, Adelphi, 101-102 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91| 102. Non est flagitium, mihi crede, adolescentulum | |
|
32. Terence, The Eunuch, 934-936 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91| 936. Harum videre illuviem, sordes, inopiam; | |
|
| 33. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 124, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37 |
34. Polybius, Histories, 1.1.5, 1.2.7, 1.3.9-1.3.10, 3.1.4, 30.22.1-30.22.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 223; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 114| 1.1.5. τίς γὰρ οὕτως ὑπάρχει φαῦλος ἢ ῥᾴθυμος ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐκ ἂν βούλοιτο γνῶναι πῶς καὶ τίνι γένει πολιτείας ἐπικρατηθέντα σχεδὸν ἅπαντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην οὐχ ὅλοις πεντήκοντα καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν ὑπὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν ἔπεσε τὴν Ῥωμαίων, ὃ πρότερον οὐχ εὑρίσκεται γεγονός, 1.2.7. Ῥωμαῖοί γε μὴν οὐ τινὰ μέρη, σχεδὸν δὲ πᾶσαν πεποιημένοι τὴν οἰκουμένην ὑπήκοον αὑτοῖς, ἀνυπόστατον μὲν τοῖς ὑπάρχουσι πᾶσιν, ἀνυπέρβλητον δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ὑπεροχὴν κα τέλιπον τῆς αὑτῶν δυναστείας. 1.3.9. ἵνα μηδεὶς ἐπιστὰς ἐπʼ αὐτὴν τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐξήγησιν τότε διαπορῇ καὶ ζητῇ ποίοις διαβουλίοις ἢ ποίαις δυνάμεσι καὶ χορηγίαις χρησάμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς ταύτας ὥρμησαν τὰς ἐπιβολάς, διʼ ὧν καὶ τῆς γῆς καὶ τῆς θαλάττης τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐγένοντο πάσης ἐγκρατεῖς, 1.3.10. ἀλλʼ ἐκ τούτων τῶν βύβλων καὶ τῆς ἐν ταύταις προκατασκευῆς δῆλον ᾖ τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ὅτι καὶ λίαν εὐλόγοις ἀφορμαῖς χρησάμενοι πρός τε τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ὥρμησαν καὶ πρὸς τὴν συντέλειαν ἐξ 3.1.4. ὄντος γὰρ ἑνὸς ἔργου καὶ θεάματος ἑνὸς τοῦ σύμπαντος, ὑπὲρ οὗ γράφειν ἐπικεχειρήκαμεν, τοῦ πῶς καὶ πότε καὶ διὰ τί πάντα τὰ γνωριζόμενα μέρη τῆς οἰκουμένης ὑπὸ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δυναστείαν ἐγένετο, 30.22.1. Λεύκιος δὲ Ἀνίκιος, καὶ αὐτὸς Ῥωμαίων στρατηγήσας, Ἰλλυριοὺς καταπολεμήσας καὶ αἰχμάλωτον ἀγαγὼν Γένθιον τὸν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν βασιλέα σὺν τοῖς τέκνοις, ἀγῶνας ἐπιτελῶν τοὺς ἐπινικίους ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ παντὸς γέλωτος ἄξια πράγματα ἐποίησεν, ὡς Πολύβιος ἱστορεῖ ἐν τῇ τριακοστῇ. 30.22.2. μεταπεμψάμενος γὰρ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπιφανεστάτους τεχνίτας καὶ σκηνὴν κατασκευάσας μεγίστην ἐν τῷ κίρκῳ πρώτους εἰσῆγεν αὐλητὰς ἅμα πάντας. 30.22.3. οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Θεόδωρος ὁ Βοιώτιος, Θεόπομπος, Ἕρμιππος, [ὁ] Λυσίμαχος, οἵτινες ἐπιφανέστατοι ἦσαν. 30.22.4. τούτους οὖν στήσας ἐπὶ τὸ προσκήνιον μετὰ τοῦ χοροῦ αὐλεῖν ἐκέλευσεν ἅμα πάντας. 30.22.5. τῶν δὲ διαπορευομένων τὰς κρούσεις μετὰ τῆς ἁρμοζούσης κινήσεως προσπέμψας οὐκ ἔφη καλῶς αὐτοὺς αὐλεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἀγωνίζεσθαι μᾶλλον ἐκέλευσεν. 30.22.6. τῶν δὲ διαπορούντων ὑπέδειξέν τις τῶν ῥαβδούχων ἐπιστρέψαντας ἐπαγαγεῖν ἐφʼ αὑτοὺς καὶ ποιεῖν ὡσανεὶ μάχην. 30.22.7. ταχὺ δὲ συννοήσαντες οἱ αὐληταὶ καὶ λαβόντες οἰκείαν ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀσελγείαις μεγάλην ἐποίησαν σύγχυσιν. 30.22.8. συνεπιστρέψαντες δὲ τοὺς μέσους χοροὺς πρὸς τοὺς ἄκρους οἱ μὲν αὐληταὶ φυσῶντες ἀδιανόητα καὶ διαφέροντες τοὺς αὐλοὺς ἐπῆγον ἀνὰ μέρος ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους. 30.22.9. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἐπικτυποῦντες οἱ χοροὶ καὶ συνεπεισιόντες τὴν σκηνὴν ἐπεφέροντο τοῖς ἐναντίοις καὶ πάλιν ἀνεχώρουν ἐκ μεταβολῆς. 30.22.10. ὡς δὲ καὶ περιζωσάμενός τις τῶν χορευτῶν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ στραφεὶς ἦρε τὰς χεῖρας ἀπὸ πυγμῆς πρὸς τὸν ἐπιφερόμενον αὐλητήν, τότʼ ἤδη κρότος ἐξαίσιος ἐγένετο καὶ κραυγὴ τῶν θεωμένων. 30.22.11. ἔτι δὲ τούτων ἐκ παρατάξεως ἀγωνιζομένων ὀρχησταὶ δύο εἰσήγοντο μετὰ συμφωνίας εἰς τὴν ὀρχήστραν, καὶ πύκται τέτταρες ἀνέβησαν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν μετὰ σαλπιγκτῶν καὶ βυκανιστῶν. 30.22.12. ὁμοῦ δὲ τούτων πάντων ἀγωνιζομένων ἄλεκτον ἦν τὸ συμβαῖνον. περὶ δὲ τῶν τραγῳδῶν, φησὶν ὁ Πολύβιος, ὅ,τι ἂν ἐπιβάλωμαι λέγειν, δόξω τισὶ διαχλευάζειν. | 3.1.4. The subject I have undertaken to treat, the how, when, and wherefore of the subjection of the known parts of the world to the dominion of Rome, should be viewed as a single whole, 30.22.1. Lucius Anicius, the Roman praetor, upon conquering the Illyrians and bringing back as his prisoners Genthius, the king of Illyria, and his children, in celebrating games in honour of his victory, behaved in the most absurd manner, as Polybius tells us in his Thirtieth Book. 30.22.2. For having sent for the most celebrated scenic artists from Greece and constructed an enormous stage in the circus, he first brought on all the flute-players at once. 30.22.3. These were Theodorus of Boeotia, Theopompus, Hermippus and Lysimachus, who were then at the height of their fame. 30.22.4. Stationing them with the chorus on the proscenium he ordered them to play all together. When they went through their performance with the proper rhythmic movements, he sent to them to show more competitive spirit. They were at a loss to know what he meant, when one of the lictors explained that they should turn and go for each other and make a sort of fight of it. The players soon understood, and having got an order that suited their own appetite for licence, made a mighty confusion. Making the central groups of dancers face those on the outside, the flute-players blowing loud in unintelligible discord and turning their flutes about this way and that, advanced towards each other in turn, and the dancers, clapping their hands and mounting the stage all together, attacked the adverse party and then faced about and retreated in their turn. 30.22.10. And when one of the dancers girt up his robes on the spur of the moment, and turning round lifted up his hands in boxing attitude against the flute-player who was advancing towards him, there was tremendous applause and cheering on the part of the spectators. 30.22.11. And while they were thus engaged in a pitched battle, two dancers with musicians were introduced into the orchestra and four prize-fighters mounted the stage accompanied by buglers and clarion-players 30.22.12. and with all these men struggling together the scene was indescribable. As for the tragic actors Polybius says, "If I tried to describe them some people would think I was making fun of my readers."V. Affairs of Greece Cretan and Rhodian Matters |
|
| 35. Cicero, Pro Milone, 20.54 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 110; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 154 |
36. Cicero, Republic, 4.11-4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210| 4.11. August. C.D. 2.9 Numquam comoediae, nisi consuetudo vitae pateretur, probare sua theatris flagitia potuissent. quem illa non adtigit vel potius quem non vexavit? cui pepercit? Esto, populares homines inprobos, in re publica seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum laesit. Patiamur, etsi eius modi cives a censore melius est quam a poeta notari; sed Periclen, cum iam suae civitati maxima auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli praefuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scaena non plus decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset aut Naevius Publio et Gnaeo Scipioni aut Caecilius Marco Catoni male dicere 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari. 4.13. August. C.D. 2.11 Aeschines Atheniensis, vir eloquentissimus, cum adulescens tragoedias actitavisset, rem publicam capessivit, et Aristodemum, tragicum item actorem, maximis de rebus pacis et belli legatum ad Philippum Athenienses saepe miserunt. | |
|
| 37. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 2.15.2, 3.7.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 42 |
38. Cicero, Academica, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 154| 1.9. Tum ego Sunt sunt uera *g . an s. vero? inquam “ista Varro. nam nos in nostra urbe peregritis errantisque tamquam hospites tui libri quasi domum deduxerunt, reduxerunt s Aug. ut possemus aliquando qui et ubi essemus agnoscere. tu aetatem patriae tu descriptiones discr. cod. Aug. l Mue. temporum, tu sacrorum iura tu sacerdotum, sacerdotem pm 1 nr tu domesticam tu bellicam bellicam] publicam Aug. disciplinam, tu sedum sedum vel -ium codd. Aug. plerique sedem *g*d regionum locorum tu omnium divinarum humanarumque rerum nomina genera officia causas aperuisti; nos ... aperuisti Aug. civ. 6, 2 plurimum plurimumque s Ald. -que idem p. Gr. quidem poetis a petis *d nostris omninoque Latinis et litteris luminis et verbis attulisti atque ipse varium et elegans omni fere numero poema fecisti, philosophiamque multis locis inchoasti, ad impellendum satis, ad edocendum parum. | |
|
39. Cicero, On Duties, 1.54-1.55, 1.61, 3.82 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), relationship with agrippina the younger •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 286| 1.54. Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est, proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia omnia; id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae. Sequuntur fratrum coniunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum una domo iam capi non possint, in alias domos tamquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui; quae propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum. Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit homines et caritate; 1.55. magnum est enim eadem habere monumenta maiorum, eisdem uti sacris, sepulcra habere communia. Sed omnium societatum nulla praestantior est, nulla firmior, quam cum viri boni moribus similes sunt familiaritate coniuncti; illud enim honestum quod saepe dicimus, etiam si in alio cernimus, tamen nos movet atque illi, in quo id inesse videtur, amicos facit. 1.61. Intelligendum autem est, cum proposita sint genera quattuor, e quibus honestas officiumque manaret, splendidissimum videri, quod animo magno elatoque humanasque res despiciente factum sit. Itaque in probris maxime in promptu est si quid tale dici potest: Vós enim, iuvenes, ánimum geritis múliebrem, ílla virgo viri et si quid eius modi: Salmácida, spolia sÍne sudore et sánguine. Contraque in laudibus, quae magno animo et fortiter excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quo modo quasi pleniore ore laudamus. Hinc rhetorum campus de Marathone, Salamine, Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leuctris, hine noster Cocles, hinc Decii, hinc Cn. et P. Scipiones, hinc M. Marcellus, innumerabiles alii, maximeque ipse populus Romanus animi magnitudine excellit. Declaratur autem studium bellicae gloriae, quod statuas quoque videmus ornatu fere militari. 3.82. Est ergo ulla res tanti aut commodum ullum tam expetendum, ut viri boni et splendorem et nomen amittas? Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, quae dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripuerit, fidem iustitiamque detraxerit? Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se convertat quis in beluam an hominis figura immanitatem gerat beluae? Quid? qui omnia recta et honesta neglegunt, dum modo potentiam consequantur, nonne idem faciunt, quod is, qui etiam socerum habere voluit eum, cuius ipse audacia potens esset? Utile ei videbatur plurimum posse alterius invidia; id quam iniustum in patriam et quam turpe esset, non videbat. Ipse autem socer in ore semper Graecos versus de Phoenissis habebat, quos dicam, ut potero, incondite fortasse, sed tamen, ut res possit intellegi: Nam sí violandum est Iús, regdi grátia Violándum est; aliis rébus pietatém colas. Capitalis Eteocles vel potius Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnum sceleratissimum fuerit, exceperit! | 1.54. For since the reproductive instinct is by Nature's gift the common possession of all living creatures, the first bond of union is that between husband and wife; the next, that between parents and children; then we find one home, with everything in common. And this is the foundation of civil government, the nursery, as it were, of the state. Then follow the bonds between brothers and sisters, and next those of first and then of second cousins; and when they can no longer be sheltered under one roof, they go out into other homes, as into colonies. Then follow between these in turn, marriages and connections by marriage, and from these again a new stock of relations; and from this propagation and after-growth states have their beginnings. The bonds of common blood hold men fast through good-will and affection; 1.55. for it means much to share in common the same family traditions, the same forms of domestic worship, and the same ancestral tombs. But of all the bonds of fellowship, there is none more noble, none more powerful than when good men of congenial character are joined in intimate friendship; for really, if we discover in another that moral goodness on which I dwell so much, it attracts us and makes us friends to the one in whose character it seems to dwell. 1.61. We must realize, however, that while we have set down four cardinal virtues from which as sources moral rectitude and moral duty emanate, that achievement is most glorious in the eyes of the world which is won with a spirit great, exalted, and superior to the vicissitudes of earthly life. And so, when we wish to hurl a taunt, the very first to rise to our lips is, if possible, something like this: "For ye, young men, show a womanish soul, yon maiden a man's;" and this: "Thou son of Salmacis, win spoils that cost nor sweat nor blood." When, on the other hand, we wish to pay a compliment, we somehow or other praise in more eloquent strain the brave and noble work of some great soul. Hence there is an open field for orators on the subjects of Marathon, Salamis, Plataea, Thermopylae, and Leuctra, and hence our own Cocles, the Decii, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio, Marcus Marcellus, and countless others, and, above all, the Roman People as a nation are celebrated for greatness of spirit. Their passion for military glory, moreover, is shown in the fact that we see their statues usually in soldier's garb. 3.82. Is there, then, any object of such value or any advantage so worth the winning that, to gain it, one should sacrifice the name of a "good man" and the lustre of his reputation? What is there that your soâcalled expediency can bring to you that will compensate for what it can take away, if it steals from you the name of a "good man" and causes you to lose your sense of honour and justice? For what difference does it make whether a man is actually transformed into a beast or whether, keeping the outward appearance of a man, he has the savage nature of a beast within? Again, when people disregard everything that is morally right and true, if only they may secure power thereby, are they not pursuing the same course as he who wished to have as a father-inâlaw the man by whose effrontery he might gain power for himself? He thought it advantageous to secure supreme power while the odium of it fell upon another; and he failed to see how unjust to his country this was, and how wrong morally. But the father-inâlaw himself used to have continually upon his lips the Greek verses from the Phoenissae, which I will reproduce as well as I can â awkwardly, it may be, but still so that the meaning can be understood: "If wrong may e'er be right, for a throne's sake Were wrong most right:â be God in all else feared!" Our tyrant deserved his death for having made an exception of the one thing that was the blackest crime of all. |
|
40. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.83, 2.67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero •nero (emperor), psychology of Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 318 | 1.83. Should not the physical philosopher therefore, that is, the explorer and tracker-out of nature, be ashamed to go to minds besotted with habit for evidence of truth? On your principle it will be legitimate to assert that Jupiter always wears a beard and Apollo never, and that Minerva has grey eyes and Neptune blue. Yes, and at Athens there is a much-praised statue of Vulcan made by Alcamenes, a standing figure, draped, which displays a slight lameness, though not enough to be unsightly. We shall therefore deem god to be lame, since tradition represents Vulcan so. Tell me now, do we also make out the gods to have the same names as those by which they are known to us? 2.67. The mother is Ceres, a corruption of 'Geres,' from gero, because she bears the crops; the same accidental change of the first letter is also seen in her Greek name Dēmētēr, a corruption of gē mētēr ('mother earth'). Mavors again is from magna vertere, 'the overturner of the great,' while Minerva is either 'she who minishes' or 'she who is minatory.' Also, as the beginning and the end are the most important parts of all affairs, they held that Janus is the leader in a sacrifice, the name being derived from ire ('to go'), hence the names jani for archways and januae for the front doors of secular buildings. Again, the name Vesta comes from the Greeks, for she is the goddess whom they call Hestia. Her power extends over altars and hearths, and therefore all prayers and all sacrifices end with this goddess, because she is the guardian of the innermost things. |
|
| 41. Cicero, On Laws, 2.2, 2.14.34, 2.22, 2.38-2.39, 2.62, 3.13.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, •nero (emperor) Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 256; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 110; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 42 |
| 42. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.16.40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 256 |
| 43. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 276 |
| 44. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.1.1-5.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 27 |
| 45. Cicero, Letters, 3.7.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 42 |
| 46. Cicero, Letters, 2.12.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245 |
47. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 146 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36| 146. facis iniuriam, Chrysogone, si maiorem spem emptionis tuae in huius exitio ponis quam in eis iis π : his cett. rebus quas L. L ucius Sulla gessit. quod si tibi causa nulla est cur hunc miserum tanta calamitate adfici velis, si tibi omnia sua praeter praeter σχψ : propter cett. animam tradidit nec sibi quicquam paternum ne monumenti quidem causa reservavit causa reservavit ψ2 : causa clare servavit cett. : causa clam reservavit pauci dett. , per deos immortalis! quae ista tanta crudelitas est, quae tam fera immanisque natura? quis umquam praedo fuit tam nefarius, quis pirata tam barbarus ut, cum integram praedam sine sanguine habere posset, cruenta spolia detrahere mallet? | |
|
48. Cicero, On Divination, 1.73 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 276| 1.73. Facta coniectura etiam in Dionysio est, paulo ante quam regnare coepit; qui cum per agrum Leontinum iter faciens equum ipse demisisset in flumen, submersus equus voraginibus non exstitit; quem cum maxima contentione non potuisset extrahere, discessit, ut ait Philistus, aegre ferens. Cum autem aliquantum progressus esset, subito exaudivit hinnitum respexitque et equum alacrem laetus aspexit, cuius in iuba examen apium consederat. Quod ostentum habuit hanc vim, ut Dionysius paucis post diebus regnare coeperit. | 1.73. Still another instance of conjectural divination occurred in the case of Dionysius, a little while before he began to reign. He was travelling through the Leontine district, and led his horse down into a river. The horse was engulfed in a whirlpool and disappeared. Dionysius did his utmost to extricate him but in vain and, so Philistus writes, went away greatly troubled. When he had gone on a short distance he heard a whinny, looked back and, to his joy, saw his horse eagerly following and with a swarm of bees in its mane. The sequel of this portent was that Dionysius began to reign within a few days. [34] |
|
| 49. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.15, 2.16.2, 5.12.3, 8.2.1, 8.11.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 47, 173; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245 |
| 50. Cicero, Letters, 1.9.2, 1.15.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8, 47 |
| 51. Cicero, On Friendship, 97, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 208 |
52. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.416, 4.75-4.83 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 79, 86| 2.416. et cum scena croco Cilici perfusa recens est 4.75. et volgo faciunt id lutea russaque vela 4.76. et ferrugina, cum magnis intenta theatris 4.77. per malos volgata trabesque trementia flutant; 4.78. namque ibi consessum caveai supter et omnem 4.79. scaenai speciem patrum matrumque deorsum 4.80. inficiunt coguntque suo fluitare colore. 4.81. et quanto circum mage sunt inclusa theatri 4.82. moenia, tam magis haec intus perfusa lepore 4.83. omnia conrident correpta luce diei. | |
|
| 53. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 5.48 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 104 |
| 54. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.2.93-1.2.96, 2.1.29-2.1.30, 2.5.85-2.5.88 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 84, 173 |
| 55. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 5.6-5.7, 8.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 211; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 56. Livy, History, 1.5, 1.14.3, 1.16, 1.19-1.20, 1.46.3, 2.13, 2.36, 3.7.6-3.7.8, 3.13.2, 3.26.11, 3.56.8, 4.2.14, 5.41.6, 5.52.7, 7.2.4-7.2.13, 9.27.14, 9.30.5, 21.46.1, 22.1.15-22.1.20, 22.10.2-22.10.6, 22.55.3, 23.9.3-23.9.5, 23.25.1, 24.10.11, 24.24.3, 24.34.7, 25.7.7, 26.19.7-26.19.8, 27.23.2, 27.34.3-27.34.6, 27.37.5-27.37.8, 27.51.11-27.51.12, 30.26.5, 31.12.1-31.12.10, 31.24.13, 31.44.4-31.44.5, 31.44.9, 32.34.5, 37.3.3, 39.5.5, 39.51.12, 40.2.1-40.2.3, 40.29.2, 40.45.1-40.45.6, 42.20, 42.49.1-42.49.2, 42.49.6, 45.1.2-45.1.4, 45.39.2, 45.39.11 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 213 |
| 57. Horace, Odes, 1.5.4, 3.30.2, 3.30.8-3.30.9, 4.4.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), worshipful treatment of Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 119; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 238; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 309 |
58. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 1, 10-13, 135-139, 14, 141, 15-19, 2, 20-23, 25-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-96, 24 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 40 | 24. Now though upon this he ought to have rejected and driven away the speakers as workers of revolution and common enemies, he agrees on the contrary to what they say, and at first he made his designs against the Jews less evident, only abstaining from listening to causes brought before his tribunal with impartiality and equity, and inclining more to one side than to the other, and not allowing to both sides an equal freedom of speech; but whenever any Jew came before him he showed his aversion to him, and departed from his habitual affability in their case; but afterwards he exhibited his hostility to them in a more conspicuous manner. V. |
|
59. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.70.1-2.70.5, 7.64.5, 7.70-7.73, 9.25.2, 10.55.3, 11.43.5, 12.2.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 119; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 159; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 4 | 2.70.1. The sixth division of his religious institutions was devoted to those the Romans call Salii, whom Numa himself appointed out of the patricians, choosing twelve young men of the most graceful appearance. These are the Salii whose holy things are deposited on the Palatine hill and who are themselves called the (Salii) Palatini; for the (Salii) Agonales, by some called the Salii Collini, the repository of whose holy things is on the Quirinal hill, were appointed after Numa's time by King Hostilius, in pursuance of a vow he had made in the war against the Sabines. All these Salii are a kind of dancers and singers of hymns in praise of the gods of war. 2.70.2. Their festival falls about the time of the Panathenaea, in the month which they call March, and is celebrated at the public expense for many days, during which they proceed through the city with their dances to the Forum and to the Capitol and to many other places both private and public. They wear embroidered tunics girt about with wide girdles of bronze, and over these are fastened, with brooches, robes striped with scarlet and bordered with purple, which they call trabeae; this garment is peculiar to the Romans and a mark of the greatest honour. On their heads they wear apices, as they are called, that is, high caps contracted into the shape of a cone, which the Greeks call kyrbasiai. 2.70.3. They have each of them a sword hanging at their girdle and in their right hand they hold a spear or a staff or something else of the sort, and on their left arm a Thracian buckler, which resembles a lozenge-shaped shield with its sides drawn in, such as those are said to carry who among the Greeks perform the sacred rites of the Curetes. 2.70.4. And, in my opinion at least, the Salii, if the word be translated into Greek, are Curetes, whom, because they are kouroi or "young men," we call by that name from their age, whereas the Romans call them Salii from their lively motions. For to leap and skip is by them called salire; and for the same reason they call all other dancers saltatores, deriving their name from the Salii, because their dancing also is attended by much leaping and capering. 2.70.5. Whether I have been well advised or not in giving them this appellation, anyone who pleases may gather from their actions. For they execute their movements in arms, keeping time to a flute, sometimes all together, sometimes by turns, and while dancing sing certain traditional hymns. But this dance and exercise performed by armed men and the noise they make by striking their bucklers with their daggers, if we may base any conjectures on the ancient accounts, was originated by the Curetes. I need not mention the legend which is related concerning them, since almost everybody is acquainted with it. 7.64.5. Such was the intention of Marcius in this affair; but to the festering anger and envy of enemies the action, when considered by itself, appeared a kind of flattery of the people and a bribery tending toward tyranny. As a result the whole Forum was full of clamour and tumult and neither Marcius himself nor the consul nor anyone else had any answer to make to the charge, so incredible and unexpected did it appear to them. 7.70. 1. Since I have come to this part of my history, I believe I ought not to omit mention of the rites performed by the Romans on the occasion of this festival. I do this, not in order to render my narration more agreeable by dramatic embellishments and flowery descriptions, but to win credence for an essential matter of history, namely, that the peoples which joined in founding the city of Rome were Greek colonies sent out from the most famous places, and not, as some believe, barbarians and vagabonds.,2. For I promised at the end of the first Book, which I composed and published concerning their origin, that I would demonstrate this thesis by countless proofs, by citing time-honoured customs, laws and institutions which they preserve down to my time just as they received them from their ancestors. For I believe that it is not enough that those who write the early histories of particular lands should relate them in a trustworthy manner as they have received them from the inhabitants of the country, but that these accounts require also for their support numerous and indisputable testimonies, if they are to appear credible.,3. Among such testimonies I am convinced that the first and the most valid of all are the ceremonies connected with the established worship of the gods and other divinities which are performed in the various states. These both the Greeks and barbarian world have preserved for the greatest length of time and have never thought fit to make any innovation in them, being restrained from doing so by their fear of the divine anger.,4. This has been the experience of the barbarians in particular, for many reasons which this is not the proper occasion for mentioning; and no lapse of time has thus far induced either the Egyptians, the Libyans, the Gauls, the Scythians, the Indians, or any other barbarian nation whatever to forget or transgress anything relating to the rites of their gods, unless some of them have been subdued by a foreign power and compelled to exchange their own institutions for those of their conquerors. Now it has not been the fate of the Roman commonwealth ever to experience such a misfortune, but she herself always gives laws to others.,5. If, therefore, the Romans had been originally barbarians, they would have been so far from forgetting their ancestral rites and the established customs of their country, by which they had attained to so great prosperity, that they would even have made it to the interest of all their subjects as well to honour the gods according to the customary Roman ceremonies; and nothing could have hindered the whole Greek world, which is now subject to the Romans for already the seventh generation, from being barbarized if the Romans had indeed been barbarians. 7.71. 1. Anyone else might have assumed that the ceremonies now practised in the city were enough even by themselves to afford no slight indication of the ancient observances. But for my part, lest anyone should hold this to be weak evidence, according to that improbable assumption that after the Romans had conquered the whole Greek world they would gladly have scorned their own customs and adopted the better ones in their stead, I shall adduce my evidence from the time when they did not as yet possess the supremacy over Greece or dominion over any other country beyond the sea; and I shall cite Quintus Fabius as my authority, without requiring any further confirmation. For he is the most ancient of all the Roman historians and offers proof of what he asserts, not only from the information of others, but also from his own knowledge.,2. This festival, therefore, the Roman senate ordered to be celebrated, as I said before, pursuant to the vow made by the dictator Aulus Postumius when he was upon the point of giving battle to the Latins, who had revolted from the Romans and were endeavouring to restore Tarquinius to power; and they ordered five hundred minae of silver to be expended every year upon the sacrifices and the games, a sum the Romans laid out on the festival till the time of the Punic War.,3. During these holidays not only were many other observances carried out according to the customs of the Greeks, in connection with the general assemblies, the reception of strangers, and the cessation of hostilities, which it would be a big task to describe, but also those relating to the procession, the sacrifice, and the games â these are sufficient to give an idea of those I do not mention â which were as follows: 7.72. 1. Before beginning the games the principal magistrates conducted a procession in honour of the gods from the Capitol through the Forum to the Circus Maximus. Those who led the procession were, first, the Romans' sons who were nearing manhood and were of an age to bear a part in this ceremony, who rode on horseback if their fathers were entitled by their fortunes to be knights, while the others, who were destined to serve in the infantry, went on foot, the former in squadrons and troops, and the latter in divisions and companies, as if they were going to school; this was done in order that strangers might see the number and beauty of the youths of the commonwealth who were approaching manhood.,2. These were followed by charioteers, some of whom drove four horses abreast, some two, and others rode unyoked horses. After them came the contestants in both the light and the heavy games, their whole bodies naked except their loins. This custom continued even to my time at Rome, as it was originally practised by the Greeks; but it is now abolished in Greece, the Lacedaemonians having put an end to it.,3. The first man who undertook to strip and ran naked at Olympia, at the fifteenth Olympiad, was Acanthus the Lacedaemonian. Before that time, it seems, all the Greeks had been ashamed to appear entirely naked in the games, as Homer, the most credible and the most ancient of all witnesses, shows when he represents the heroes as girding up their loins. At any rate, when he is describing the wrestling-match of Aias and Odysseus at the funeral of Patroclus, he says: And then the twain with loins well girt stepped forth Into the lists. ,4. And he makes this still plainer in the Odyssey upon the occasion of the boxing-match between Irus and Odysseus, in these verses: He spake, and all approved; Odysseus then His rags girt round his loins, and showed his thighs So fair and stout; broad shoulders too and chest And brawny arms there stood revealed. And when he introduces the beggar as no longer willing to engage but declining the combat through fear, he says: They spake, and Irus' heart was sorely stirred; Yet even so the suitors girt his loins By force and led him forward. Thus it is plain that the Romans, who preserve this ancient Greek custom to this day, did not learn it from us afterwards nor even change it in the course of time, as we have done.,5. The contestants were followed by numerous bands of dancers arranged in three divisions, the first consisting of men, the second of youths, and the third of boys. These were accompanied by flute-players, who used ancient flutes that were small and short, as is done even to this day, and by lyre-players, who plucked ivory lyres of seven strings and the instruments called barbita. The use of these has ceased in my time among the Greeks, though traditional with them, but is preserved by the Romans in all their ancient sacrificial ceremonies. ,6. The dancers were dressed in scarlet tunics girded with bronze cinctures, wore swords suspended at their sides, and carried spears of shorter than average length; the men also had bronze helmets adorned with conspicuous crests and plumes. Each group was led by one man who gave the figures of the dance to the rest, taking the lead in representing their warlike and rapid movements, usually in the proceleusmatic rhythms.,7. This also was in fact a very ancient Greek institution â I mean the armed dance called the Pyrrhic â whether it was Athena who first began to lead bands of dancers and to dance in arms over the destruction of the Titans in order to celebrate the victory by this manifestation of her joy, or whether it was the Curetes who introduced it still earlier when, acting as nurses to Zeus, they strove to amuse him by the clashing of arms and the rhythmic movements of their limbs, as the legend has it.,8. The antiquity of this dance also, as one native to the Greeks, is made clear by Homer, not only in many other places, but particularly in describing the fashioning of the shield which he says Hephaestus presented to Achilles. For, having represented on it two cities, one blessed with peace, the other suffering from war, in the one on which he bestows the happier fate, describing festivals, marriages, and merriment, as one would naturally expect, he says among other things: Youths whirled around in joyous dance, with sound of flute and harp; and, standing at their doors, Admiring women on the pageant gazed. ,9. And again, in describing another Cretan band of dancers, consisting of youths and maidens, with which the shield was adorned, he speaks in this manner: And on it, too, the famous craftsman wrought, With cunning workmanship, a dancing-floor, Like that which Daedalus in Cnossus wide For fair-haired Ariadnê shaped. And there Bright youths and many-suitored maidens danced While laying each on other's wrists their hands. And in describing the dress of these dancers, in order to show us that the males danced in arms, he says: The maidens garlands wore, the striplings swords of gold, which proudly hung from silver belts. And when he introduces the leaders of the dance who gave the rhythm to the rest and began it, he writes: And great the throng which stood about the dance, Enjoying it; and tumblers twain did whirl Amid the throng as prelude to the song. ,10. But it is not alone from the warlike and serious dance of these bands which the Romans employed in their sacrificial ceremonies and processions that one may observe their kinship to the Greeks, but also from that which is of a mocking and ribald nature. For after the armed dancers others marched in procession impersonating satyrs and portraying the Greek dance called sicinnis. Those who represented Sileni were dressed in shaggy tunics, called by some chortaioi, and in mantles of flowers of every sort; and those who represented satyrs wore girdles and goatskins, and on their heads manes that stood upright, with other things of like nature. These mocked and mimicked the serious movements of the others, turning them into laughter-provoking performances.,11. The triumphal entrances also show that raillery and fun-making in the manner of satyrs were an ancient practice native to the Romans; for the soldiers who take part in the triumphs are allowed to satirise and ridicule the most distinguished men, including even the generals, in the same manner as those who ride in procession in carts at Athens; the soldiers once jested in prose as they clowned, but now they sing improvised verses.,12. And even at the funerals of illustrious persons I have seen, along with the other participants, bands of dancers impersonating satyrs who preceded the bier and imitated in their motions the dance called sicinnis, and particularly at the funerals of the rich. This jesting and dancing in the manner of satyrs, then, was not the invention either of the Ligurians, of the Umbrians, or of any other barbarians who dwelt in Italy, but of the Greeks; but I fear I should prove tiresome to some of my readers if I endeavoured to confirm by more arguments a thing that is generally conceded. ,13. After these bands of dancers came a throng of lyre-players and many flute-players, and after them the persons who carried the censers in which perfumes and frankincense were burned along the whole route of the procession, also the men who bore the show-vessels made of silver and gold, both those that were sacred owing to the gods and those that belonged to the state. Last of all in the procession came the images of the gods, borne on men's shoulders, showing the same likenesses as those made by the Greeks and having the same dress, the same symbols, and the same gifts which tradition says each of them invented and bestowed on mankind. These were the images not only of Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Neptune, and of the rest whom the Greeks reckon among the twelve gods, but also of those still more ancient from whom legend says the twelve were sprung, namely, Saturn, Ops, Themis, Latona, the Parcae, Mnemosynê, and all the rest to whom temples and holy places are dedicated among the Greeks; and also of those whom legend represents as living later, after Jupiter took over the sovereignty, such as Proserpina, Lucina, the Nymphs, the Muses, the Seasons, the Graces, Liber, and the demigods whose souls after they had left their mortal bodies are said to have ascended to Heaven and to have obtained the same honours as the gods, such as Hercules, Aesculapius, Castor and Pollux, Helen, Pan, and countless others.,14. Yet if those who founded Rome and instituted this festival were barbarians, how could they properly worship all the gods and other divinities of the Greeks and scorn their own ancestral gods? Or let someone show us any other people besides the Greeks among whom these rites are traditional, and then let him censure this demonstration as unsound.,15. After the procession was ended the consuls and the priests whose function it was presently sacrificed oxen; and the manner of performing the sacrifices was the same as with us. For after washing their hands they purified the victims with clear water and sprinkled corn on their heads, after which they prayed and then gave orders to their assistants to sacrifice them. Some of these assistants, while the victim was still standing, struck it on the temple with a club, and others received it upon the sacrificial knives as it fell. After this they flayed it and cut it up, taking off a piece from each of the inwards and also from every limb as a first-offering, which they sprinkled with grits of spelt and carried in baskets to the officiating priests. These placed them on the altars, and making a fire under them, poured wine over them while they were burning.,16. It is easy to see from Homer's poems that every one of these ceremonies was performed according to the customs established by the Greeks with reference to sacrifices. For he introduces the heroes washing their hands and using barley grits, where he said: Then washed their hands and took up barley-grains. And also cutting off the hair from the head of the victim and placing it on the fire, writing thus: And he, the rite beginning, cast some hairs, Plucked from the victim's head, upon the fire. He also represents them as striking the foreheads of the victims with clubs and stabbing them when they had fallen, as at the sacrifice of Eumaeus: Beginning then the rite, with limb of oak â One he had left when cleaving wood â he smote The boar, which straightway yielded up his life; And next his throat they cut and singed his hide. ,17. And also at taking the first offerings from the inwards and from the limbs as well and sprinkling them with barley-meal and burning them upon the altars, as at that same sacrifice: Then made the swineherd slices of raw meat, Beginning with a cut from every limb, And wrapping them in rich fat, cast them all Upon the fire, first sprinkling barley-meal. ,18. These rites I am acquainted with from having seen the Romans perform them at their sacrifices even in my time; and contented with this single proof, I have become convinced that the founders of Rome were not barbarians, but Greeks who had come together out of many places. It is possible, indeed, that some barbarians also may observe a few customs relating to sacrifices and festivals in the same manner as the Greeks, but that they should do everything in the same way is hard to believe. It now remains for me to give a brief account of the games which the Romans performed after the procession. The first was a race of four-horse chariots, two-horse chariots, and of unyoked horses, as has been the custom among the Greeks, both anciently at Olympia and down to the present. 7.73. 2. In the chariot races two very ancient customs continue to be observed by the Romans down to my time in the same manner as they were first instituted. The first relates to the chariots drawn by three horses, a custom now fallen into disuse among the Greeks, though it was an ancient institution of heroic times which Homer represents the Greeks as using in battle. For running beside two horses yoked together in the same manner as in the case of a two-horse chariot was a third horse attached by a trace; this trace-horse the ancients called parêoros or "outrunner," because he was "hitched beside" and not yoked to the others. The other custom is the race run by those who have ridden in the chariots, a race which is still performed in a few Greek states upon the occasion of some ancient sacrifices.,3. For after the chariot races are ended, those who have ridden with the charioteers, whom the poets call parabatai and the Athenians apobatai, leap down from their chariots and run a race with one another the length of the stadium. And after the chariot races were over, those who contended in their own persons entered the lists, that is, runners, boxers, and wrestlers; for these three contests were in use among the ancient Greeks, as Homer shows in describing the funeral of Patroclus.,4. And in the intervals between the contests they observed a custom which was typically Greek and the most commendable of all customs, that of awarding crowns and proclaiming the honours with which they rewarded their benefactors, just as was done at Athens during the festivals of Dionysus, and displaying to all who had assembled for the spectacle the spoils they had taken in war.,5. But as regards these customs, just as it would not have been right to make no mention of them when the subject required it, so it would not be fitting to extend my account farther than is necessary. It is now time to return to the narrative which we interrupted. After the senate, then, had been informed, by the person who remembered the incident, of the circumstances relating to the slave who had been led to punishment by the order of his master and had gone ahead of the procession, they concluded that this slave was the unacceptable leader of the dancers mentioned by the god, as I have related. And inquiring after the master who had used his slave so cruelly, they imposed a suitable penalty upon him, and ordered another procession to be performed in honour of the god and other games to be exhibited at double the expense of the former. These were the events of this consulship. 9.25.2. For of adult citizens there were more than 110,000, as appeared by the latest census; and the number of the women, children, domestics, foreign traders and artisans who plied the menial trades â for no Roman citizen was permitted to earn a livelihood as a tradesman or artisan â was not less than treble the number of the citizens. This multitude was not easy to placate; for they were exasperated at their misfortune, and gathering together in the Forum, clamoured against the magistrates, rushed in a body to the houses of the rich and endeavoured to seize without payment the provisions that were stored up by them. 10.55.3. The populace praising them for their goodwill and rushing in a body to the senate-house, Sestius was forced to assemble the senate alone, Menenius being unable to attend by reason of his illness, and proposed to them the consideration of the laws. Many speeches were made on this occasion also both by those who contended that the commonwealth ought to be governed by laws and by those who advised adhering to the customs of their ancestors. 11.43.5. Those who departed from the camp marched throughout the entire day, and when evening came on, arrived in Rome, no one having announced their approach. Hence they caused the inhabitants no slight dismay, since they thought that a hostile army had entered the city; and there was shouting and disorderly running to and fro throughout the city. Nevertheless, the confusion did not last long enough to produce any mischief. For the soldiers, passing through the streets, called out that they were friends and had come for the good of the commonwealth; and they made their words match their deeds, as they did no harm to anyone. 12.2.9. Thus Maelius, who craved greatness and came very close to gaining the leadership over the Roman people, came to an unenviable and bitter end. When his body had been carried into the Forum and exposed to the view of all the citizens, there was a rush thither and a clamour and uproar on the part of all who were in the Forum, as some bewailed his fate, others angrily protested, and still others were eager to come to blows with the perpetrators of the deed. |
|
| 60. Propertius, Elegies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 84 |
| 61. Sallust, Iugurtha, 4.5-4.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 86 |
62. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 2.6.7, 7.3.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 114; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91| 2.6.7. adulescentis partem diligentius colorandam: facere illum rem non inprobam; nam ita patri non remittere quod a patre ipsi remissum sit. Itaque sic narrauit, ut suam quoque luxuriam imputaret patri. non seueram fuisse disciplinam, non bene institutae domus legem, quae posset adulescentis mores formare et a uitiis aetatis abducere. “Quodammodo,” inquit, “ad luxuriam a patre praemissus sum unguento canis madentis et commissatorem senem; itaque nulli nimis luxuriosus, sed parum sanus uidebatur. Merito in adulescentibus non omnem luxuriam uindicant: cito desinunt. Desii, cum haberem luxuriae istius exemplum. Quaeritis, quae res mihi remedio fuerit? aetas: illa quae faciebam iam putabam me non decere.” 7.3.9. disertissimos. deinde auctorem huius uiti quod ex captione unius uerbi plura significantis nascitur aiebat POMPONIVM Atellanarum scriptorem fuisse, a quo primum ad LABERIVM transisse hoc studium imitandi, deinde inde ad Ciceronem qui illud ad uirtutem transtulissent. Nam ut transeam innumerabilia quae Cicero in orationibus aut in sermone dixit ex ea nota, ut non referam a Laberio dicta, cum mimi eius quidquid modo tolerabile habent tale habeant, id quod Cicero in Laberium diuus Iulius ludis suis mimum produxit, deinde equestri illum ordini reddidit; iussit ire sessum in equestria; omnes ita se coartauerunt, ut uenientem non reciperent. Cicero male audiebat tamquam nec Pompeio certus amicus nec Caesari, sed utriusque adulator. Multos tunc in senatum legerat Caesar et ut repleret exhaustum bello ciuili ordinem et ut eis qui bene de partibus meruerant, gratiam referret. Cicero in utramque rem iocatus est , misit enim ad Laberium transeuntem: recepissem te nisi anguste sederem. Laberius ad Ciceronem remisit: atqui soles duabus sellis sedere. uterque elegantissime, sed neuter in hoc genere seruat modum. | |
|
63. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 120, 132, 139, 162-164, 166-175, 338, 67, 123 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 155 | 123. These things were of themselves terrible and grievous; how could they be otherwise? Surely it was most miserable for men to become beggars from having been wealthy, and to be reduced on a sudden from a state of abundance to one of utter indigence, without having done any wrong, and to be rendered houseless and homeless, being driven out and expelled from their own houses, that thus, being compelled to dwell in the open air day and night, they might be destroyed by the burning heat of the sun or by the cold of the night. |
|
| 64. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 111 |
| 65. Catullus, Poems, 36.11-36.13, 45.6-45.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 104, 105, 106 |
66. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.10.1-1.10.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 78 | 1.10.1. Now the Egyptians have an account like this: When in the beginning the universe came into being, men first came into existence in Egypt, both because of the favourable climate of the land and because of the nature of the Nile. For this stream, since it produces much life and provides a spontaneous supply of food, easily supports whatever living things have been engendered; for both the root of the reed and the lotus, as well as the Egyptian bean and corsaeon, as it is called, and many other similar plants, supply the race of men with nourishment all ready for use. 1.10.2. As proof that animal life appeared first of all in their land they would offer the fact that even at the present day the soil of the Thebaid at certain times generates mice in such numbers and of such size as to astonish all who have witnessed the phenomenon; for some of them are fully formed as far as the breast and front feet and are able to move, while the rest of the body is unformed, the clod of earth still retaining its natural character. 1.10.3. And from this fact it is manifest that, when the world was first taking shape, the land of Egypt could better than any other have been the place where mankind came into being because of the well-tempered nature of its soil; for even at the present time, while the soil of no other country generates any such things, in it alone certain living creatures may be seen coming into being in a marvellous fashion. |
|
| 67. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 4.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), performance and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 317 |
| 68. Ovid, Tristia, 2.1.70 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245 |
69. Ovid, Fasti, 1.591, 1.607, 1.608, 1.609, 1.610, 1.611, 1.612, 1.613, 1.614, 1.615, 1.616, 2.259-80, 3.771, 3.772, 3.809, 3.810, 3.811, 3.812, 3.813, 3.814, 3.815, 3.816, 3.817, 3.818, 3.819, 3.820, 3.821, 3.822, 3.823, 3.824, 3.825, 3.826, 3.827, 3.828, 3.829, 3.830, 3.831, 3.832, 3.833, 3.834, 3.835, 3.836, 3.837, 3.838, 3.839, 3.840, 3.841, 3.842, 3.843, 3.844, 3.845, 3.846, 3.847, 3.848, 3.849, 3.850, 3.851, 3.852, 3.853, 3.854, 3.855, 3.856, 3.857, 3.858, 3.859, 3.860, 3.861, 3.862, 3.863, 3.864, 3.865, 3.866, 3.867, 3.868, 3.869, 3.870, 3.871, 3.872, 3.873, 3.874, 3.875, 3.876, 4.951, 4.952, 4.954, 5.567, 5.568, 6.212, 6.249, 6.435, 6.436, 381-421 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203| 3.868. traditur: ille vehit per freta longa duos. | 3.868. They say the sister held too weakly to the left-hand horn, |
|
| 70. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.1.18, 2.1.57-2.1.58, 2.4.19-2.4.20, 3.2.74, 3.9.47 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 119; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36, 78; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245 |
71. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.383-3.386 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 104| 3.383. Sunt illis celeresque pilae iaculumque trochique 3.384. rend= 3.385. Nec vos Campus habet, nec vos gelidissima Virgo, 3.386. rend= | |
|
72. Ovid, Amores, 1.1.6, 1.3.19 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 172; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245| 1.1.6. Pieridum vates, non tua turba sumus. 1.3.19. Te mihi materiem felicem in carmina praebe — | |
|
| 73. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 3.79 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245 |
74. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.560-1.561, 2.241-2.259, 10.734-10.736, 12.273, 15.155, 15.588-15.589, 15.796, 15.862-15.865 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia •emperors, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 119, 156; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36, 78; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 78, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174| 1.560. tu ducibus Latiis aderis, cum laeta triumphum 1.561. vox canet et visent longas Capitolia pompas: 2.241. Nec sortita loco distantes flumina ripas 2.242. tuta manent: mediis Tanais fumavit in undis 2.243. Peneusque senex Teuthranteusque Caicus 2.244. et celer Ismenos cum Phegiaco Erymantho 2.245. arsurusque iterum Xanthus flavusque Lycormas, 2.246. quique recurvatis ludit Maeandrus in undis. 2.247. Mygdoniusque Melas et Taenarius Eurotas. 2.248. Arsit et Euphrates Babylonius, arsit Orontes 2.249. Thermodonque citus Gangesque et Phasis et Hister. 2.250. Aestuat Alpheus, ripae Spercheides ardent, 2.251. quodque suo Tagus amne vehit, fluit ignibus aurum, 2.252. et quae Maeonias celebrabant carmine ripas 2.253. flumineae volucres, medio caluere Caystro. 2.254. Nilus in extremum fugit perterritus orbem 2.255. occuluitque caput, quod adhuc latet: ostia septem 2.256. pulverulenta vacant, septem sine flumine valles. 2.257. Fors eadem Ismarios Hebrum cum Strymone siccat 2.258. Hesperiosque amnes Rhenum Rhodanumque Padumque, 2.259. cuique fuit rerum promissa potentia, Thybrin. 10.734. surgere bulla solet. Nec plena longior hora 10.735. facta mora est, cum flos de sanguine concolor ortus, 10.736. qualem, quae lento celant sub cortice granum, 12.273. tempora perstringit fulvo protecta capillo. 15.155. materiem vatum, falsique pericula mundi? 15.588. “talia di pellant! Multoque ego iustius aevum 15.589. exsul agam, quam me videant Capitolia regem!” 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum 15.862. cesserunt, dique Indigetes genitorque Quirine 15.863. urbis et invicti genitor Gradive Quirini, 15.864. Vestaque Caesareos inter sacrata penates, 15.865. et cum Caesarea tu, Phoebe domestice, Vesta, | |
|
| 75. Horace, Letters, 1.18.53-1.18.54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 79 |
| 76. Frontinus, Strategemata, 2.9.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 110 |
| 77. Frontinus, De Aquis Vrbis Romae, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 78. Martial, Spectacula, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 42 |
79. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.88, 1.477, 2.18.1, 2.250, 3.522-3.531, 7.219-7.223 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37, 86; Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 188; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 343; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198 | 1.88. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. 1.477. She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,—and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches. 2.250. 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; 3.522. 9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon shipboard as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies’ hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, 3.523. for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. 3.524. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; 3.525. yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together. 3.526. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. 3.527. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; 3.528. and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: 3.529. but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. 3.530. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. 3.531. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred. 7.219. 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: 7.220. Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar, 7.221. and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; 7.222. that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. 7.223. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; |
|
80. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 8.3, 14.7, 67.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37| 8.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ οἶ δα ὅπως ὁ Κικέρων, εἴπερ ἦν ἀληθές, ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς ὑπατείας οὐκ ἔγραψεν αἰτίαν δὲ εἶχεν ὕστερον ὡς ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ τότε παρασχόντι κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος μὴ χρησάμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀποδειλιάσας τὸν δῆμον ὑπερφυῶς περιεχόμενον τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅς γε καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας εἰς τὴν βουλὴν εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐν ὑποψίαις ἦν ἀπολογουμένου καὶ περιπίπτοντος θορύβοις πονηροῖς, ἐπειδὴ πλείων τοῦ συνήθους ἐγίγνετο τῇ βουλῇ καθεζομένῃ χρόνος, ἐπῆλθε μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ περιέστη τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀπαιτῶν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κελεύων ἀφεῖναι. 14.7. Κάτωνα μὲν οὖν ἐπιχειρήσαντα τούτοις ἀντιλέγειν ἀπῆγεν εἰς φυλακὴν ὁ Καῖσαρ, οἰόμενος αὐτὸν ἐπικαλέσεσθαι τοὺς δημάρχους· ἐκείνου δὲ ἀφώνου βαδίζοντος ὁρῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ μόνον τοὺς κρατίστους δυσφοροῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν αἰδοῖ τῆς Κάτωνος ἀρετῆς σιωπῇ καὶ μετὰ κατηφείας ἑπόμενον, αὐτὸς ἐδεήθη κρύφα τῶν δημάρχων ἑνὸς ἀφελέσθαι τὸν Κάτωνα. 67.4. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον κατελθόντων καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους, ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὔτε δυσχεραίνων οὔτε ὡς ἐπαινῶν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς λεγομένοις προσεῖχεν, ἀλλʼ ὑπεδήλου τῇ πολλῇ σιωπῇ Καίσαρα μὲν οἰκτείρων, αἰδούμενος δὲ Βροῦτον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἀμνηστίας τινὰς καὶ συμβάσεις πράττουσα πᾶσι Καίσαρα μὲν ὡς θεὸν τιμᾶν ἐψηφίσατο καὶ κινεῖν μηδὲ τὸ μικρότατον ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἄρχων ἐβούλευσε, τοῖς δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας τε διένειμε καὶ τιμὰς ἀπέδωκε πρεπούσας, ὥστε πάντας οἴεσθαι τὰ πράγματα κατάστασιν ἔχειν καὶ σύγκρασιν ἀπειληφέναι τὴν ἀρίστην. | 8.3. 14.7. 67.4. |
|
81. Plutarch, Camillus, 42.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37| 42.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ προκαθημένου τοῦ Καμίλλου καὶ χρηματίζοντος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὑπηρέτης πεμφθεὶς παρὰ τῶν δημάρχων ἐκέλευσεν ἀκολουθεῖν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τῷ σώματι προσῆγεν ὡς ἀπάξων, κραυγὴ δὲ καὶ θόρυβος, οἷος οὔπω, κατέσχε τὴν ἀγοράν, τῶν μὲν περὶ τὸν Κάμιλλον ὠθούντων ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος τὸν δημόσιον, τῶν δὲ πολλῶν κάτωθεν ἕλκειν ἐπικελευομένων, ἀπορούμενος τοῖς παροῦσι τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν οὐ προήκατο, τοὺς δὲ βουλευτὰς ἀναλαβὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον. | 42.2. But once when Camillus was seated in state and despatching public business in the forum, an officer, sent by the tribunes of the people, ordered him to follow, actually laying hands upon him as though to hale him away. All at once such cries and tumult as had never been heard before filled the forum, the friends of Camillus thrusting the plebeian officer down from the tribunal, and the multitude below ordering him to drag the dictator away. Camillus, perplexed at the issue, did not renounce his office, but taking the senators with him, marched off to their place of meeting. |
|
82. Plutarch, Cicero, 44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159| 44.3. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθʼ ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παραπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δʼ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν κατʼ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος. | 44.3. |
|
83. Plutarch, Crassus, 33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28| 33.2. ἦν γὰρ οὔτε φωνῆς οὔτε γραμμάτων Ὑρώδης Ἑλληνικῶν ἄπειρος, ὁ δʼ Ἀρταοθάσδης καὶ τραγῳδίας ἐποίει καὶ λόγους ἔγραφε καὶ ἱστορίας, ὧν ἔνιαι διασῴζονται, τῆς δὲ κεφαλῆς τοῦ Κράσσου κομισθείσης ἐπὶ θύρας ἀπηρμέναι μὲν ἦσαν αἱ τράπεζαι, τραγῳδιῶν δὲ ὑποκριτὴς Ἰάσων ὄνομα Τραλλιανὸς ᾖδεν Εὐριπίδου Βακχῶν τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀγαύην. εὐδοκιμοῦντος δʼ αὐτοῦ Σιλλάκης ἐπιστὰς τῷ ἀνδρῶνι καὶ προσκυνήσας προὔβαλεν εἰς μέσον τοῦ Κράσσου τὴν κεφαλήν. | 33.2. |
|
| 84. Plutarch, On The Control of Anger, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 77 |
| 85. Plutarch, On Exilio, 605 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171 |
| 86. Plutarch, Demetrius, 41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
87. Plutarch, Fabius, 8.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159| 8.3. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ ἔργου λόγος μείζων διεφοίτησεν εἰς Ῥώμην. καί Φάβιος μὲν ἀκούσας ἔφη μᾶλλον τοῦ Μινουκίου φοβεῖσθαι τήν εὐτυχίαν ἢ τήν ἀτυχίαν, ἢ τὴν ἀτυχίαν supplied by Sintenis, followed by Bekker. Cf. Morals , p. 195 d. Secunda se magis quam adversa timere, Livy, xxii. 25. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἦρτο καί μετὰ χαρᾶς εἰς ἀγορὰν συνέτρεχε, καί Μετίλιος ὁ δήμαρχος ἐπί τοῦ βήματος καταστὰς ἐδημηγόρει μεγαλύνων τὸν Μινούκιον, τοῦ δὲ Φαβίου κατηγορῶν οὐ μαλακίαν οὐδʼ ἀνανδρίαν, ἀλλʼ ἤδη προδοσίαν, | 8.3. An exaggerated version of the affair speedily made its way to Rome, and Fabius, when he heard it, said he was more afraid of the success of Minucius than he would be of his failure. But the people were exalted in spirit and joyfully ran to a meeting in the forum. There Metilius their tribune mounted the rostra and harangued them, extolling Minucius, but denouncing Fabius, not as a weakling merely, nor yet as a coward, but actually as a traitor. 8.3. An exaggerated version of the affair speedily made its way to Rome, and Fabius, when he heard it, said he was more afraid of the success of Minucius than he would be of his failure. But the people were exalted in spirit and joyfully ran to a meeting in the forum. There Metilius their tribune mounted the rostra and harangued them, extolling Minucius, but denouncing Fabius, not as a weakling merely, nor yet as a coward, but actually as a traitor. |
|
88. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50| 9.3. βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων τοῦ Φαύστου καὶ οἰκείων ἐπεξιέναι καὶ δικάζεσθαι Πομπήϊος ἐκώλυσε, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ταὐτὸ τοὺς παῖδας ἀμφοτέρους ἀνέκρινε περὶ τοῦ πράγματος. | 9.3. |
|
89. Plutarch, Galba, 2.1, 26.27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 41| 2.1. Νυμφίδιος γὰρ Σαβῖνος ὢν ἔπαρχος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, μετὰ Τιγελλίνου τῆς αὐλῆς, ἐπεὶ τὰ Νέρωνος ἀπέγνωστο παντάπασι καὶ δῆλος ἦν ἀποδρασόμενος εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ἔπεισε τὸ στρατιωτικόν, ὡς μηκέτι παρόντος, ἀλλʼ ἤδη πεφευγότος, αὐτοκράτορα Γάλβαν ἀναγορεῦσαι, | 2.1. |
|
90. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 15.1, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159| 15.1. ἀλλὰ τοῦ γε Μαρκίου πολλὰς ὑποφαίνοντος ὠτειλὰς ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀγώνων, ἐν οἷς ἐπρώτευσεν ἑπτακαίδεκα ἔτη συνεχῶς στρατευόμενος, ἐδυσωποῦντο τὴν ἀρετὴν, καὶ λόγον ἀλλήλοις ἐδίδοσαν ὡς ἐκεῖνον ἀποδείξοντες. ἐπεὶ δέ, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐν ᾗ τὴν ψῆφον ἔδει φέρειν ἐνστάσης, ὁ Μάρκιος εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε σοβαρῶς ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς προπεμπόμενος, καὶ πάντες οἱ πατρίκιοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἐγένοντο φανεροὶ πρὸς μηδένʼ οὕτω μηδέποτε σπουδάσαντες, 16.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ σῖτος ἧκεν εἰς Ῥώμην, πολὺς μέν ὠνητὸς ἐξ Ἰταλίας, οὐκ ἐλάττων δὲ δωρητὸς ἐκ Συρακουσῶν, Γέλωνος τοῦ τυράννου πέμψαντος· ὥστε τοὺς πλείστους ἐν ἐλπίσι γενέσθαι χρησταῖς, ἅμα τῆς ἀπορίας καὶ τῆς διαφορᾶς τὴν πόλιν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι προσδοκῶντας, εὐθὺς οὖν βουλῆς ἀθροισθείσης περιχυθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἔξωθεν ἐκαραδόκει τό τέλος, ἐλπίζων ἀγορᾷ τε χρήσεσθαι φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ προῖκα τὰς δωρεὰς νεμήσεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἔνδον ἦσαν οἱ ταῦτα τὴν βουλὴν πείθοντες. 17.1. πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λέγων ὁ Μάρκιος ὑπερφυῶς εἶχε τοὺς νέους συνενθουσιῶντας αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς πλουσίους ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπαντας, μόνον ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα τὴν πόλιν ἔχειν ἀήττητον καὶ ἀκολάκευτον βοῶντας, ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἠναντιοῦντο, ὑφορώμενοι τὸ ἀποβησόμενον. ἀπέβη δὲ χρηστὸν οὐδέν. οἱ γὰρ δήμαρχοι παρόντες, ὡς ᾔσθοντο τῇ γνώμῃ κρατοῦντα τὸν Μάρκιον, ἐξέδραμον εἰς τὸν ὄχλον μετὰ βοῆς παρακελευόμενοι συνίστασθαι καὶ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς πολλούς. 17.3. τότε μὲν οὖν ἑσπέρα καταλαβοῦσα τὴν ταραχὴν διέλυσεν· ἅμα δὲʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν δῆμον ἐξηγριωμένον ὁρῶντες οἱ ὕπατοι καὶ συντρέχοντα πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν ἔδεισαν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκέλευον σκοπεῖν ὅπως ἐπιεικέσι λόγοις καὶ δόγμασι χρηστοῖς πραΰνωσι καὶ καταστήσωσι τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς οὐ φιλοτιμίας οὖσαν ὥραν, οὐδʼ ὑπὲρ δόξης ἅμιλλαν, εἰ σωφρονοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καιρὸν ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ ὀξὺν, εὐγνώμονος πολιτείας καὶ φιλανθρώπου δεόμενον. | 15.1. 16.1. 17.1. With many such words as these Marcius was beyond measure successful in filling the younger senators, and almost all the wealthy ones, with his own fierce enthusiasm, and they cried out that he was the only man in the city who disdained submission and flattery. But some of the older senators opposed him, suspecting the outcome. And the outcome was wholly bad. For the tribunes were present, and when they saw that the proposal of Marcius was likely to prevail, they ran out among the crowd with loud cries, calling upon the plebeians to rally to their help. 17.3. |
|
91. Plutarch, Marius, 34.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 79| 34.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Μάριος φιλοτίμως πάνυ καὶ μειρακιωδῶς ἀποτριβόμενος τὸ γῆρας καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὁσημέραι κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον, καὶ μετὰ τῶν νεανίσκων γυμναζόμενος ἐπεδείκνυε τὸ σῶμα κοῦφον μὲν ὅπλοις, ἔποχον δὲ ταῖς ἱππασίαις, καίπερ οὐκ εὐσταλὴς γεγονώς ἐν γήρᾳ τὸν ὄγκον, ἀλλʼ εἰς σάρκα περιπληθῆ καὶ βαρεῖαν ἐνδεδωκώς. | 34.3. |
|
| 92. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203 |
93. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 10.6, 18.4-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37| 10.6. αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν κολαζομένην εἰς φορεῖον ἐνθέμενοι καὶ καταστεγάσαντες ἔξωθεν καὶ καταλαβόντες ἱμᾶσιν, ὡς μηδὲ φωνὴν ἐξάκουστον γενέσθαι, κομίζουσι διʼ ἀγορᾶς, ἐξίστανται δὲ πάντες σιωπῇ καὶ παραπέμπουσιν ἄφθογγοι μετά τινος δεινῆς κατηφείας οὐδὲ ἔστιν ἕτερον θέαμα φρικτότερον, οὐδʼ ἡμέραν ἡ πόλις ἄλλην ἄγει στυγνοτέραν ἐκείνης. | 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this. 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this. |
|
94. Plutarch, Pompey, 23.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 173| 23.3. καὶ Κράσσος μὲν ὅνπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἵλετο τρόπον τοῦ βίου διεφύλαττε, Πομπήϊος δὲ τάς τε πολλὰς ἀνεδύετο συνηγορίας καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπέλειπε καὶ προῄει σπανίως εἰς τὸ δημόσιον, ἀεὶ δὲ μετὰ πλήθους, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἔτι ῥᾴδιον ὄχλου χωρὶς ἐντυχεῖν οὐδʼ ἰδεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ἥδιστος ὁμοῦ πολλοῖς καὶ ἀθρόοις ἐφαίνετο, σεμνότητα περιβαλλόμενος ἐκ τούτου τῇ ὄψει καὶ ὄγκον, ταῖς δὲ τῶν πολλῶν ἐντεύξεσι καὶ συνηθείαις ἄθικτον οἰόμενος δεῖν τὸ ἀξίωμα διατηρεῖν. | 23.3. |
|
95. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.4, 36.1-36.2, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50, 159; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91| 33.4. Λουκρητίου δὲ Ὀφέλλα τοῦ Μάριον ἐκπολιορκήσαντος αἰτουμένου καὶ μετιόντος ὑπατείαν πρῶτον μὲν ἐκώλυεν ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ πολλῶν σπουδαζόμενος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε, πέμψας τινὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἑκατονταρχῶν ἀπέσφαξε τὸν ἄνδρα, καθεξόμενος αὐτὸς ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν τῷ Διοσκουρείῳ καὶ τὸν φόνον ἐφορῶν ἄνωθεν, τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην συλλαβόντων καὶ προσαγαγόντων τῷ βήματι, σιωπῆσαι κελεύσας τοὺς θορυβοῦντας αὐτὸς ἔφη κελεῦσαι τοῦτο, καὶ τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην ἀφεῖναι προσέταξεν. 36.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας συνῆν μίμοις γυναιξὶ καὶ κιθαριστρίαις καὶ θυμελικοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἐπὶ στιβάδων ἀφʼ ἡμέρας συμπίνων. οὗτοι γὰρ οἱ τότε παρʼ αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι μέγιστον ἦσαν, Ῥώσκιος ὁ κωμῳδὸς καὶ Σῶριξ ὁ ἀρχιμῖμος καὶ Μητρόβιος ὁ λυσιῳδός, οὗ καίπερ ἐξώρου γενομένου διετέλει μέχρι παντὸς ἐρᾶν οὐκ ἀρνούμενος. 36.2. ὅθεν καὶ τὴν νόσον ἀπʼ αἰτίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην ἐξέθρεψε, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἠγνόει περὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα γεγονὼς ἔμπυος, ὑφʼ ἧς καὶ τὴν σάρκα διαφθαρεῖσαν εἰς φθεῖρας μετέβαλε πᾶσαν, ὥστε πολλῶν διʼ ἡμέρας ἅμα καὶ νυκτὸς ἀφαιρούντων μηδὲν εἶναι μέρος τοῦ ἐπιγινομένου τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ἐσθῆτα καὶ λουτρὸν καὶ ἀπόνιμμα καὶ σιτίον ἀναπίμπλασθαι τοῦ ῥεύματος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς· τοσοῦτον ἐξήνθει. 38.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν μνημεῖον ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεώς ἐστι τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμά φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπογραψάμενον καταλιπεῖν, οὗ κεφάλαιόν ἐστιν ὡς οὔτε τῶν φίλων τις αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν οὔτε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακῶς ὑπερεβάλετο. | 33.4. 36.1. 36.2. 38.4. |
|
| 96. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 6.4, 8.7, 14.1, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 50, 159, 172 |
| 97. Plutarch, Timoleon, 31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
98. Plutarch, Lucullus, 43.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159| 43.2. τὰ δὲ φάρμακα δοθῆναι μὲν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δοκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστʼ ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν ἂν supplied by Reiske. ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων νεανίσκων ἐβιάζετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν. | 43.2. |
|
99. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.63-18.64, 18.139, 20.183-20.184 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 107; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 334 | 18.63. 3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. 18.64. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day. 18.139. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; 20.183. Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. 20.184. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled. |
|
100. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 9.3-9.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 214| 9.3. τοῖς μὲν οὖν πολλοῖς ἐκ τούτων ἀπηχθάνετο, τοῖς δὲ χρηστοῖς καὶ σώφροσι διὰ τὸν ἄλλον βίον οὐκ ἦν ἀρεστός, ὡς Κικέρων φησίν, ἀλλʼ ἐμισεῖτο, βδελυττομένων αὐτοῦ μέθας ἀώρους καὶ δαπάνας ἐπαχθεῖς καὶ κυλινδήσεις ἐν γυναίοις, καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν μὲν ὕπνους καὶ περιπάτους ἀλύοντος καὶ κραιπαλῶντος, νύκτωρ δὲ κώμους καὶ θέατρα καὶ διατριβὰς ἐν γάμοις μίμων καὶ γελωτοποιῶν. 9.4. λέγεται γοῦν, ὡς ἐν Ἱππίου ποτὲ τοῦ μίμου γάμοις ἑστιαθεὶς καὶ πιὼν διὰ νυκτός, εἶτα πρωῒ τοῦ δήμου καλοῦντος εἰς ἀγορὰν προελθὼν ἔτι τροφῆς μεστὸς ἐμέσειε, τῶν φίλων τινὸς ὑποσχόντος τὸ ἱμάτιον. ἦν δὲ καὶ Σέργιος ὁ μῖμος τῶν μέγιστον παρʼ αὐτῷ δυναμένων, καὶ Κυθηρὶς ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς παλαίστρας γύναιον ἀγαπώμενον, ὃ δὴ καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐπιὼν ἐν φορείῳ περιήγετο, καὶ τὸ φορεῖον οὐκ ἐλάττους ἢ τὸ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ περιέποντες ἠκολούθουν. 9.5. ἐλύπουν δὲ καὶ χρυσῶν ἐκπωμάτων ὥσπερ ἐν πομπαῖς ταῖς ἀποδημίαις διαφερομένων ὄψεις, καὶ στάσεις ἐνόδιοι σκηνῶν, καὶ πρὸς ἄλσεσι καὶ ποταμοῖς ἀρίστων πολυτελῶν διαθέσεις, καὶ λέοντες ἅρμασιν ὑπεζευγμένοι, καὶ σωφρόνων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν οἰκίαι χαμαιτύπαις καὶ σαμβυκιστρίαις ἐπισταθμευόμεναι. 9.6. δεινὸν γὰρ ἐποιοῦντο Καίσαρα μὲν αὐτὸν ἔξω τῆς Ἰταλίας θυραυλεῖν, τὰ περιόντα τοῦ πολέμου μεγάλοις πόνοις καὶ κινδύνοις ἀνακαθαιρόμενον, ἑτέρους δὲ δι’ ἐκεῖνον τρυφᾶν τοῖς πολίταις ἐνυβρίζοντας. | 9.3. 9.4. 9.5. 9.6. |
|
101. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 33.1, 34.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37| 33.1. τῆς δὲ τρίτης ἡμέρας ἕωθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπορεύοντο σαλπιγκταί μέλος οὐ προσόδιον καὶ πομπικόν, ἀλλʼ οἵῳ μαχομένους ἐποτρύνουσιν αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι, προσεγκελευόμενοι. 34.4. δηλῶν τὸν πρὸ αἰσχύνης θάνατον, ὃν οὐχ ὑπομείνας ὁ δείλαιος, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἐλπίδων τινῶν ἀπομαλακισθείς ἐγεγόνει μέρος τῶν αὑτοῦ λαφύρων. | 33.1. On the third day, as soon as it was morning, trumpeters led the way, sounding out no marching or processional strain, but such a one as the Romans use to rouse themselves to battle. 34.4. ignifying death in preference to disgrace; for this, however, the coward had not the heart, but was made weak by no one knows what hopes, and became a part of his own spoils. |
|
| 102. Josephus Flavius, Life, 361-367 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 47 |
| 103. Juvenal, Satires, 1.127-1.130, 1.132-1.134, 3.134, 3.177-3.179, 6.116-6.132, 6.634, 7.1, 7.134-7.136, 8.150-8.176, 8.211, 8.229, 10.58-10.67, 10.133-10.137, 10.157-10.158, 10.223-10.224, 11.200 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero •nero (emperor), and pantomime •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 108, 109, 165; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 51, 85; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 15, 47, 85 |
| 104. Longinus, On The Sublime, 9.13, 13.3, 32.5, 35.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 111 |
| 105. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.33-1.66, 1.135, 1.670, 3.260-3.263, 6.529-6.532, 7.695-7.696, 7.778, 8.438-8.439, 9.215-9.216, 9.715-9.716, 10.9-10.52, 10.111-10.126, 10.237-10.248, 10.268-10.275, 10.282-10.303 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (emperor), relationship with agrippina the younger •nero, emperor •emperors, nero •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 211; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 156; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 81, 104, 112, 114; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 169, 236; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 294 |
| 106. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.4, 1.96, 3.36, 3.46, 3.82.5-3.82.12, 3.95, 4.63, 5.5.8, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 6.48, 8.3, 9.1.4, 11.33, 11.56, 12.36, 12.94 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •emperors, nero •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, failed student •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 108, 116; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 51, 90, 91; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 108, 245; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 215; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 107. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.4, 1.96, 3.36, 3.46, 3.82.5-3.82.12, 3.95, 5.5.8, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 6.48, 8.3, 9.1.4, 11.33, 11.56, 12.36, 12.94 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •emperors, nero •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, failed student •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 108, 116; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 51, 90, 91; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 108, 245; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 215; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
108. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 17.6-17.7, 32.41-32.43, 66.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 165, 171 | 17.6. We know, for instance, that inflamed parts of the body do not yield at once to the first fomentation, but that if the treatment is continued, the swelling is softened and relief is given. So in a like manner we must be well content if we are able to assuage the inflammation in the souls of the many by the unceasing use of the word of reason. So I maintain in regard to covetousness too, that all men do know it is neither expedient nor honourable, but the cause of the greatest evils; and that in spite of all this, not one man refrains from it or is willing to have equality of possessions with his neighbour. 17.7. And yet you will find that, although idleness, intemperance and, to express it in general terms, all the other vices without exception are injurious to the very men who practice them; and although those who are addicted to any of them do deservedly, in my opinion, meet with admonishment and condemnation, still you certainly will find that they are not hated or regarded as the common enemies of all mankind. But greed is not only the greatest evil to a man himself, but it injures his neighbours as well. And so no one pities, forsooth, the covetous man or cares to instruct him, but all shun him and regard him as their enemy. 32.41. What, then, do you suppose those people say when they have returned to their homes at the ends of the earth? Do they not say: "We have seen a city that in most respects is admirable and a spectacle that surpasses all human spectacles, with regard both to beauty and sanctuaries and multitude of inhabitants and abundance of all that man requires," going on to describe to their fellow citizens as accurately as possible all the things that I myself named a short while ago â all about the Nile, the land, and the sea, and in particular the epiphany of the god; "and yet," they will add, "it is a city that is mad over music and horse-races and in these matters behaves in a manner entirely unworthy of itself. For the Alexandrians are moderate enough when they offer sacrifice or stroll by themselves or engage in their other pursuits; but when they enter the theatre or the stadium, just as if drugs that would madden them lay buried there, they lose all consciousness of their former state and are not ashamed to say or do anything that occurs to them. 32.42. And what is most distressing of all is that, despite their interest in the show, they do not really see, and, though they wish to hear, they do not hear, being evidently out of their senses and deranged â not only men, but even women and children. And when the dreadful exhibition is over and they are dismissed, although the more violent aspect of their disorder has been extinguished, still at street-corners and in alley-ways the malady continues throughout the entire city for several days; just as when a mighty conflagration has died down, you can see for a long time, not only the smoke, but also some portions of the buildings still aflame." 32.43. Moreover, some Persian or Bactrian is likely to say: "We ourselves know how to ride horses and are held to be just about the best in horsemanship" â for they cultivate that art for the defence of their empire and independence â "but for all that we have never behaved that way or anything like it"; whereas you, who have never handled a horse or mounted one yourselves, are unable to restrain yourselves, but are like lame men squabbling over a foot-race. That may explain why, cowards and slackers though you are, you have won so many cavalry battles in the past! 66.6. Why, because of a golden lamb it came to pass that a mighty house like that of Pelops was overturned, as we learn from the tragic poets. And not only were the children of Thyestes cut in pieces, but Pelopia's father lay with her and begot Aegistheus; and Aegistheus with Clytemnestra's aid slew Agamemnon, "the shepherd of the Achaeans"; and then Clytemnestra's son Orestes slew her, and, having done so, he straightway went mad. One should not disbelieve these things, for they have been recorded by no ordinary men â Euripides and Sophocles â and also are recited in the midst of the theatres. Furthermore, one may behold another house, more affluent than that of Pelops, which has been ruined because of a tongue, and, in sooth, another house which is now in jeopardy. |
|
109. New Testament, 1 Peter, 4.4, 4.12-4.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 46| 4.4. ἐν ᾧ ξενίζονται μὴ συντρεχόντων ὑμῶν εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ἀσωτίας ἀνάχυσιν, βλασφημοῦντες· 4.12. Ἀγαπητοί, μὴ ξενίζεσθε τῇ ἐν ὑμῖν πυρώσει πρὸς πειρασμὸν ὑμῖν γινομένῃ ὡς ξένου ὑμῖν συμβαίνοντος, 4.13. ἀλλὰ καθὸ κοινωνεῖτε τοῖς τοῦ Χριστοῦ παθήμασιν χαίρετε, ἵνα καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀποκαλύψει τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ χαρῆτε ἀγαλλιώμενοι. 4.14. εἰὀνειδίζεσθεἐν ὀνόματιΧριστοῦ,μακάριοι, ὅτι τὸ τῆς δόξης καὶτὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πνεῦμα ἐφʼὑμᾶςἀναπαύεται. 4.15. μὴ γάρ τις ὑμῶν πασχέτω ὡς φονεὺς ἢ κλέπτης ἢ κακοποιὸς ἢ ὡς ἀλλοτριεπίσκοπος· 4.16. εἰ δὲ ὡς Χριστιανός, μὴ αἰσχυνέσθω, δοξαζέτω δὲ τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ. 4.17. ὅτι [ὁ] καιρὸς τοῦἄρξασθαιτὸ κρίμαἀπὸ τοῦ οἴκουτοῦ θεοῦ· εἰ δὲ πρῶτον ἀφʼ ἡμῶν, τί τὸ τέλος τῶν ἀπειθούντων τῷ τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγελίῳ; 4.18. καὶ εἰὁ δίκαιος μόλις σώζεται, ὁ [δὲ] ἀσεβὴς καὶ ἁμαρτωλὸς ποῦ φανεῖται; 4.19. ὥστε καὶ οἱ πάσχοντες κατὰ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ πιστῷ κτίστῃ παρατιθέσθωσαν τὰς ψυχὰς ἐν ἀγαθοποιίᾳ. | 4.4. They think it is strange that you don't run with them into the same excess of riot, blaspheming: 4.12. Beloved, don't be astonished at the fiery trial which has come upon you, to test you, as though a strange thing happened to you. 4.13. But because you are partakers of Christ's sufferings, rejoice; that at the revelation of his glory also you may rejoice with exceeding joy. 4.14. If you are insulted for the name of Christ, blessed are you; because the Spirit of glory and of God rests on you. On their part he is blasphemed, but on your part he is glorified. 4.15. For let none of you suffer as a murderer, or a thief, or an evil doer, or as a meddler in other men's matters. 4.16. But if one of you suffers for being a Christian, let him not be ashamed; but let him glorify God in this matter. 4.17. For the time has come for judgment to begin at the house of God. If it begins first with us, what will happen to those who don't obey the gospel of God? 4.18. "If it is hard for the righteous to be saved, what will happen to the ungodly and the sinner?" 4.19. Therefore let them also who suffer according to the will of God in doing good entrust their souls to him, as to a faithful Creator. |
|
| 110. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 43526 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 247 |
111. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 11.17-11.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 36, 48| 11.17. Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον συνέρχεσθε. 11.18. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν, καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω. 11.19. δεῖ γὰρ καὶ αἱρέσεις ἐν ὑμῖν εἶναι· ἵνα [καὶ] οἱ δόκιμοι φανεροὶ γένωνται ἐν ὑμῖν. 11.20. Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν, 11.21. ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν, καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ, ὃς δὲ μεθύει. 11.22. μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετε εἰς τὸ ἐσθίειν καὶ πίνειν; ἢ τῆς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ θεοῦ καταφρονεῖτε, καὶ καταισχύνετε τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας; τί εἴπω ὑμῖν; ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς; ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ. 11.23. ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν, ὅτι ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ᾗ παρεδίδετο ἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν 11.24. Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν· τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ ποτήριον μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι, λέγων 11.25. Τοῦτο τὸ ποτήριον ἡ καινὴδιαθήκηἐστὶν ἐντῷἐμῷαἵματι·τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε, εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. 11.26. ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε, τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε, ἄχρι οὗ ἔλθῃ. 11.27. ὥστε ὃς ἂν ἐσθίῃ τὸν ἄρτον ἢ πίνῃ τὸ ποτήριον τοῦ κυρίου ἀναξίως, ἔνοχος ἔσται τοῦ σώματος καὶ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ κυρίου. 11.28. δοκιμαζέτω δὲ ἄνθρωπος ἑαυτόν, καὶ οὕτως ἐκ τοῦ ἄρτου ἐσθιέτω καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ποτηρίου πινέτω· 11.29. ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων κρίμα ἑαυτῷ ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει μὴ διακρίνων τὸ σῶμα. 11.30. διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν πολλοὶ ἀσθενεῖς καὶ ἄρρωστοι καὶ κοιμῶνται ἱκανοί. 11.31. εἰ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς διεκρίνομεν, οὐκ ἂν ἐκρινόμεθα· 11.32. κρινόμενοι δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ κυρίου παιδευόμεθα, ἵνα μὴ σὺν τῷ κόσμῳ κατακριθῶμεν. 11.33. ὥστε, ἀδελφοί μου, συνερχόμενοι εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε. 11.34. εἴ τις πεινᾷ, ἐν οἴκῳ ἐσθιέτω, ἵνα μὴ εἰς κρίμα συνέρχησθε. Τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ ὡς ἂν ἔλθω διατάξομαι. | 11.17. But in giving you this command, I don't praise you, that youcome together not for the better but for the worse. 11.18. For firstof all, when you come together in the assembly, I hear that divisionsexist among you, and I partly believe it. 11.19. For there also mustbe factions among you, that those who are approved may be revealedamong you. 11.20. When therefore you assemble yourselves together, itis not possible to eat the Lord's supper. 11.21. For in your eatingeach one takes his own supper before others. One is hungry, and anotheris drunken. 11.22. What, don't you have houses to eat and to drink in?Or do you despise God's assembly, and put them to shame who don't have?What shall I tell you? Shall I praise you? In this I don't praise you. 11.23. For I received from the Lord that which also I delivered toyou, that the Lord Jesus on the night in which he was betrayed tookbread. 11.24. When he had given thanks, he broke it, and said, "Take,eat. This is my body, which is broken for you. Do this in memory ofme." 11.25. In the same way he also took the cup, after supper,saying, "This cup is the new covet in my blood. Do this, as often asyou drink, in memory of me." 11.26. For as often as you eat this breadand drink this cup, you proclaim the Lord's death until he comes. 11.27. Therefore whoever eats this bread or drinks the Lord's cup i unworthy manner will be guilty of the body and the blood of theLord. 11.28. But let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of thebread, and drink of the cup. 11.29. For he who eats and drinks in anunworthy manner eats and drinks judgment to himself, if he doesn'tdiscern the Lord's body. 11.30. For this cause many among you are weakand sickly, and not a few sleep. 11.31. For if we discerned ourselves,we wouldn't be judged. 11.32. But when we are judged, we are punishedby the Lord, that we may not be condemned with the world. 11.33. Therefore, my brothers, when you come together to eat, wait one foranother. 11.34. But if anyone is hungry, let him eat at home, lestyour coming together be for judgment. The rest I will set in orderwhenever I come. |
|
112. New Testament, Acts, 1.12, 1.23, 13.1, 17.6-17.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), •nero, emperor Found in books: Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 250; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 207| 1.12. Τότε ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ ἀπὸ ὄρους τοῦ καλουμένου Ἐλαιῶνος, ὅ ἐστιν ἐγγὺς Ἰερουσαλὴμ σαββάτου ἔχον ὁδόν. 1.23. καὶ ἔστησαν δύο, Ἰωσὴφ τὸν καλούμενον Βαρσαββᾶν, ὃς ἐπεκλήθη Ἰοῦστος, καὶ Μαθθίαν. 13.1. Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν προφῆται καὶ διδάσκαλοι ὅ τε Βαρνάβας καὶ Συμεὼν ὁ καλούμενος Νίγερ, καὶ Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος, Μαναήν τε Ἡρῴδου τοῦ τετραάρχου σύντροφος καὶ Σαῦλος. 17.6. μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.7. οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 17.8. ἐτάραξαν δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας ἀκούοντας ταῦτα, | 1.12. Then they returned to Jerusalem from the mountain called Olivet, which is near Jerusalem, a Sabbath day's journey away. 1.23. They put forward two, Joseph called Barsabbas, who was surnamed Justus, and Matthias. 13.1. Now in the assembly that was at Antioch there were some prophets and teachers: Barnabas, Simeon who was called Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen the foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch, and Saul. 17.6. When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.7. whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 17.8. The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. |
|
113. New Testament, Apocalypse, 1.9, 2.9, 2.13, 3.14, 6.9, 7.14, 11.3-11.13, 12.11, 12.17, 13.1, 13.5, 15.5, 16.9, 16.11, 16.21, 17.3, 17.6, 19.10, 20.4, 22.16, 22.18, 22.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 41, 44, 46, 47| 1.9. Ἐγὼ Ἰωάνης, ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῶν καὶ συγκοινωνὸς ἐν τῇ θλίψει καὶ βασιλείᾳ καὶ ὑπομονῇ ἐν Ἰησοῦ, ἐγενόμην ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τῇ καλουμένῃ Πάτμῳ διὰ τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὴν μαρτυρίαν Ἰησοῦ. 2.9. Οἶδά σου τὴν θλίψιν καὶ τὴν πτωχείαν, ἀλλὰ πλούσιος εἶ, καὶ τὴν βλασφημίαν ἐκ τῶν λεγόντων Ἰουδαίους εἶναι ἑαυτούς, καὶ οὐκ εἰσίν, ἀλλὰ συναγωγὴ τοῦ Σατανᾶ. 2.13. Οἶδα ποῦ κατοικεῖς, ὅπου ὁ θρόνος τοῦ Σατανᾶ, καὶ κρατεῖς τὸ ὄνομά μου, καὶ οὐκ ἠρνήσω τὴν πίστιν μου καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις Ἀντίπας, ὁ μάρτυς μου, ὁ πιστός [μου], ὃς ἀπεκτάνθη παρʼ ὑμῖν, ὅπου ὁ Σατανᾶς κατοικεῖ. 3.14. Καὶ τῷ ἀγγέλῳ τῆς ἐν Λαοδικίᾳ ἐκκλησίας γράψον Τάδε λέγει ὁ Ἀμήν,ὁ μάρτυς ὁ πιστὸςκαὶ [ὁ] ἀληθινός,ἡ ἀρχὴ τῆς κτίσεωςτοῦ θεοῦ, 6.9. Καὶ ὅτε ἤνοιξεν τὴν πέμπτην σφραγῖδα, εἶδον ὑποκάτω τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν ἐσφαγμένων διὰ τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διὰ τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἣν εἶχον. 7.14. καὶ εἴρηκα αὐτῷ Κύριέ μου, σὺ οἶδας. καὶ εἶπέν μοι Οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ ἐρχόμενοι ἐκ τῆςθλίψεωςτῆς μεγάλης, καὶἔπλυναν τὰς στολὰς αὐτῶνκαὶ ἐλεύκαναν αὐτὰςἐν τῷ αἵματιτοῦ ἀρνίου. 11.3. καὶ δώσω τοῖς δυσὶν μάρτυσίν μου, καὶ προφητεύσουσιν ἡμέρας χιλίας διακοσίας ἑξήκοντα, περιβεβλημένους σάκκους. 11.4. Οὗτοί· εἰσιναἱ δύο ἐλαῖαικαὶ αἱ δύολυχνίαι[αἱ]ἐνώπιον τοῦ κυρίου τῆς γῆς ἑστῶτες. 11.5. καὶ εἴ τις αὐτοὺς θέλει ἀδικῆσαι,πῦρ ἐκπορεύεται ἐκ τοῦ στόματοςαὐτῶν καὶκατεσθίει τοὺς ἐχθροὺςαὐτῶν· καὶ εἴ τις θελήσῃ αὐτοὺς ἀδικῆσαι, οὕτως δεῖ αὐτὸν ἀποκτανθῆναι. 11.6. οὗτοι ἔχουσιν τὴν ἐξουσίαν κλεῖσαι τὸν οὐρανόν, ἵναμὴ ὑετὸς βρέχῃτὰς ἡμέρας τῆς προφητείας αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσιν ἐπὶτῶν ὑδάτων στρέφειναὐτὰεἰς αἷμακαὶπατάξαιτὴν γῆνἐν πάσῃ πληγῇὁσάκις ἐὰν θελήσωσιν. 11.7. καὶ ὅταν τελέσωσιν τὴν μαρτυρίαν αὐτῶν, τὸθηρίοντὸἀναβαῖνον ἐκ τῆς ἀβύσσου ποιήσει μετ̓αὐτῶνπόλεμον καὶ νικήσει αὐτοὺςκαὶ ἀποκτενεῖ αὐτούς. 11.8. καὶ τὸ πτῶμα αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς πλατείας τῆς πόλεως τῆς μεγάλης, ἥτις καλεῖται πνευματικῶςΣόδομακαὶ Αἴγυπτος, ὅπου καὶ ὁ κύριος αὐτῶν ἐσταυρώθη. 11.9. καὶ βλέπουσιν ἐκ τῶν λαῶν καὶ φυλῶν καὶ γλωσσῶν καὶ ἐθνῶν τὸ πτῶμα αὐτῶν ἡμέρας τρεῖς καὶ ἥμισυ, καὶ τὰ πτώματα αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀφίουσιν τεθῆναι εἰς μνῆμα. 11.10. καὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς χαίρουσιν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ εὐφραίνονται, καὶ δῶρα πέμψουσιν ἀλλήλοις, ὅτι οὗτοι οἱ δύο προφῆται ἐβασάνισαν τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 11.11. καὶ μετὰ [τὰς] τρεῖς ἡμέρας καὶ ἥμισυπνεῦμα ζωῆςἐκ τοῦ θεοῦεἰσῆλθεν [ἐν] αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἔστησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας αὐτῶν,καὶφόβοςμέγαςἐπέπεσεν ἐπὶτοὺς θεωροῦντας αὐτούς· 11.12. καὶ ἤκουσαν φωνῆς μεγάλης ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ λεγούσης αὐτοῖς Ἀνάβατε ὧδε, καὶ ἀνέβησανεἰς τὸν οὐρανὸνἐν τῇ νεφέλῃ, καὶ ἐθεώρησαν αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐχθροὶ αὐτῶν. 11.13. Καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ ἐγένετοσεισμὸς μέγας,καὶ τὸ δέκατον τῆς πόλεωςἔπεσεν,καὶ ἀπεκτάνθησαν ἐν τῷ σεισμῷ ὀνόματα ἀνθρώπων χιλιάδες ἑπτά, καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἔμφοβοι ἐγένοντο καὶ ἔδωκαν δόξαντῷ θεῷ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. 12.11. καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐνίκησαν αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ αἷμα τοῦ ἀρνίου καὶ διὰ τὸν λόγον τῆς μαρτυρίας αὐτῶν, καὶ οὐκ ἠγάπησαν τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτῶν ἄχρι θανάτου· 12.17. καὶ ὠργίσθη ὁ δράκων ἐπὶ τῇ γυναικί, καὶ ἀπῆλθεν ποιῆσαι πόλεμον μετὰ τῶν λοιπῶν τοῦ σπέρματος αὐτῆς, τῶν τηρούντων τὰς ἐντολὰς τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἐχόντων τὴν μαρτυρίαν Ἰησοῦ· 13.1. Καὶ εἶδονἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης θηρίον ἀναβαῖνον,ἔχονκέρατα δέκακαὶ κεφαλὰς ἑπτά, καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν κεράτων αὐτοῦ δέκα διαδήματα, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτοῦ ὀνόματα βλασφημίας. 13.5. καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῷστόμα λαλοῦν μεγάλακαὶ βλασφημίας, καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῷ ἐξουσίαποιῆσαιμῆνας τεσσεράκοντα [καὶ] δύο. 15.5. Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα εἶδον, καὶ ἠνοίγη ὁ ναὸςτῆς σκηνῆς τοῦ μαρτυρίουἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, 16.9. καὶ ἐκαυματίσθησαν οἱ ἄνθρωποι καῦμα μέγα· καὶ ἐβλασφήμησαν τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἔχοντος τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ τὰς πληγὰς ταύτας, καὶ οὐ μετενόησαν δοῦναι αὐτῷ δόξαν. 16.11. καὶ ἐβλασφήμησαντὸν θεὸν τοῦ οὐρανοῦἐκ τῶν πόνων αὐτῶν καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἑλκῶν αὐτῶν, καὶ οὐ μετενόησαν ἐκ τῶν ἔργων αὐτῶν. 16.21. καὶχάλαζα μεγάληὡς ταλαντιαία καταβαίνει ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπρυς· καὶ ἐβλασφήμησαν οἱ ἄνθρωποι τὸν θεὸν ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς τῆς χαλάζης, ὅτιμεγάληἐστὶν ἡ πληγὴ αὐτῆςσφόδρα. 17.3. καὶ ἀπήνεγκέν με εἰς ἔρημον ἐν πνεύματι. καὶ εἶδον γυναῖκα καθημένην ἐπὶθηρίονκόκκινον, γέμοντα ὀνόματα βλασφημίας, ἔχων κεφαλὰς ἑπτὰ καὶκέρατα δέκα· 17.6. καὶ εἶδον τὴν γυναῖκα μεθύουσαν ἐκ τοῦ αἵματος τῶν ἁγίων καὶ ἐκ τοῦ αἵματος τῶν μαρτύρων Ἰησοῦ. 19.10. καὶ ἔπεσα ἔμπροσθεν τῶν ποδῶν αὐτοῦ προσκυνῆσαι αὐτῷ. καὶ λέγει μοι Ὅρα μή· σύνδουλός σού εἰμι καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν σου τῶν ἐχόντων τὴν μαρτυρίαν Ἰησοῦ· τῷ θεῷ προσκύνησον· ἡ γὰρ μαρτυρία Ἰησοῦ ἐστὶν τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς προφητείας. 20.4. Καὶεἶδον θρόνους,καὶἐκάθισανἐπʼ αὐτούς,καὶ κρίμͅα ἐδόθηαὐτοῖς, καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν πεπελεκισμένων διὰ τὴν μαρτυρίαν Ἰησοῦ καὶ διὰ τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ οἵτινες οὐ προσεκύνησαν τὸ θηρίον οὐδὲ τὴν εἰκόνα αὐτοῦ καὶ οὐκ ἔλαβον τὸ χάραγμα ἐπὶ τὸ μέτωπον καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν χεῖρα αὐτῶν· καὶ ἔζησαν καὶ ἐβασίλευσαν μετὰ τοῦ χριστοῦ χίλια ἔτη. 22.16. Ἐγὼ Ἰησοῦς ἔπεμψα τὸν ἄγγελόν μου μαρτυρῆσαι ὑμῖν ταῦτα ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις. ἐγώ εἰμιἡ ῥίζακαὶ τὸ γένος Δαυείδ, ὁ ἀστὴρ ὁ λαμπρός, ὁ πρωινός. 22.18. Μαρτυρῶ ἐγὼ παντὶ τῷ ἀκούοντιτοὺς λόγουςτῆς προφητείας τοῦ βιβλίου τούτου· ἐάν τιςἐπιθῇ ἐπ̓αὐτά, ἐπιθήσει ὁ θεὸςἐπʼ αὐτὸντὰς πληγὰς τὰς γεγραμμένας ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ τούτῳ· 22.20. Λέγει ὁ μαρτυρῶν ταῦτα Ναί· ἔρχομαι ταχύ. Ἀμήν· ἔρχου, κύριε Ἰησοῦ. | 1.9. I John, your brother and partner with you in oppression, kingdom, and perseverance in Christ Jesus, was on the isle that is called Patmos because of God's Word and the testimony of Jesus Christ. 2.9. "I know your works, oppression, and your poverty (but you are rich), and the blasphemy of those who say they are Jews, and they are not, but are a synagogue of Satan. 2.13. "I know your works and where you dwell, where Satan's throne is. You hold firmly to my name, and didn't deny my faith in the days of Antipas my witness, my faithful one, who was killed among you, where Satan dwells. 3.14. "To the angel of the assembly in Laodicea write: "The Amen, the Faithful and True Witness, the Head of God's creation, says these things: 6.9. When he opened the fifth seal, I saw underneath the altar the souls of those who had been killed for the Word of God, and for the testimony of the Lamb which they had. 7.14. I told him, "My lord, you know."He said to me, "These are those who came out of the great tribulation. They washed their robes, and made them white in the Lamb's blood. 11.3. I will give power to my two witnesses, and they will prophesy one thousand two hundred sixty days, clothed in sackcloth. 11.4. These are the two olive trees and the two lampstands, standing before the Lord of the earth. 11.5. If anyone desires to harm them, fire proceeds out of their mouth and devours their enemies. If anyone desires to harm them, he must be killed in this way. 11.6. These have the power to shut up the sky, that it may not rain during the days of their prophecy. They have power over the waters, to turn them into blood, and to strike the earth with every plague, as often as they desire. 11.7. When they have finished their testimony, the beast that comes up out of the abyss will make war with them, and overcome them, and kill them. 11.8. Their dead bodies will be in the street of the great city, which spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt , where also their Lord was crucified. 11.9. From among the peoples, tribes, languages, and nations people will look at their dead bodies for three and a half days, and will not allow their dead bodies to be laid in a tomb. 11.10. Those who dwell on the earth rejoice over them, and they will be glad. They will give gifts to one another, because these two prophets tormented those who dwell on the earth. 11.11. After the three and a half days, the breath of life from God entered into them, and they stood on their feet. Great fear fell on those who saw them. 11.12. I heard a loud voice from heaven saying to them, "Come up here!" They went up into heaven in the cloud, and their enemies saw them. 11.13. In that day there was a great earthquake, and a tenth of the city fell. Seven thousand people were killed in the earthquake, and the rest were terrified, and gave glory to the God of heaven. 12.11. They overcame him because of the Lamb's blood, and because of the word of their testimony. They didn't love their life, even to death. 12.17. The dragon grew angry with the woman, and went away to make war with the rest of her seed, who keep God's commandments and hold Jesus' testimony. 13.1. Then I stood on the sand of the sea. I saw a beast coming up out of the sea, having ten horns and seven heads. On his horns were ten crowns, and on his heads, blasphemous names. 13.5. A mouth speaking great things and blasphemy was given to him. Authority to make war for forty-two months was given to him. 15.5. After these things I looked, and the temple of the tabernacle of the testimony in heaven was opened. 16.9. People were scorched with great heat, and people blasphemed the name of God who has the power over these plagues. They didn't repent and give him glory. 16.11. and they blasphemed the God of heaven because of their pains and their sores. They didn't repent of their works. 16.21. Great hailstones, about the weight of a talent, came down out of the sky on men. Men blasphemed God because of the plague of the hail, for this plague is exceedingly severe. 17.3. He carried me away in the Spirit into a wilderness. I saw a woman sitting on a scarlet-colored animal, full of blasphemous names, having seven heads and ten horns. 17.6. I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus. When I saw her, I wondered with great amazement. 19.10. I fell down before his feet to worship him. He said to me, "Look! Don't do it! I am a fellow bondservant with you and with your brothers who hold the testimony of Jesus. Worship God, for the testimony of Jesus is the Spirit of Prophecy." 20.4. I saw thrones, and they sat on them, and judgment was given to them. I saw the souls of those who had been beheaded for the testimony of Jesus, and for the word of God, and such as didn't worship the beast nor his image, and didn't receive the mark on their forehead and on their hand. They lived, and reigned with Christ for the thousand years. 22.16. I, Jesus, have sent my angel to testify these things to you for the assemblies. I am the root and the offspring of David; the Bright and Morning Star." 22.18. I testify to everyone who hears the words of the prophecy of this book, if anyone adds to them, may God add to him the plagues which are written in this book. 22.20. He who testifies these things says, "Yes, I come quickly."Amen! Yes, come, Lord Jesus. |
|
114. New Testament, Ephesians, 2.14-2.18, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 47| 2.14. Αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστιν ἡ εἰρήνη ἡμῶν, ὁ ποιήσας τὰ ἀμφότερα ἓν καὶ τὸ μεσότοιχον τοῦ φραγμοῦ λύσας, τὴν ἔχθραν 2.15. ἐν τῇ σαρκὶ αὐτοῦ, τὸν νόμον τῶν ἐντολῶν ἐν δόγμασιν καταργήσας, ἵνα τοὺς δύο κτίσῃ ἐν αὑτῷ εἰς ἕνα καινὸν ἄνθρωπον ποιῶν εἰρήνην, 2.16. καὶ ἀποκαταλλάξῃ τοὺς ἀμφοτέρους ἐν ἑνὶ σώματι τῷ θεῷ διὰ τοῦ σταυροῦ ἀποκτείνας τὴν ἔχθραν ἐν αὐτῷ· 2.17. καὶ ἐλθὼν εὐηγγελίσατο εἰρήνην ὑμῖν τοῖς μακρὰν καὶ εἰρήνην τοῖς ἐγγύς· 2.18. ὅτι διʼ αὐτοῦ ἔχομεν τὴν προσαγωγὴν οἱ ἀμφότεροι ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. 4.3. σπουδάζοντες τηρεῖν τὴν ἑνότητα τοῦ πνεύματος ἐν τῷ συνδέσμῳ τῆς εἰρήνης· | 2.14. For he is our peace, who made both one, and broke down the middle wall of partition, 2.15. having abolished in the flesh the hostility, the law of commandments contained in ordices, that he might create in himself one new man of the two, making peace; 2.16. and might reconcile them both in one body to God through the cross, having killed the hostility thereby. 2.17. He came and preached peace to you who were far off and to those who were near. 2.18. For through him we both have our access in one Spirit to the Father. 4.3. being eager to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace. |
|
115. New Testament, John, 21.18-21.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 47| 21.18. ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, ὅτε ἦς νεώτερος, ἐζώννυες σεαυτὸν καὶ περιεπάτεις ὅπου ἤθελες· ὅταν δὲ γηράσῃς, ἐκτενεῖς τὰς χεῖράς σου, καὶ ἄλλος ζώσει σε καὶ οἴσει ὅπου οὐ θέλεις. 21.19. τοῦτο δὲ εἶπεν σημαίνων ποίῳ θανάτῳ δοξάσει τὸν θεόν. καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν λέγει αὐτῷ Ἀκολούθει μοι. | 21.18. Most assuredly I tell you, when you were young, you dressed yourself, and walked where you wanted to. But when you are old, you will stretch out your hands, and another will dress you, and carry you where you don't want to go." 21.19. Now he said this, signifying by what kind of death he would glorify God. When he had said this, he said to him, "Follow me." |
|
| 116. New Testament, Mark, 47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 525 |
| 117. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2, 80.3-80.4, 118.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 111; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 286 |
| 118. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2, 80.3-80.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 286 |
| 119. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 120 |
120. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 2.1-2.2, 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 47, 188| 2.1. Παρακαλῶ οὖν πρῶτον πάντων ποιεῖσθαι δεήσεις, προσευχάς, ἐντεύξεις, εὐχαριστίας, ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀνθρώπων, 2.2. ὑπὲρ βασιλέων καὶ πάντων τῶν ἐν ὑπεροχῇ ὄντων, ἵνα ἤρεμον καὶ ἡσύχιον βίον διάγωμεν ἐν πάσῃ εὐσεβείᾳ καὶ σεμνότητι. 2.4. ὃς πάντας ἀνθρώπους θέλει σωθῆναι καὶ εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν ἀληθείας ἐλθεῖν. | 2.1. I exhort therefore, first of all, that petitions, prayers, intercessions, and givings of thanks, be made for all men: 2.2. for kings and all who are in high places; that we may lead a tranquil and quiet life in all godliness and reverence. 2.4. who desires all people to be saved and come to full knowledge of the truth. |
|
121. Columella, De Re Rustica, 7.3.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 156| 7.3.1. Itaque non solum ea ratio est probandi arietis, si vellere candido vestitur, sed etiam si palatum atque lingua concolor lanae est. Nam cum hae corporis partes nigrae aut maculosae sunt, pulla vel etiam hirtus Ald.: ortos SAR. fuerint SAa: fuerunt c. reddi sed S2: reddis et S1: reddisset Ac. vel tuendo add. Lundström: om. SAR. nisi S: om. AR. varia nascitur proles; idque inter cetera eximie talibus numeris note target=" | |
|
122. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.7.26, 1.10.12, 8.5.16, 10.1.31, 10.1.98 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 108; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 47; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 199 | 1.7.26. My own teachers spelt seruus and ceruus with a uo, in order that the repetition of the vowel might not lead to the coalescence and confusion of the two sounds: toâday however we write these words with a double u on the principle which I have already stated: neither spelling however exactly expresses the pronunciation. It was not without reason that Claudius introduced the Aeolic digamma to represent this sound. 1.10.12. There can in any case be no doubt that some of those men whose wisdom is a household word have been earnest students of music: Pythagoras for instance and his followers popularised the belief, which they no doubt had received from earlier teachers, that the universe is constructed on the same principles which were afterwards imitated in the construction of the lyre, and not content merely with emphasising that concord of discordant elements which they style harmony attributed a sound to the motions of the celestial bodies. 8.5.16. Others are of an allusive type: for example, Domitius Afer, in his defence of Cloatilla, whom Clodius had pardoned when she was accused of having buried her husband, who had been one of the rebels, addressed her sons in his peroration with the word: "Nonetheless, it is your duty, boys, to give your mother burial." |
|
| 123. Suetonius, Galba, 20.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 99 |
| 124. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 3.26.4, 5.15, 6.1.2, 6.8.2-6.8.5, 6.26, 6.32.9, 7.17.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (emperor), prodigies and •nero (emperor), statues of •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia •nero, emperor •nero (emperor), worshipful treatment of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 41, 78, 81, 110, 112, 245, 285; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 311; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 305, 311 |
| 125. Seneca The Younger, Oedipus, 1039, 1038 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205 |
126. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 719-733, 735, 896-900, 734 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217| 734. quid te ipsa lacerans omnium adspectus fugis? | |
|
| 127. Suetonius, Claudius, 11.2-11.3, 21.2, 25.12, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98, 114; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 152; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 245 |
128. Seneca The Younger, Phoenissae, 447 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205| 447. hunc petite ventrem, qui dedit fratres viro. | |
|
| 129. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 1, 10-19, 193-195, 2, 20, 222, 3-5, 546-598, 6, 600-622, 7-9, 981, 599 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 204 |
130. Seneca The Younger, Troades, 11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 112| 11. tepidum rubenti Tigrin inmiscet freto, | |
|
| 131. Silius Italicus, Punica, 2.197-2.205, 2.208-2.210, 3.572-3.573, 3.609-3.610, 3.708-3.709, 5.151-5.153, 7.684-7.686, 13.820-13.836, 15.805-15.823, 16.348-16.349 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero •nero, emperor Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 156; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 99, 110, 268; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 218 |
132. Seneca The Younger, Medea, 723 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 112| 723. has aluit altum gurgitem Tigris premens, | |
|
| 133. Statius, Siluae, 2.2.13-2.2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 212 |
| 134. Suetonius, Titus, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 80, 159 |
| 135. Suetonius, Tiberius, 59.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 234 |
| 136. Suetonius, Otho, 12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, nero •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, interested in aegyptiaca •nero, emperor, searches for the nile sources •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 47; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 41 |
| 137. Suetonius, Nero, 6.4, 16.2, 19.1, 20.3, 21.2-21.3, 22.1, 26.1, 32.3-32.4, 33.1, 34.2-34.4, 35.2, 38.121, 39.2-39.3, 46.1, 46.3, 47.2-47.3, 49.1, 49.3-49.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 256; Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 64; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3, 165; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 139; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 39, 51, 91; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 343; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 41, 107; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 6; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 209, 210, 214; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 300, 318, 324; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 108 |
| 138. Suetonius, Iulius, 39.3, 75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 114; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 47 |
| 139. Suetonius, Augustus, 32.2, 35.3, 40.3-40.5, 44.2, 45.7, 72.2, 97.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 108, 114; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 110; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 164; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 142; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5, 307 |
| 140. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4.4, 6.2, 7.1, 15.2, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 100; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 85, 106; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 214; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 141. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 108 |
| 142. Statius, Thebais, 3.82-3.88, 3.99-3.101, 7.219-7.221, 8.71-8.72, 8.758-8.766, 12.514-12.518 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 178; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 81, 214, 237, 238 |
| 143. Seneca The Younger, Hercules Furens, 1323-1324 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 112 |
| 144. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 4.33.14-4.33.20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 100 |
| 145. Suetonius, Caligula, 3.2, 6.1, 15.1-15.2, 16.1, 18.3, 23.1, 24.2-24.3, 30.1, 55.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 87, 90; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8, 159; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 217; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133, 142; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45 |
| 146. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 4.5, 18.1, 19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, roman emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 3; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 120 |
147. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1-1.11, 1.1.4, 1.3.2, 1.8.1, 1.10.3, 1.16.2-1.16.3, 1.18.1, 1.18.3, 1.23.1, 1.24.1, 1.25.2, 1.40, 1.44, 1.72, 1.77-1.78, 1.78.2, 1.84.2, 1.86.1-1.86.2, 2.8, 2.30.2, 2.38, 2.50.2, 2.53.1, 2.70.2, 2.91, 2.91.1-2.91.2, 2.95.1, 2.101, 3.74.1, 3.84.4, 4.1, 4.2.1, 4.5-4.8, 4.7.1, 4.40.1-4.40.2, 4.42, 4.61.2, 4.65.4, 4.81-4.85, 4.86.2, 5.53 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 50, 53, 54, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 47, 317; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 81, 268; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 77, 78, 170, 179, 201, 215, 305; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 120; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 142; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 26, 48, 230, 250, 291, 293, 297, 325, 337, 360 | 1.72. Equal delight, but for different reasons, was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was secured. ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parentage; his youth had been infamous and in his old age he was profligate. Command of the city watch and of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker course; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and later greed, offences which belong to maturity. He also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any wickedness; he dared certain acts without Nero's knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him. So no one was more persistently demanded for punishment from different motives, both by those who hated Nero and by those who regretted him. Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the influence of Titus Vinius, who claimed that Tigellinus had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed so many victims!) but to secure a refuge for the future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of the present and fear of a change always try to secure private gratitude as an off-set to public detestation, having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made the people more hostile toward him, and their old hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the circus and theatres where the common people have the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinuessa, receiving the message that the hour of his supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end, finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death. 1.77. Since the armies and provinces were thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to gain the imperial fortune; but Otho was performing the duties of an emperor as if in profound peace. Some things he did in accordance with the dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary to its honour in the haste that was prompted by present need. He himself was consul with his brother Titianus until the first of March. The next months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the army in Germany. With Verginius he associated Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their ancient friendship; but most interpreted the act as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The rest of the consulships for the year remained as Nero and Galba had assigned them: Caelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus until July; Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus till September; their honours not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor. But Otho assigned pontificates and augurships as a crowning distinction to old men who had already gone through the list of offices, or solaced young nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P. . . were restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of bribery made against them; those who pardoned them decided to shift the name so that what had really been greed should seem treason, which was now so odious that it made even good laws null and useless. 1.78. With the same generosity Otho tried to win over the support of communities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent additional families. To the whole people of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauritania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia and Africa, more for display than to the lasting advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity of the situation and the anxieties that were forced upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate. It was believed that he also brought up the question of celebrating Nero's memory with the hope of winning over the Roman people; and in fact some set up statues of Nero; moreover on certain days the people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho's nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero Otho; he himself remained undecided, from fear to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title. 2.8. About this time Achaia and Asia were terrified by a false rumour of Nero's arrival. The reports with regard to his death had been varied, and therefore many people imagined and believed that he was alive. The forces and attempts of other pretenders we shall tell as we proceed; but at this time, a slave from Pontus or, as others have reported, a freedman from Italy, who was skilled in playing on the cithara and in singing, gained the readier belief in his deceit through these accomplishments and his resemblance to Nero. He recruited some deserters, poor tramps whom he had bribed by great promises, and put to sea. A violent storm drove him to the island of Cythnus, where he called to his standard some soldiers who were returning from the East on leave, or ordered them to be killed if they refused. Then he robbed the merchants, and armed all the ablest-bodied of their slaves. A centurion, Sisenna, who was carrying clasped right hands, the symbol of friendship, to the praetorians in the name of the army in Syria, the pretender approached with various artifices, until Sisenna in alarm and fearing violence secretly left the island and made his escape. Then the alarm spread far and wide. Many came eagerly forward at the famous name, prompted by their desire for a change and their hatred of the present situation. The fame of the pretender was increasing from day to day when a chance shattered it. 2.38. The old greed for power, long ingrained in mankind, came to full growth and broke bounds as the empire became great. When resources were moderate, equality was easily maintained; but when the world had been subjugated and rival states or kings destroyed, so that men were free to covet wealth without anxiety, then the first quarrels between patricians and plebeians broke out. Now the tribunes made trouble, again the consuls usurped too much power; in the city and forum the first essays at civil war were made. Later Gaius Marius, who had sprung from the dregs of the people, and that most cruel of nobles, Lucius Sulla, defeated liberty with arms and turned it into tyranny. After them came Gnaeus Pompey, no better man than they, but one who concealed his purpose more cleverly; and thenceforth there was never any aim but supreme power. The legions made up of Roman citizens did not lay down their arms at Pharsalia or Philippi; much less were the armies of Otho and Vitellius likely to abandon war voluntarily. The same divine wrath, the same human madness, the same motives to crime drove them on to strife. The fact that these wars were ended by a single blow, so to speak, was due to the worthlessness of the emperors. However, my reflections on the character of antiquity and of modern times have taken me too far afield; now I return to my narrative. 2.91. A city which found a meaning in everything naturally regarded as an evil omen the fact that on becoming pontifex maximus Vitellius issued a proclamation concerning public religious ceremonies on the eighteenth of July, a day which for centuries had been held to be a day of ill-omen because of the disasters suffered at the Cremera and Allia: thus, wholly ignorant of law both divine and human, his freedmen and courtiers as stupid as himself, he lived as if among a set of drunkards. Yet at the time of the consular elections he canvassed with his candidates like an ordinary citizen; he eagerly caught at every murmur of the lowest orders in the theatre where he merely looked on, but in the circus he openly favoured his colours. All this no doubt gave pleasure and would have won him popularity, if it had been prompted by virtue; but as it was, the memory of his former life made men regard these acts as unbecoming and base. He frequently came to the senate, even when the senators were discussing trivial matters. Once it happened that Helvidius Priscus, being then praetor-elect, expressed a view which was opposed to his wishes. Vitellius was at first excited, but he did nothing more than call the tribunes of the people to support his authority that had been slighted. Later, when his friends, fearing that his anger might be deep-seated, tried to calm him, he replied that it was nothing strange for two senators to hold different views in the state; indeed he had usually opposed even Thrasea. Many regarded this impudent comparison as absurd; others were pleased with the very fact that he had selected, not one of the most influential, but Thrasea, to serve as a model of true glory. 4.1. The death of Vitellius was rather the end of war than the beginning of peace. The victors ranged through the city in arms, pursuing their defeated foes with implacable hatred: the streets were full of carnage, the fora and temples reeked with blood; they slew right and left everyone whom chance put in their way. Presently, as their licence increased, they began to hunt out and drag into the light those who had concealed themselves; did they espy anyone who was tall and young, they cut him down, regardless whether he was soldier or civilian. Their ferocity, which found satisfaction in bloodshed while their hatred was fresh, turned then afterwards to greed. They let no place remain secret or closed, pretending that Vitellians were in hiding. This led to the forcing of private houses or, if resistance was made, became an excuse for murder. Nor was there any lack of starvelings among the mob or of the vilest slaves ready to betray their rich masters; others were pointed out by their friends. Everywhere were lamentations, cries of anguish, and the misfortunes that befall a captured city; so that the citizens actually longed for the licence of Otho's and Vitellius's soldiers, which earlier they had detested. The generals of the Flavian party, who had been quick to start the conflagration of civil war, were unequal to the task of controlling their victory, for in times of violence and civil strife the worst men have the greatest power; peace and quiet call for honest arts. 4.5. Since I have again had occasion to mention a man of whom I shall have cause to speak many times, I think that I ought to give a brief account of his life and interests, and of the vicissitudes of fortune that he experienced. Helvidius Priscus was born in the town of Cluviae [in the district of Caracina]. His father had been a centurion of the first rank. In his early youth Helvidius devoted his extraordinary talents to the higher studies, not as most youths do, in order to cloak a useless leisure with a pretentious name, but that he might enter public life better fortified against the chances of fortune. He followed those teachers of philosophy who count only those things "good" which are morally right and only those things "evil" which are base, and who reckon power, high birth, and everything else that is beyond the control of the will as neither good nor bad. After he had held only the quaestorship, he was selected by Paetus Thrasea to be his son-inâlaw; from the character of his father-inâlaw he derived above everything the spirit of freedom; as citizen, senator, husband, son-inâlaw, and friend he showed himself equal to all of life's duties, despising riches, determined in the right, unmoved by fear. 4.6. Some thought that he was rather too eager for fame, since the passion for glory is that from which even philosophers last divest themselves. Driven into exile by the ruin of his father, he returned under Galba and brought charges against Marcellus Eprius, who had informed against Thrasea. This attempt to avenge him, at once notable and just, divided the senators: for if Marcellus fell, it was the ruin of a host of the guilty. At first the struggle was threatening, as is proved by the elsewhere speeches on both sides; later, since Galba's attitude was uncertain, Priscus yielded to many appeals from his fellow senators and gave up the prosecution. This action called forth varied comments according to the nature of those who made them, some praising his moderation, others regretting his lack of firmness. However, at the meeting of the senate at which Vespasian was voted the imperial power, the senators decided to send a delegation to the emperor. This gave rise to a sharp difference between Helvidius and Eprius, for Helvidius demanded that the representatives be chosen by the magistrates under oath, Marcellus demanded a selection by lot, as the consul designate had proposed. 4.7. The interest that Marcellus felt was prompted by his personal vanity and his fear that others might be chosen and so he might seem neglected. Gradually the disputants were swept on in their wrangling to make long and bitter speeches. Helvidius asked Marcellus why he was so afraid of the decision of the magistrates. "You have," he said, "wealth and eloquence in which you would be superior to many, if you were not burdened with men's memory of your crimes. The lot and urn do not judge character; voting and the judgment of the senate have been devised as means to penetrate into the life and reputation of the individual. It is for the interests of the state and it touches the honour to be done Vespasian to have the delegation that meets him made up of the men whom the senate considers freest from reproach, that they may fill the emperor's ears with honourable counsels. Vespasian was once the friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius. Even if it is not well to punish their accusers, we ought not to make a display of them. By its decision in this matter the senate will, in a way, suggest to the emperor whom to approve, whom to fear. For a good government there is no greater instrument at hand than the possession of good friends. You, Marcellus, must be satisfied with the fact that you induced Nero to put to death so many innocent men. Enjoy your rewards and immunity; leave Vespasian to better men." 4.8. Marcellus replied that it was not his proposal, but that of the consul designate that was attacked; and it was a proposal that conformed to the ancient precedents, which prescribed that delegates should be chosen by lot, that there might be no room for self-seeking or for hate. Nothing had occurred to give reason for abandoning long-established customs or for turning the honour due an emperor into an insult to any man: they could all pay homage. What they must try to avoid was allowing the wilfulness of certain individuals to irritate the mind of the emperor, who was as yet unbiassed, being newly come to power and watchful of every look and every word. For his own part he remembered the time in which he was born, the form of government that their fathers and grandfathers had established; he admired the earlier period, but adapted himself to the present; he prayed for good emperors, but endured any sort. It was not by his speech any more than by the judgment of the senate that Thrasea had been brought to ruin; Nero's cruel nature found its delight in such shows of justice, and such a friendship caused him no less anxiety than exile in others. In short, let them set Helvidius on an equality with Cato and Brutus in firmness and courage: for himself, he was only one of a senate which accepted a common servitude. He would also advise Priscus not to exalt himself above an emperor, not to try to check by his precepts a man of ripe age as Vespasian was, a man who had gained the insignia of a triumph, and who had sons grown to man's estate. Just as the worst emperors wish for absolute tyrannical power, even the best desire some limit to the freedom of their subjects. These arguments, which were hurled back and forth with great vehemence, were received with different feelings. The party prevailed that favoured the selection of the envoys by lot, for even the ordinary senators were eager to preserve precedent, and all the most prominent also inclined to the same course, fearing to excite envy if they should be selected themselves. 4.42. On that day Vipstanus Messala gained great reputation for his fraternal affection and his eloquence, for although he was not yet old enough to enter the senate, he dared to appeal for his brother Aquilius Regulus. Regulus had made himself most bitterly hated for causing the downfall of the houses of the Crassi and of Orfitus: he seemed voluntarily to have taken the accusation on himself though quite a youth, not to ward off danger from himself, but because he hoped thereby to gain power; and Sulpicia Praetextata, the wife of Crassus, and her four children were also there to ask vengeance, if the senate took up the case. So Messala had offered no defence on the case or for the accused, but by facing himself the dangers that threatened his brother, had succeeded in moving some of the senators. But Curtius Montanus opposed him with a bitter speech, and went so far as to charge that after the murder of Galba, Regulus had given money to Piso's assassin and had torn Piso's head with his teeth. "That surely," said he, "is something which Nero did not compel you to do, and you did not buy immunity for your position or your life by that savage act. Let us, to be sure, put up with the defence of such folk as have preferred to ruin others rather than run risks themselves: in your case the exile of your father and the division of his property among his creditors left you in security; you were not yet old enough to hold office, you had nothing that Nero could covet, nothing that he could fear. Through lust for slaughter and greed for rewards you gave your talents, till then undiscovered and inexperienced in defence, their first taste for noble blood, when in the ruin of the state you seized the spoils of a consular, battened on seven million sesterces, and enjoyed the splendour of a priesthood, involving in the same ruin innocent children, eminent old men, and noble women; you reproved Nero for his lack of energy in wearying himself and his informers over single houses; you declared that the whole senate could be overthrown with a word. Keep and preserve, gentlemen of the senate, this man of such ready counsel, that every age may learn of him and that our young men may imitate Regulus, as our old men did a Marcellus, a Crispus. Wickedness, even if unlucky, finds rivals. What would be the case if it should flourish and be strong? And if we do not dare to offend this man while he is only an ex-quaestor, shall we dare to oppose him when he has been praetor and consul? Do you think that Nero was the last tyrant? That same belief was held by those who survived Tiberius and Gaius; yet meantime Nero arose more implacable and more cruel. We do not fear Vespasian, such are his years and his moderation; but examples last longer than men's characters. We are growing weak, fellow-senators, and are no longer that senate which after Nero had been cut down demanded that his informers and tools should be punished according to the custom of our forefathers. The fairest day after a bad emperor is the first." 4.81. During the months while Vespasian was waiting at Alexandria for the regular season of the summer winds and a settled sea, many marvels continued to mark the favour of heaven and a certain partiality of the gods toward him. One of the common people of Alexandria, well known for his loss of sight, threw himself before Vespasian's knees, praying him with groans to cure his blindness, being so directed by the god Serapis, whom this most superstitious of nations worships before all others; and he besought the emperor to deign to moisten his cheeks and eyes with his spittle. Another, whose hand was useless, prompted by the same god, begged Caesar to step and trample on it. Vespasian at first ridiculed these appeals and treated them with scorn; then, when the men persisted, he began at one moment to fear the discredit of failure, at another to be inspired with hopes of success by the appeals of the suppliants and the flattery of his courtiers: finally, he directed the physicians to give their opinion as to whether such blindness and infirmity could be overcome by human aid. Their reply treated the two cases differently: they said that in the first the power of sight had not been completely eaten away and it would return if the obstacles were removed; in the other, the joints had slipped and become displaced, but they could be restored if a healing pressure were applied to them. Such perhaps was the wish of the gods, and it might be that the emperor had been chosen for this divine service; in any case, if a cure were obtained, the glory would be Caesar's, but in the event of failure, ridicule would fall only on the poor suppliants. So Vespasian, believing that his good fortune was capable of anything and that nothing was any longer incredible, with a smiling countece, and amid intense excitement on the part of the bystanders, did as he was asked to do. The hand was instantly restored to use, and the day again shone for the blind man. Both facts are told by eye-witnesses even now when falsehood brings no reward. 4.82. These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides. 4.83. The origin of this god has not yet been generally treated by our authors: the Egyptian priests tell the following story, that when King Ptolemy, the first of the Macedonians to put the power of Egypt on a firm foundation, was giving the new city of Alexandria walls, temples, and religious rites, there appeared to him in his sleep a vision of a young man of extraordinary beauty and of more than human stature, who warned him to send his most faithful friends to Pontus and bring his statue hither; the vision said that this act would be a happy thing for the kingdom and that the city that received the god would be great and famous: after these words the youth seemed to be carried to heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy, moved by this miraculous omen, disclosed this nocturnal vision to the Egyptian priests, whose business it is to interpret such things. When they proved to know little of Pontus and foreign countries, he questioned Timotheus, an Athenian of the clan of the Eumolpidae, whom he had called from Eleusis to preside over the sacred rites, and asked him what this religion was and what the divinity meant. Timotheus learned by questioning men who had travelled to Pontus that there was a city there called Sinope, and that not far from it there was a temple of Jupiter Dis, long famous among the natives: for there sits beside the god a female figure which most call Proserpina. But Ptolemy, although prone to superstitious fears after the nature of kings, when he once more felt secure, being more eager for pleasures than religious rites, began gradually to neglect the matter and to turn his attention to other things, until the same vision, now more terrible and insistent, threatened ruin upon the king himself and his kingdom unless his orders were carried out. Then Ptolemy directed that ambassadors and gifts should be despatched to King Scydrothemis â he ruled over the people of Sinope at that time â and when the embassy was about to sail he instructed them to visit Pythian Apollo. The ambassadors found the sea favourable; and the answer of the oracle was not uncertain: Apollo bade them go on and bring back the image of his father, but leave that of his sister. 4.84. When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis. 4.85. But before Domitian and Mucianus reached the Alps, they received news of the success among the Treviri. The chief proof of their victory was given by the presence of the enemy's leader, Valentinus, who, never losing courage, continued to show by his looks the same spirit that he had always maintained. He was given an opportunity to speak, but solely that his questioners might judge of his nature; and he was condemned. While being executed, someone taunted him with the fact that his native country had been subdued, to which he replied that he found therein consolation for his own death. Mucianus now brought forward a proposal as if he had just thought of it, but which in reality he had long concealed. He urged that since, thanks to the gods' kindness, the enemy's strength has been broken, it would little become Domitian, now that war is almost over, to interfere in the glory of others. If the stability of the empire or the safety of Gaul were imperilled, then Caesar ought to take his place in the battle-line; but the Canninefates and the Batavi he should assign to inferior commanders. "You should," he added, "personally display the power and majesty of the imperial throne from close quarters at Lyons, not mixing yourself up with trifling tasks, but ready to deal with graver ones." |
|
| 148. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 11.8, 18.4, 21.4, 43.3-43.5, 55.3, 71.12, 80.7, 84.1, 86.6, 88.22, 97.3-97.4, 104.15-104.16, 116.1, 118.1-118.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor, poetic rivalry with lucan •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 22; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 15, 26, 84; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 113, 114; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 48; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 47, 210, 214 |
| 149. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), performance and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 342 |
150. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.10.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245 | 1.10.12. There can in any case be no doubt that some of those men whose wisdom is a household word have been earnest students of music: Pythagoras for instance and his followers popularised the belief, which they no doubt had received from earlier teachers, that the universe is constructed on the same principles which were afterwards imitated in the construction of the lyre, and not content merely with emphasising that concord of discordant elements which they style harmony attributed a sound to the motions of the celestial bodies. |
|
151. Tacitus, Annals, 1, 1.1.3, 1.1.2, 1.2, 1.3.5, 1.5, 1.6.1, 1.6, 1.9.1, 1.9.3, 1.10.6, 1.10.1, 1.33, 1.33.1, 1.33.2, 1.43.3, 1.51.1, 1.54.1, 1.69.4, 1.72, 1.73, 1.74, 1.75, 1.76.1, 1.76, 1.77, 1.78, 1.79, 1.80, 1.81, 2.8, 2.9, 2.13.1, 2.26.4, 2.32.3, 2.33, 2.39, 2.40, 2.46, 2.55.6, 2.73, 2.73.1, 2.73.2, 2.75.1, 2.76.3, 2.82, 2.83, 2.85.4, 3.1.3, 3.3.1, 3.5.2, 3.14.4, 3.17.4, 3.18.2, 3.33, 3.33.3, 3.34, 3.47.3, 3.47.4, 3.55.5, 3.55, 3.60, 3.61, 3.62, 3.63, 3.64.4, 3.64.3, 3.66.1, 3.67.1, 3.67.2, 3.71.2, 3.71.3, 4.1, 4.1.1, 4.5, 4.11.3, 4.14, 4.15.2, 4.15.3, 4.16.2, 4.16.3, 4.21.2, 4.32, 4.37.3, 4.37.1, 4.38.5, 4.38.4, 4.43, 4.53.1, 4.53.2, 4.55, 4.56, 4.58.2, 4.62, 4.64.1, 4.68.1, 4.70.2, 4.70.4, 4.70.3, 4.74, 5.1, 5.2, 5.2.1, 5.4.2, 6.5, 6.6, 6.12.1, 6.12.2, 6.12.3, 6.17.3, 6.20.2, 6.21, 6.22.3, 6.22.4, 6.22, 6.22.1, 6.22.2, 6.25.3, 6.25.2, 6.28.4, 6.28.1, 6.28.2, 6.28.3, 6.28.6, 6.28.5, 6.46.1, 6.50, 11.4.1, 11.11.3, 11.11.2, 11.11.3-12.1, 11.11.1, 11.12.1, 11.15, 11.15.2, 11.22.1, 11.25.5, 11.27.1, 11.31.3, 11.32.3, 11.36.2, 11.36.1, 12.1.2, 12.3.2-4.1, 12.5.1, 12.8.1, 12.23.2-24.2, 12.23.1, 12.25, 12.26.1, 12.26.2, 12.27.1, 12.27.2, 12.36.3, 12.37.4, 12.41.2, 12.43, 12.43.2, 12.43.1, 12.45, 12.49.2, 12.50, 12.56.3, 12.64.1, 12.64, 12.68, 12.69, 12.69.1, 12.69.2, 12.69.3, 13.1.1, 13.1, 13.3.2, 13.4.2, 13.4.1, 13.5, 13.5.2, 13.5.1, 13.10.1, 13.12.1, 13.12.2, 13.14.3, 13.14.2, 13.14.1, 13.15.3, 13.15.1, 13.15.2, 13.17.1, 13.17.3, 13.17.2, 13.17, 13.20.3, 13.20.1, 13.21, 13.24.2, 13.24.1, 13.25, 13.25.1, 13.31, 13.37.3, 13.41.4, 13.41.5, 13.45.2, 13.50, 13.54, 13.57.3, 13.58, 14.1.1, 14.1, 14.1.3, 14.2, 14.3.3, 14.3, 14.3.1, 14.4.1, 14.4.3, 14.4.2, 14.4, 14.4.4, 14.5, 14.5.3, 14.5.1, 14.6, 14.6.1, 14.6.3, 14.6.2, 14.7, 14.7.6, 14.7.4, 14.8.1, 14.8.3, 14.8, 14.8.5, 14.8.4, 14.8-9.1, 14.9, 14.9.3, 14.10, 14.10.2, 14.10.1, 14.10.3, 14.11, 14.11.2, 14.11.3, 14.12, 14.12.1, 14.12.2, 14.13, 14.13.1, 14.13.2, 14.13.3, 14.14.1, 14.14, 14.15, 14.15.5, 14.15.1, 14.16, 14.17, 14.18, 14.20, 14.21, 14.22.4, 14.22.2, 14.22.1, 14.22.3, 14.47.2, 14.48, 14.49, 14.49.1, 14.51.2, 14.52, 14.53, 14.54, 14.55, 14.56, 14.57, 14.58, 14.59, 14.60, 14.60.5, 14.61, 14.61.1, 14.62, 14.62.2, 14.63, 14.64, 14.64.3, 14.65.2, 15.7.2, 15.17, 15.22.2, 15.22, 15.23, 15.23.2, 15.23.1, 15.23.3, 15.24, 15.32, 15.33.3, 15.33, 15.34.1, 15.34, 15.36, 15.36.1, 15.36.2, 15.37, 15.38, 15.39, 15.39.3, 15.40.2, 15.41.1, 15.42.1, 15.42, 15.43.1, 15.44.5, 15.44.3, 15.44.7, 15.44.8, 15.44.4, 15.44.6, 15.45.2, 15.45.1, 15.46.2, 15.47.2, 15.47.1, 15.47, 15.48, 15.50.4, 15.51.1, 15.52.2, 15.52.1, 15.53.2, 15.53, 15.62, 15.71.1, 15.74.1, 15.74.2, 15.74.3, 16, 16.1.1, 16.2.2-3.1, 16.3.2, 16.4, 16.5.3, 16.6.2, 16.6.1, 16.7, 16.7.1, 16.8, 16.9, 16.10, 16.10.2, 16.10.1, 16.11, 16.12.2, 16.13.1, 16.13.2, 16.16.2, 16.21, 16.21.3-22.5, 16.21.1, 16.21.2, 16.22, 16.22.3, 16.22.1, 16.22.2, 16.23, 16.24, 16.24.1, 16.24.2, 16.25, 16.25.2, 16.26, 16.27, 16.28, 16.28.1, 16.28.2, 16.28.3, 16.29, 16.30, 16.30.2, 16.31, 16.31.1, 16.31.2, 16.32, 16.32.1, 16.33, 16.34, 16.35.2, 16.35, 44.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 64| 15.39. Eo in tempore Nero Antii agens non ante in urbem regressus est quam domui eius, qua Palatium et Maecenatis hortos continuaverat, ignis propinquaret. neque tamen sisti potuit quin et Palatium et domus et cuncta circum haurirentur. sed solacium populo exturbato ac profugo campum Martis ac monumenta Agrippae, hortos quin etiam suos patefecit et subitaria aedificia extruxit quae multitudinem inopem acciperent; subvectaque utensilia ab Ostia et propinquis municipiis pretiumque frumenti minutum usque ad ternos nummos. quae quamquam popularia in inritum cadebant, quia pervaserat rumor ipso tempore flagrantis urbis inisse eum domesticam scaenam et cecinisse Troianum excidium, praesentia mala vetustis cladibus adsimulantem. | 15.39. Nero, who at the time was staying in Antium, did not return to the capital until the fire was nearing the house by which he had connected the Palatine with the Gardens of Maecenas. It proved impossible, however, to stop it from engulfing both the Palatine and the house and all their surroundings. Still, as a relief to the homeless and fugitive populace, he opened the Campus Martius, the buildings of Agrippa, even his own Gardens, and threw up a number of extemporized shelters to accommodate the helpless multitude. The necessities of life were brought up from Ostia and the neighbouring municipalities, and the price of grain was lowered to three sesterces. Yet his measures, popular as their character might be, failed of their effect; for the report had spread that, at the very moment when Rome was aflame, he had mounted his private stage, and typifying the ills of the present by the calamities of the past, had sung the destruction of Troy. |
|
| 152. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217 |
| 153. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.442 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 154. Tacitus, Agricola, 1, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.3-3.1, 3.1, 3.3, 6.5, 10.3, 13.3, 21.1, 29.4, 30.1-32.3, 41.3, 42.3, 43.3, 44.5-45.2, 45 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170, 183 |
| 155. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 3.28.2, 6.32.1, 6.33.3, 6.34.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50, 154, 173 |
| 156. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 172 |
| 157. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.1.1, 1.8.2, 1.9-1.11, 1.10.3, 1.12.4, 1.19.8, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero, emperor, character in the pseudo-senecan tragedy octauia •nero (emperor), performance and •nero, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 15, 26, 173; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 77; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 342 |
| 158. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 172 |
| 159. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 104 |
| 160. Seneca The Younger, De Otio Sapientis (Dialogorum Liber Viii), 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 6 |
| 161. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 11.15.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 234 |
| 162. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 10.5, 38.2, 39.2-39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 108; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 183 |
| 163. Anon., Acts of Paul, 108, 13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 207 |
| 164. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 516, 531, 613, 618 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 493 |
| 165. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.33.1, 2.25.1, 2.26.1, 2.27.2, 2.34, 3.18-3.20, 3.27.3, 3.31.3, 3.33.2, 3.45.2, 4.6, 4.35.1, 5.27.2-5.27.3, 5.35.1, 5.37.3, 6.26.1-6.26.2, 7.14.8, 7.30.1-7.30.2, 8.7.33 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 269 |
| 166. Philostratus The Athenian, Nero, 8-9 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 167. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36 |
| 168. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 14.205, 46.23, 46.35, 46.38, 50.103 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 119; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 140; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 285; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 418 |
169. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.42.3, 7.18.9, 10.8.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 119; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 112| 1.42.3. ἐμοὶ δὲ παρέσχε μὲν καὶ τοῦτο θαυμάσαι, παρέσχε δὲ πολλῷ μάλιστα Αἰγυπτίων ὁ κολοσσός. ἐν Θήβαις ταῖς Αἰγυπτίαις, διαβᾶσι τὸν Νεῖλον πρὸς τὰς Σύριγγας καλουμένας, εἶδον ἔτι καθήμενον ἄγαλμα ἠχοῦν—Μέμνονα ὀνομάζουσιν οἱ πολλοί, τοῦτον γάρ φασιν ἐξ Αἰθιοπίας ὁρμηθῆναι ἐς Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὴν ἄχρι Σούσων· ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐ Μέμνονα οἱ Θηβαῖοι λέγουσι, Φαμένωφα δὲ εἶναι τῶν ἐγχωρίων οὗ τοῦτο ἄγαλμα ἦν, ἤκουσα δὲ ἤδη καὶ Σέσωστριν φαμένων εἶναι τοῦτο ἄγαλμα —, ὃ Καμβύσης διέκοψε· καὶ νῦν ὁπόσον ἐκ κεφαλῆς ἐς μέσον σῶμά ἐστιν ἀπερριμμένον, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν κάθηταί τε καὶ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν ἀνίσχοντος ἡλίου βοᾷ, καὶ τὸν ἦχον μάλιστα εἰκάσει τις κιθάρας ἢ λύρας ῥαγείσης χορδῆς. 7.18.9. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἀγάλματα ἔκ τε Αἰτωλίας καὶ παρὰ Ἀκαρνάνων, τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ἐς τὴν Νικόπολιν κομισθῆναι, Πατρεῦσι δὲ ὁ Αὔγουστος ἄλλα τε τῶν ἐκ Καλυδῶνος λαφύρων καὶ δὴ καὶ τῆς Λαφρίας ἔδωκε τὸ ἄγαλμα, ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει τῇ Πατρέων εἶχε τιμάς. γενέσθαι δὲ ἐπίκλησιν τῇ θεῷ Λαφρίαν ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς Φωκέως φασί· Λάφριον γὰρ τὸν Κασταλίου τοῦ Δελφοῦ Καλυδωνίοις ἱδρύσασθαι τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸ ἀρχαῖον, οἱ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸ μήνιμα τὸ 10.8.3. Βρέννου δὲ τὸν Γαλατῶν στρατὸν ἀγαγόντος ἐς Δελφοὺς προθυμίαν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον οἱ Φωκεῖς πλείστην τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ παρέσχοντο, καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου μετασχεῖν Ἀμφικτυονίας αὖθις καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα ἐγένετο ἀξίωμα αὐτοῖς ἀνασώσασθαι τὸ ἀρχαῖον. βασιλεὺς δὲ Αὔγουστος μετεῖναι καὶ Νικοπολίταις τοῖς πρὸς τῷ Ἀκτίῳ συνεδρίου τοῦ Ἀμφικτυόνων ἠθέλησε· Μάγνητας μὲν οὖν καὶ Μαλιεῖς καὶ Αἰνιᾶνας καὶ Φθιώτας Θεσσαλοῖς συντελεῖν , τὰς ψήφους δὲ ὅσαι τούτων τε καὶ Δολόπων—οὐ γὰρ ἔτι ἦν Δολόπων γένος—Νικοπολίτας φέρειν. | 1.42.3. This made me marvel, but the colossus in Egypt made me marvel far more than anything else. In Egyptian Thebes, on crossing the Nile to the so called Pipes, I saw a statue, still sitting, which gave out a sound. The many call it Memnon, who they say from Aethiopia overran Egypt and as far as Susa . The Thebans, however, say that it is a statue, not of Memnon, but of a native named Phamenoph, and I have heard some say that it is Sesostris. This statue was broken in two by Cambyses, and at the present day from head to middle it is thrown down; but the rest is seated, and every day at the rising of the sun it makes a noise, and the sound one could best liken to that of a harp or lyre when a string has been broken. 7.18.9. Most of the images out of Aetolia and from Acaria were brought by Augustus' orders to Nicopolis , but to Patrae he gave, with other spoils from Calydon, the image of Laphria, which even in my time was still worshipped on the acropolis of Patrae . It is said that the goddess was surnamed Laphria after a man of Phocis , because the ancient image of Artemis was set up at Calydon by Laphrius, the son of Castalius, the son of Delphus. 10.8.3. When Brennus led the Gallic army against Delphi , no Greeks showed greater zeal for the war than the Phocians, and for this conduct of theirs recovered their membership of the League, as well as their old reputation. The emperor Augustus willed that the Nicopolitans, whose city is near Actium , should be members of the Amphictyonic League, that the Magnesians moreover and the Malians, together with the Aenianians and Phthiotians, should be numbered with the Thessalians, and that all their votes, together with those of the Dolopes, who were no longer a separate people, should be assigned to the Nicopolitans. |
|
| 170. Lucian, How To Write History, 13, 2, 38, 7, 9, 61 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 26 |
171. Justin, First Apology, 68 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 119 | 68. And if these things seem to you to be reasonable and true, honour them; but if they seem nonsensical, despise them as nonsense, and do not decree death against those who have done no wrong, as you would against enemies. For we forewarn you, that you shall not escape the coming judgment of God, if you continue in your injustice; and we ourselves will invite you to do that which is pleasing to God. And though from the letter of the greatest and most illustrious Emperor Adrian, your father, we could demand that you order judgment to be given as we have desired, yet we have made this appeal and explanation, not on the ground of Adrian's decision, but because we know that what we ask is just. And we have subjoined the copy of Adrian's epistle, that you may know that we are speaking truly about this. And the following is the copy:- |
|
| 172. Lucian, Nigrinus, 17-18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8 |
| 173. Tertullian, To Scapula, 5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 536 |
| 174. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 2.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 129 |
175. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 1.7, 2.10-2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 119; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 119 | 1.7. Whence comes it to pass, you will say to us, that such a character could have been attributed to you, as to have justified the lawmakers perhaps by its imputation? Let me ask on my side, what voucher they had then, or you now, for the truth of the imputation? (You answer,) Fame. Well, now, is not this - Fama malum, quo non aliud velocius ullum? Now, why a plague, if it be always true? It never ceases from lying; nor even at the moment when it reports the truth is it so free from the wish to lie, as not to interweave the false with the true, by processes of addition, diminution, or confusion of various facts. Indeed, such is its condition, that it can only continue to exist while it lies. For it lives only just so long as it fails to prove anything. As soon as it proves itself true, it falls; and, as if its office of reporting news were at an end, it quits its post: thenceforward the thing is held to be a fact, and it passes under that name. No one, then, says, to take an instance, The report is that this happened at Rome, or, The rumour goes that he has got a province; but, He has got a province, and, This happened at Rome. Nobody mentions a rumour except at an uncertainty, because nobody can be sure of a rumour, but only of certain knowledge; and none but a fool believes a rumour, because no wise man puts faith in an uncertainty. In however wide a circuit a report has been circulated, it must needs have originated some time or other from one mouth; afterwards it creeps on somehow to ears and tongues which pass it on and so obscures the humble error in which it began, that no one considers whether the mouth which first set it a-going disseminated a falsehood - a circumstance which often happens either from a temper of rivalry, or a suspicious turn, or even the pleasure of feigning news. It is, however, well that time reveals all things, as your own sayings and proverbs testify; yea, as nature herself attests, which has so ordered it that nothing lies hid, not even that which fame has not reported. See, now, what a witness you have suborned against us: it has not been able up to this time to prove the report it set in motion, although it has had so long a time to recommend it to our acceptance. This name of ours took its rise in the reign of Augustus; under Tiberius it was taught with all clearness and publicity; under Nero it was ruthlessly condemned, and you may weigh its worth and character even from the person of its persecutor. If that prince was a pious man, then the Christians are impious; if he was just, if he was pure, then the Christians are unjust and impure; if he was not a public enemy, we are enemies of our country: what sort of men we are, our persecutor himself shows, since he of course punished what produced hostility to himself. Now, although every other institution which existed under Nero has been destroyed, yet this of ours has firmly remained - righteous, it would seem, as being unlike the author (of its persecution). Two hundred and fifty years, then, have not yet passed since our life began. During the interval there have been so many criminals; so many crosses have obtained immortality; so many infants have been slain; so many loaves steeped in blood; so many extinctions of candles; so many dissolute marriages. And up to the present time it is mere report which fights against the Christians. No doubt it has a strong support in the wickedness of the human mind, and utters its falsehoods with more success among cruel and savage men. For the more inclined you are to maliciousness, the more ready are you to believe evil; in short, men more easily believe the evil that is false, than the good which is true. Now, if injustice has left any place within you for the exercise of prudence in investigating the truth of reports, justice of course demanded that you should examine by whom the report could have been spread among the multitude, and thus circulated through the world. For it could not have been by the Christians themselves, I suppose, since by the very constitution and law of all mysteries the obligation of silence is imposed. How much more would this be the case in such (mysteries as are ascribed to us), which, if divulged, could not fail to bring down instant punishment from the prompt resentment of men! Since, therefore, the Christians are not their own betrayers, it follows that it must be strangers. Now I ask, how could strangers obtain knowledge of us, when even true and lawful mysteries exclude every stranger from witnessing them, unless illicit ones are less exclusive? Well, then, it is more in keeping with the character of strangers both to be ignorant (of the true state of a case), and to invent (a false account). Our domestic servants (perhaps) listened, and peeped through crevices and holes, and stealthily got information of our ways. What, then, shall we say when our servants betray them to you? It is better, (to be sure,) for us all not to be betrayed by any; but still, if our practices be so atrocious, how much more proper is it when a righteous indignation bursts asunder even all ties of domestic fidelity? How was it possible for it to endure what horrified the mind and affrighted the eye? This is also a wonderful thing, both that he who was so overcome with impatient excitement as to turn informer, did not likewise desire to prove (what he reported), and that he who heard the informer's story did not care to see for himself, since no doubt the reward is equal both for the informer who proves what he reports, and for the hearer who convinces himself of the credibility of what he hears. But then you say that (this is precisely what has taken place): first came the rumour, then the exhibition of the proof; first the hearsay, then the inspection; and after this, fame received its commission. Now this, I must say, surpasses all admiration, that that was once for all detected and divulged which is being for ever repeated, unless, forsooth, we have by this time ceased from the reiteration of such things (as are alleged of us). But we are called still by the same (offensive) name, and we are supposed to be still engaged in the same practices, and we multiply from day to day; the more we are, to the more become we objects of hatred. Hatred increases as the material for it increases. Now, seeing that the multitude of offenders is ever advancing, how is it that the crowd of informers does not keep equal pace therewith? To the best of my belief, even our manner of life has become better known; you know the very days of our assemblies; therefore we are both besieged, and attacked, and kept prisoners actually in our secret congregations. Yet who ever came upon a half-consumed corpse (among us)? Who has detected the traces of a bite in our blood-steeped loaf? Who has discovered, by a sudden light invading our darkness, any marks of impurity, I will not say of incest, (in our feasts)? If we save ourselves by a bribe from being dragged out before the public gaze with such a character, how is it that we are still oppressed? We have it indeed in our own power not to be thus apprehended at all; for who either sells or buys information about a crime, if the crime itself has no existence? But why need I disparagingly refer to strange spies and informers, when you allege against us such charges as we certainly do not ourselves divulge with very much noise - either as soon as you hear of them, if we previously show them to you, or after you have yourselves discovered them, if they are for the time concealed from you? For no doubt, when any desire initiation in the mysteries, their custom is first to go to the master or father of the sacred rites. Then he will say (to the applicant), You must bring an infant, as a guarantee for our rites, to be sacrificed, as well as some bread to be broken and dipped in his blood; you also want candles, and dogs tied together to upset them, and bits of meat to rouse the dogs. Moreover, a mother too, or a sister, is necessary for you. What, however, is to be said if you have neither? I suppose in that case you could not be a genuine Christian. Now, do let me ask you, Will such things, when reported by strangers, bear to be spread about (as charges against us)? It is impossible for such persons to understand proceedings in which they take no part. The first step of the process is perpetrated with artifice; our feasts and our marriages are invented and detailed by ignorant persons, who had never before heard about Christian mysteries. And though they afterwards cannot help acquiring some knowledge of them, it is even then as having to be administered by others whom they bring on the scene. Besides, how absurd is it that the profane know mysteries which the priest knows not! They keep them all to themselves, then, and take them for granted; and so these tragedies, (worse than those) of Thyestes or Œdipus, do not at all come forth to light, nor find their way to the public. Even more voracious bites take nothing away from the credit of such as are initiated, whether servants or masters. If, however, none of these allegations can be proved to be true, how incalculable must be esteemed the grandeur (of that religion) which is manifestly not overbalanced even by the burden of these vast atrocities! O you heathen; who have and deserve our pity, behold, we set before you the promise which our sacred system offers. It guarantees eternal life to such as follow and observe it; on the other hand, it threatens with the eternal punishment of an unending fire those who are profane and hostile; while to both classes alike is preached a resurrection from the dead. We are not now concerned about the doctrine of these (verities), which are discussed in their proper place. Meanwhile, however, believe them, even as we do ourselves, for I want to know whether you are ready to reach them, as we do, through such crimes. Come, whosoever you are, plunge your sword into an infant; or if that is another's office, then simply gaze at the breathing creature dying before it has lived; at any rate, catch its fresh blood in which to steep your bread; then feed yourself without stint; and while this is going on, recline. Carefully distinguish the places where your mother or your sister may have made their bed; mark them well, in order that, when the shades of night have fallen upon them, putting of course to the test the care of every one of you, you may not make the awkward mistake of alighting on somebody else: you would have to make an atonement, if you failed of the incest. When you have effected all this, eternal life will be in store for you. I want you to tell me whether you think eternal life worth such a price. No, indeed, you do not believe it: even if you did believe it, I maintain that you would be unwilling to give (the fee); or if willing, would be unable. But why should others be able if you are unable? Why should you be able if others are unable? What would you wish impunity (and) eternity to stand you in? Do you suppose that these (blessings) can be bought by us at any price? Have Christians teeth of a different sort from others? Have they more ample jaws? Are they of different nerve for incestuous lust? I think not. It is enough for us to differ from you in condition by truth alone. 2.10. I hasten to even more abominable cases. Your writers have not been ashamed to publish that of Larentina. She was a hired prostitute, whether as the nurse of Romulus, and therefore called Lupa, because she was a prostitute, or as the mistress of Hercules, now deceased, that is to say, now deified. They relate that his temple-warder happened to be playing at dice in the temple alone; and in order to represent a partner for himself in the game, in the absence of an actual one, he began to play with one hand for Hercules and the other for himself. (The condition was,) that if he won the stakes from Hercules, he should with them procure a supper and a prostitute; if Hercules, however, proved the winner, I mean his other hand, then he should provide the same for Hercules. The hand of Hercules won. That achievement might well have been added to his twelve labours! The temple-warden buys a supper for the hero, and hires Larentina to play the whore. The fire which dissolved the body of even a Hercules enjoyed the supper, and the altar consumed everything. Larentina sleeps alone in the temple; and she a woman from the brothel, boasts that in her dreams she had submitted herself to the pleasure of Hercules; and she might possibly have experienced this, as it passed through her mind, in her sleep. In the morning, on going out of the temple very early, she is solicited by a young man - a third Hercules, so to speak. He invites her home. She complies, remembering that Hercules had told her that it would be for her advantage. He then, to be sure, obtains permission that they should be united in lawful wedlock (for none was allowed to have intercourse with the concubine of a god without being punished for it); the husband makes her his heir. By and by, just before her death, she bequeathed to the Roman people the rather large estate which she had obtained through Hercules. After this she sought deification for her daughters too, whom indeed the divine Larentina ought to have appointed her heirs also. The gods of the Romans received an accession in her dignity. For she alone of all the wives of Hercules was dear to him, because she alone was rich; and she was even far more fortunate than Ceres, who contributed to the pleasure of the (king of the) dead. After so many examples and eminent names among you, who might not have been declared divine? Who, in fact, ever raised a question as to his divinity against Antinous? Was even Ganymede more grateful and dear than he to (the supreme god) who loved him? According to you, heaven is open to the dead. You prepare a way from Hades to the stars. Prostitutes mount it in all directions, so that you must not suppose that you are conferring a great distinction upon your kings. 2.11. And you are not content to assert the divinity of such as were once known to you, whom you heard and handled, and whose portraits have been painted, and actions recounted, and memory retained among you; but men insist upon consecrating with a heavenly life I know not what incorporeal, iimate shadows, and the mere names of things - dividing man's entire existence among separate powers even from his conception in the womb: so that there is a god Consevius, to preside over concubital generation; and Fluviona, to preserve the (growth of the) infant in the womb; after these come Vitumnus and Sentinus, through whom the babe begins to have life and its earliest sensation; then Diespiter, by whose office the child accomplishes its birth. But when women begin their parturition, Candelifera also comes in aid, since childbearing requires the light of the candle; and other goddesses there are who get their names from the parts they bear in the stages of travail. There were two Carmentas likewise, according to the general view: to one of them, called Postverta, belonged the function of assisting the birth of the introverted child; while the other, Prosa, executed the like office for the rightly born. The god Farinus was so called from (his inspiring) the first utterance; while others believed in Locutius from his gift of speech. Cunina is present as the protector of the child's deep slumber, and supplies to it refreshing rest. To lift them (when fallen) there is Levana, and along with her Rumina. It is a wonderful oversight that no gods were appointed for cleaning up the filth of children. Then, to preside over their first pap and earliest drink you have Potina and Edula; to teach the child to stand erect is the work of Statina, while Adeona helps him to come to dear Mamma, and Abeona to toddle off again; then there is Domiduca, (to bring home the bride;) and the goddess Mens, to influence the mind to either good or evil. They have likewise Volumnus and Voleta, to control the will; Paventina, (the goddess) of fear; Venilia, of hope; Volupia, of pleasure; Pr stitia, of beauty. Then, again, they give his name to Peragenor, from his teaching men to go through their work; to Consus, from his suggesting to them counsel. Juventa is their guide on assuming the manly gown, and bearded Fortune when they come to full manhood. If I must touch on their nuptial duties, there is Afferenda whose appointed function is to see to the offering of the dower; but fie on you! You have your Mutunus and Tutunus and Pertunda and Subigus and the goddess Prema and likewise Perfica. O spare yourselves, you impudent gods! No one is present at the secret struggles of married life. Those very few persons who have a wish that way, go away and blush for very shame in the midst of their joy. |
|
| 176. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 1.7.1, 5.6.9 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 26, 104 |
177. Tertullian, On The Games, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 80 | 2. Then, again, every one is ready with the argument that all things, as we teach, were created by God, and given to man for his use, and that they must be good, as coming all from so good a source; but that among them are found the various constituent elements of the public shows, such as the horse, the lion, bodily strength, and musical voice. It cannot, then, be thought that what exists by God's own creative will is either foreign or hostile to Him; and if it is not opposed to Him, it cannot be regarded as injurious to His worshippers, as certainly it is not foreign to them. Beyond all doubt, too, the very buildings connected with the places of public amusement, composed as they are of rocks, stones, marbles, pillars, are things of God, who has given these various things for the earth's embellishment; nay, the very scenes are enacted under God's own heaven. How skilful a pleader seems human wisdom to herself, especially if she has the fear of losing any of her delights - any of the sweet enjoyments of worldly existence! In fact, you will find not a few whom the imperilling of their pleasures rather than their life holds back from us. For even the weakling has no strong dread of death as a debt he knows is due by him; while the wise man does not look with contempt on pleasure, regarding it as a precious gift - in fact, the one blessedness of life, whether to philosopher or fool. Now nobody denies what nobody is ignorant of - for Nature herself is teacher of it - that God is the Maker of the universe, and that it is good, and that it is man's by free gift of its Maker. But having no intimate acquaintance with the Highest, knowing Him only by natural revelation, and not as His friends- afar off, and not as those who have been brought near to Him - men cannot but be in ignorance alike of what He enjoins and what He forbids in regard to the administration of His world. They must be ignorant, too, of the hostile power which works against Him, and perverts to wrong uses the things His hand has formed; for you cannot know either the will or the adversary of a God you do not know. We must not, then, consider merely by whom all things were made, but by whom they have been perverted. We shall find out for what use they were made at first, when we find for what they were not. There is a vast difference between the corrupted state and that of primal purity, just because there is a vast difference between the Creator and the corrupter. Why, all sorts of evils, which as indubitably evils even the heathens prohibit, and against which they guard themselves, come from the works of God. Take, for instance, murder, whether committed by iron, by poison, or by magical enchantments. Iron and herbs and demons are all equally creatures of God. Has the Creator, withal, provided these things for man's destruction? Nay, He puts His interdict on every sort of man-killing by that one summary precept, You shall not kill. Moreover, who but God, the Maker of the world, put in its gold, brass, silver, ivory, wood, and all the other materials used in the manufacture of idols? Yet has He done this that men may set up a worship in opposition to Himself? On the contrary idolatry in His eyes is the crowning sin. What is there offensive to God which is not God's? But in offending Him, it ceases to be His; and in ceasing to be His, it is in His eyes an offending thing. Man himself, guilty as he is of every iniquity, is not only a work of God - he is His image, and yet both in soul and body he has severed himself from his Maker. For we did not get eyes to minister to lust, and the tongue for speaking evil with, and ears to be the receptacle of evil speech, and the throat to serve the vice of gluttony, and the belly to be gluttony's ally, and the genitals for unchaste excesses, and hands for deeds of violence, and the feet for an erring life; or was the soul placed in the body that it might become a thought-manufactory of snares, and fraud, and injustice? I think not; for if God, as the righteous ex-actor of innocence, hates everything like malignity - if He hates utterly such plotting of evil, it is clear beyond a doubt, that, of all things that have come from His hand, He has made none to lead to works which He condemns, even though these same works may be carried on by things of His making; for, in fact, it is the one ground of condemnation, that the creature misuses the creation. We, therefore, who in our knowledge of the Lord have obtained some knowledge also of His foe - who, in our discovery of the Creator, have at the same time laid hands upon the great corrupter, ought neither to wonder nor to doubt that, as the prowess of the corrupting and God-opposing angel overthrew in the beginning the virtue of man, the work and image of God, the possessor of the world, so he has entirely changed man's nature - created, like his own, for perfect sinlessness - into his own state of wicked enmity against his Maker, that in the very thing whose gift to man, but not to him, had grieved him, he might make man guilty in God's eyes, and set up his own supremacy. |
|
| 178. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 2.9.45, 5.96.2-5.96.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 362 |
| 179. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 180. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 3.4, 20.2, 33.1, 42.4, 43.3, 45.6, 46.1, 47.4-47.5, 49.4-49.5, 51.4-51.5, 52.4, 56.1, 62.9, 66.1, 80.3-80.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 107, 108; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 26, 47, 50, 80; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245 |
181. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.6.2, 47.39.5, 47.39.4, 47.39.3, 47.39.2, 47.39.1, 51.1, 53.19.2, 53.19.3, 53.19.4, 53.19.5, 53.19.1, 53.31.2, 53.31.3, 54.30.1, 55.2.1, 56.29.4, 57.15.1, 57.18.6, 57.18.3, 57.18.4, 57.18.5, 58.2, 58.24.4, 58.24.3, 58.24.5, 58.27.1, 58.28, 59.5, 60.10.1, 60.17.1, 60.35.1, 61.2.4, 61.4.5, 61.11.4, 61.12, 61.12.2, 61.13.2, 61.13.3, 61.13.4, 61.13.5, 61.13, 61.14.2, 61.14, 61.14.4, 61.16.2, 61.20.5, 61.20.4, 61.35.2, 62.2, 62.15, 62.15.6, 62.20.1, 62.20.2, 62.21.1, 62.22.3, 62.229, 63.4, 63.4.2, 63.6.3, 63.8.1, 63.8.2, 63.9.4, 63.10.2, 63.11.3, 63.13.3, 63.14.3, 63.22.6, 63.24.5, 63.27.2, 66.8.6, 66.8.5, 66.8.4, 66.8.3, 66.8.2, 66.15.1, 67.2.6, 67.2.7, 67.4.4, 68.2.3, 68.10, 68.15, 68.17, 68.17.1, 68.18, 68.19.1, 68.19, 68.20, 68.21, 68.22, 68.23, 68.24, 68.25, 68.26, 68.27, 68.28, 68.29, 68.30, 68.31, 69.2.5, 72.8, 73.15.3, 77.7.2, 78.1.2, 6161.6.1, 6263.1, 6263.2, 6263.3, 6263.4, 6263.5, 6263.6, 6263.7, 7372.9.1, 7372.9.3, 7372.9.4, 7372.10.1, 7372.12.1, 7877.1.4, 7877.12.1, 8079.1.2-2.6, 8079.1, 8079.2, 8079.3, 8079.4, 8079.5, 8079.6, 8079.7.4, 8079.7, 8079.8, 8079.9, 8079.10, 8079.11, 8079.12, 8079.13, 8079.14, 8079.15, 8079.16, 8079.17, 8079.18, 8079.19, 8079.20, 8079.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 234 | 58.2. 1. At this time also Livia passed away at the age of eighty-six. Tiberius neither paid her any visits during her illness nor did he himself lay out her body; in fact, he made no arrangements at all in her honour except for the public funeral and images and some other matters of no importance. As for her being deified, he forbade that absolutely.,2. The senate, however, did not content itself with voting merely the measures that he had commanded, but ordered mourning for her during the whole year on the part of the women, although it approved the course of Tiberius in not abandoning the conduct of the public business even at this time.,3. They furthermore voted an arch in her honour â a distinction conferred upon no other woman â because she had saved the lives of not a few of them, had reared the children of many, and had helped many to pay their daughters' dowries, in consequence of all which some were calling her Mother of her Country. She was buried in the (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" mausoleum of Augustus.,3a. Among the many excellent utterances of hers that are reported are the following. Once, when some naked men met her and were to be put to death in consequence, she saved their lives by saying that to chaste women such men are no whit different from statues.,5. When someone asked her how and by what course of action she had obtained such a commanding influence over Augustus, she answered that it was by being scrupulously chaste herself, doing gladly whatever pleased him, not meddling with any of his affairs, and, in particular, by pretending neither to hear or nor to notice the favourites of his passion.,6. Such was the character of Livia. The arch voted to her, however, was not built, for the reason that Tiberius promised to construct it at his own expense; for, as he hesitated to annul the decree in so many words, he made it void in this way, by not allowing the work to be done at public expense nor yet attending to it himself.,7. Sejanus was rising to still greater heights. It was voted that his birthday should be publicly observed, and the multitude of statues that the senate and the equestrian order, the tribes and the foremost citizens set up, would have passed anyone's power to count.,8. Separate envoys were sent to him and to Tiberius by the senate, by the knights, and also by the people, who selected theirs from the tribunes and from the plebeian aediles. For both of them alike they offered prayers and sacrifices and they took oaths by their Fortunes. |
|
| 182. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96-10.97, 10.97.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) •nero; bad emperor Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 139; Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 46; Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 17; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 111 |
183. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.18.2, 5.19.3, 6.21, 6.34, 7.4.2, 7.11.4, 7.17, 9.36.4, 10.96-10.97, 10.97.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero (emperor) •nero (roman emperor) •nero, emperor •nero; bad emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 98, 108; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 139; Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 46; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 536; Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 17; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 111 | 6.21. To Caninius. I am one of those who admire the ancients, but not to the extent of despising the genius of our own times, like some people do. For nature is not so exhausted and worn out that she can no longer produce anything worthy of our praise. So, a short time ago, I attended a reading by Vergilius Romanus, who was reading a comedy of his to a few people, and it was so skilfully modelled on the lines of the old comedy, that in days to come it may very well serve as a model itself. I am not sure whether you know the author, though you certainly ought to have made his acquaintance, for he is a man quite out of the common, owing to the uprightness of his conduct, the elegance of his wit, and the versatility of his genius. He has written some mimiambi, * graceful, smart, polished, and containing as much eloquence as that style of poem permits of. Indeed, there is no sort of composition which may not be described as eloquent if it be perfect of its kind. He has also written comedies in the style of Meder and other poets of the same period, and these are well worthy of being classed with those of Plautus and Terence. Now he has tried his hand for the first time in public with the old comedy, but it is not as if it were his first attempt in it. In his play neither force, dignity, neatness, satire, charm, nor wit was wanting; he made virtue more lovely, and assailed vice ; when he made use of an assumed name, he did so with propriety; when he utilised a real one, he did so without travesty. Only so far as I was concerned did his good nature lead him to overstep the mark, but then poets are privileged to draw on their imagination. In short, I will coax the volume out of him, and send it on to you for you to read, or rather, learn by heart, for I am quite sure that you will not put it down if once you take it up. Farewell. 6.34. To Maximus. You did quite right in promising a gladiatorial display to my clients at Verona, for they have long loved you, looked up to you, and honoured you. You took from that city your dearly loved and most estimable wife, and you owe to her memory some public work or festival, and a gladiatorial show is most suitable for a funeral honour. Besides, as the people were so uimous in asking for that form of entertainment, you would have appeared boorish rather than consistent had you refused. Whereas now it stands to your credit that you were not only lavish in giving the show, but were easily persuaded to do so, and it is in matters such as these that magimity is disclosed. I wish that the numerous African panthers you had bought had turned up by the appointed day, but it may be that they were detained by stress of weather. At any rate you have deserved the fullest credit for them, for it was not your fault that the exhibition was not complete. Farewell. 7.17. To Celer. Every author has his own reasons for giving recitals; mine, as I have often said before, is that I may discover any slip I may have made, and I certainly do make them. So I am surprised when you say that some people have found fault with me for giving recitals of speeches at all, unless, indeed, they think that speeches are the only kind of composition which requires no emendations. I should be very glad if they were to tell me why they allow - if they do allow it - that history is a proper subject for recitation, seeing that history is written not for display but in the interests of strict truth, or why they should consider a tragedy a fit subject, seeing that it requires not an audience room but a stage and actors, or lyric verses, which need not a reader but the accompaniment of a chorus and a lyre. Perhaps they will say that long established custom sanctions the practice. Then is the originator of it to be blamed ? Besides, not only our own countrymen but the Greeks as well have constantly read speeches. But, they say, it is a waste of time to give a reading of a speech which has already been delivered. So it would be if the speech remained identically the same, and you read it to the same audience and immediately after its delivery; but if you make a number of additions, if you recast numerous passages, if you have a new audience, or if the audience be the same and yet a considerable time has elapsed, why should one hesitate more about giving a reading of an already delivered speech than about publishing it ? It may be argued that it is difficult to make a speech convincing when it is read. True, but that is a point connected with the difficulty of reciting, and has no bearing on the argument that a speech should not be read at all. For my own part I desire applause, not when I am reciting but when other people are reading my book, and that is why I let no opportunity of emending a passage escape me. In the first place, I go carefully over what I have written again and again; then I read it to two or three friends; subsequently I pass it on to others to make marginal criticisms, and, if I am in doubt, I once more call in a friend or two to help me in weighing their value. Last of all, I read it to a large audience, and it is then, if you can credit the statement, that I make the severest corrections, because the greater my anxiety to please, the more diligent I am in application. But the best judges of all are modesty, respect, and awe. Consider the matter in this light. If you are going to enter into conversation with some one person, however learned he may be, are you not less flurried than you would be if you were entering into conversation with a number of people or with persons who know nothing ? Is not your diffidence the greatest just at the moment when you rise to plead, and is it not then that you wish not only a large part of your speech but the whole of it were cast in a different mould ? Especially is this the case if the scene of the encounter is a spacious one and there is a dense ring of spectators, for we feel nervous even of the meanest and commonest folk who crowd there. If you think your opening points are badly received, does it not weaken your nerve and make you feel like collapse? I fancy so, the reason being that there exists a considerable weight of sound opinion in mere numbers simply, and though, if you take them individually, their judgment is worth next to nothing, taken collectively, it is worth a great deal. Hence it was that Pomponius Secundus, who used to write tragedies, was in the habit of exclaiming, " I appeal to the people," whenever he thought that a passage should be retained, which some one of his intimate friends considered had better be expunged, and so he either stuck to his own opinion or followed that of his friend, according as the people received the passage in silence or greeted it with applause. Such was the high estimate he formed of the popular judgment; whether rightly or wrongly does not affect me. For my custom is to call in, not the people, but a few carefully selected friends, whose judgment I respect and have confidence in, and whose faces I can watch individually, yet who are numerous enough collectively to put me in some awe. For I think that although Marcus Cicero says, "Composition is the keenest critic in the world," * this applies even more to the fear of speaking in public. The very fact that we keep thinking we are going to give a reading sharpens our critical taste, so too does our entry into the audience-hall, so too do our pale looks, anxious tremors, and our glances from side to side. Hence I am far from repenting of my practice, which I find of the greatest value to me, and so far am I from being deterred by the idle talk of my critics that I beg of you to point out to me some additional method of criticism in addition to those I have enumerated. For though I take great pains I never seem to take enough. I keep thinking what a serious matter it is to place anything in the hands of the public for them to read, nor can I persuade myself that' any work of mine, which you are always anxious should get a welcome everywhere, does not stand in need of constant revision by myself and a number of my friends. Farewell. |
|
| 184. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 119 |
| 185. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.26, 2.28.4-2.28.7, 14.7.7, 14.7.9, 19.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero •nero (emperor), prodigies and •nero (emperor), performance and •nero (emperor), relationship with agrippina the younger •nero (emperor) Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5, 12 |
| 186. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.119-1.120 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 618 |
| 187. Polyaenus, Stratagems, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 201, 202 |
| 188. Pollux, Onomasticon, 4.116 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 189. Aelian, Varia Historia, 9.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 190. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 3.30.1-3.30.11, 5.30.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 45 |
| 191. Anon., Acts of Philip, 107 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 332 |
| 192. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 135 |
| 193. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.9.1-1.9.10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •munatius sulla cerialis, m., nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 97 |
| 194. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 103 |
| 195. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 338 |
196. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 2.16, 2.23.21, 2.24, 3.14, 3.14.21, 3.18.1-3.18.5, 3.21, 4.1, 5.8.5-5.8.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor •nero, emperor •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 45; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 129; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 251, 525 | 2.23.21. And the same writer records his death also in the twentieth book of his Antiquities in the following words: But the emperor, when he learned of the death of Festus, sent Albinus to be procurator of Judea. But the younger Aus, who, as we have already said, had obtained the high priesthood, was of an exceedingly bold and reckless disposition. He belonged, moreover, to the sect of the Sadducees, who are the most cruel of all the Jews in the execution of judgment, as we have already shown. 3.18.1. It is said that in this persecution the apostle and evangelist John, who was still alive, was condemned to dwell on the island of Patmos in consequence of his testimony to the divine word. 3.18.2. Irenaeus, in the fifth book of his work Against Heresies, where he discusses the number of the name of Antichrist which is given in the so-called Apocalypse of John, speaks as follows concerning him: 3.18.3. If it were necessary for his name to be proclaimed openly at the present time, it would have been declared by him who saw the revelation. For it was seen not long ago, but almost in our own generation, at the end of the reign of Domitian. 3.18.4. To such a degree, indeed, did the teaching of our faith flourish at that time that even those writers who were far from our religion did not hesitate to mention in their histories the persecution and the martyrdoms which took place during it. 3.18.5. And they, indeed, accurately indicated the time. For they recorded that in the fifteenth year of Domitian Flavia Domitilla, daughter of a sister of Flavius Clement, who at that time was one of the consuls of Rome, was exiled with many others to the island of Pontia in consequence of testimony borne to Christ. 5.8.5. He states these things in the third book of his above-mentioned work. In the fifth book he speaks as follows concerning the Apocalypse of John, and the number of the name of Antichrist:As these things are so, and this number is found in all the approved and ancient copies, and those who saw John face to face confirm it, and reason teaches us that the number of the name of the beast, according to the mode of calculation among the Greeks, appears in its letters.... 5.8.6. And further on he says concerning the same:We are not bold enough to speak confidently of the name of Antichrist. For if it were necessary that his name should be declared clearly at the present time, it would have been announced by him who saw the revelation. For it was seen, not long ago, but almost in our generation, toward the end of the reign of Domitian. |
|
| 197. Lactantius, Deaths of The Persecutors, 2-6, 8-9, 7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sider (2001), Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: The Witness of Tertullian, 18 |
198. Origen, Commentary On John, 2.12 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 362 | 2.12. We have thus enquired as to the life of God, and the life which is Christ, and the living who are in a place by themselves, and have seen how the living are not justified before God, and we have noticed the cognate statement, Who alone has immortality. We may now take up the assumption which may appear to be involved in this, namely, that whatever being is gifted with reason does not possess blessedness as a part of its essence, or as an inseparable part of its nature. For if blessedness and the highest life were an inseparable characteristic of reasonable being, how could it be truly said of God that He only has immortality? We should therefore remark, that the Saviour is some things, not to Himself but to others, and some things both to Himself and others, and we must enquire if there are some things which He is to Himself and to no other. Clearly it is to others that He is a Shepherd, not a shepherd like those among men who make gain out of their occupation; unless the benefit conferred on the sheep might be regarded, on account of His love to men, as a benefit to Himself also. Similarly it is to others that He is the Way and the Door, and, as all will admit, the Rod. To Himself and to others He is Wisdom and perhaps also Reason (Logos). It may be asked whether, as He has in Himself a system of speculations, inasmuch as He is wisdom, there are some of those speculations which cannot be received by any nature that is begotten, but His own, and which He knows for Himself only. Nor should the reverence we owe to the Holy Spirit keep us from seeking to answer this question. For the Holy Spirit Himself receives instruction, as is clear from what is said about the Paraclete and the Holy Spirit, John 16:14-15 He shall take of mine and shall declare it to you. Does He, then, from these instructions, take in everything that the Son, gazing at the Father from the first, Himself knows? That would require further consideration. And if the Saviour is some things to others, and some things it may be to Himself, and to no other, or to one only, or to few, then we ask, in so far as He is the life which came in the Logos, whether he is life to Himself and to others, or to others, and if to others, to what others. And are life and the light of men the same thing, for the text says, That which was made was life in Him and the life was the light of men. But the light of men is the light only of some, not of all, rational creatures; the word men which is added shows this. But He is the light of men, and so He is the life of those whose light he is also. And inasmuch as He is life He may be called the Saviour, not for Himself but to be life to others, whose light also He is. And this life comes to the Logos and is inseparable from Him, once it has come to Him. But the Logos, who cleanses the soul, must have been in the soul first; it is after Him and the cleansing that proceeds from Him, when all that is dead or weak in her has been taken away, that pure life comes to every one who has made himself a fit dwelling for the Logos, considered as God. |
|
| 199. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.5, 1.6.43-1.6.44, 1.6.78-1.6.79, 1.6.101-1.6.103 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 172, 173 |
| 200. Prudentius, Contra Symmachum, 1.271-1.277 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 119 |
201. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 25.10.14, 30.9.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105 | 25.10.14. He walked with a dignified bearing; his expression was very cheerful. His eyes were gray. He was so unusually tall that for some time no imperial robe could be found that was long enough for him. He took as his model Constantius, often spending the afternoon in some serious occupation, but accustomed to jest in public with his intimates. 30.9.6. His strong and muscular body, the gleam of his hair, his brilliant complexion, his grey eyes, with a gaze that was always sidelong and stern, his fine stature, and his regular features Cf. membrorum recta compage , xiv. 11, 28. completed a figure of regal charm and majesty. |
|
| 202. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.7.4-7.7.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 101 |
| 203. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.36-1.12.37, 2.3.10, 3.16.15-3.16.16, 7.3.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 114; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 204. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13, 7.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 422; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 97 |
| 205. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 4.6, 4.8-4.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 91; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 206. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 26.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, enemy of philosophy in philostratus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 264 |
| 207. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 10.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 142 |
| 208. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 7.1-7.2, 8.2, 8.7, 9.3, 13.1, 19.12-19.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 81; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 41, 119 |
| 209. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 4.6, 4.8-4.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 91; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 210. Anon., Mosaicarum Et Romanarum Legum Collatio, 12.2.4, 12.5-12.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 139 |
| 211. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Diadumenus, 3.2-3.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 51 |
| 212. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.84 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307 |
| 213. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 6.13 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 97 |
| 214. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 215. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 8 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 129 |
| 216. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 8.5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 662 |
| 217. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 293 |
| 218. Justinian, Institutiones, 2.1.2 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 117 |
| 219. Jerome, Commentaria In Jeremiam, 15.4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 362 |
| 220. Pindar, Pythionica, 9 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 140 |
| 221. Pindar, Olympionica, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 140 |
| 225. Terence, Heauton Timorumenos, 1061-1062 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 119 |
226. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 6.2.15, 8.3.1-8.3.15 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca •nero, emperor Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 204| 6.2.15. Urbs erat ea tempestate clara Hecatompylos, condita a Graecis: ibi stativa rex habuit commeatibus undique advectis. Itaque rumor, otiosi militis vitium, sine auctore percrebruit, regem contentum rebus, quas gessisset, in Macedoniam protinus redire statuisse. Discurrunt lymphatis similes in tabernacula et itineri sarcinas aptant: 8.3.1. Dahas deinde statuerat petere: ibi namque Spitamenen esse cognoverat. Sed hanc quoque expeditionem, ut pleraque alia, fortuna indulgendo ei numquam fatigata pro absente transegit. Spitamenes uxoris inmodico amore flagrabat, quam aegre fugam et nova subinde exilia tolerantem in omne discrimen comitem trahebat. 8.3.2. Illa malis fatigata identidem muliebres adhibere blanditias, ut tandem fugam sisteret victorisque Alexandri clementiam expertus placaret, quem effugere non posset. 8.3.3. Tres adulti erant liberi ex eo geniti: quos cum pectori patris admovisset, ut saltem eorum misereri vellet, orabat: et, quo efficaciores essent. preces, haud procul erat Alexander. 8.3.4. Ille se prodi, non moneri ratus et formae profecto fiducia cupere eam quam primum dedi Alexandro acinacem strinxit percussurus uxorem, 8.3.5. nisi prohibitus esset fratrum eius occursu. Ceterum abire e conspectu iubet addito metu mortis, si se oculis eius obtulisset, et ad desiderium levandum noctes agere inter pelices coepit. 8.3.6. Sed penitus haerens amor fastidio praesentium accensus est. Itaque rursus uni ei deditus orare non destitit, ut tali consilio abstineret patereturque sortem, quamcumque iis fortuna fecisset: 8.3.7. sibi mortem deditione esse leviorem. At illa purgare se, quod, quae utilia esse censebat, muliebriter forsitan, sed fida tamen mente suasisset: de cetero futuram in viri potestate. 8.3.8. Spitamenes simulato captus obsequio de die convivium apparari iubet vinoque et epulis gravis et semisomnus in cubiculum fertur. 8.3.9. Quem ut alto et gravi somno sopitum esse sensit uxor, gladium, quem veste occultaverat, stringit caputque eius abscisum cruore respersa servo suo conscio facinoris tradit. 8.3.10. Eodem comitante, sicuti erat cruenta veste, in Macedonum castra pervenit nuntiarique Alexandro iubet, esse, quae ex ipsa deberet agnoscere. 8.3.11. Ille protinus barbaram iussit admitti. Quam ut respersam cruore conspexit, 8.3.12. ratus ad deplorandam contumeliam venisse, dicere, quae vellet, iubet. At illa servum, quem in vestibulo stare iusserat, introduci desideravit. Qui, quia caput Spitamenis veste tectum habebat, suspectus scrutantibus, quid occuleret, ostendit. 8.3.13. Confuderat oris exsanguis notas pallor, nec, quis esset, nosci satis poterat: ergo rex certior factus, humanum caput adferre eum, tabernaculo excessit percontatusque, quid rei sit, illo profitente cognoscit. 8.3.14. Variae hinc cogitationes invicem animum diversa agitantem commoverant. Meritum ingens in semet esse credebat, quod transfuga et proditor, tantis rebus, si vixisset, iniecturus moram, interfectus esset: contra facinus ingens aversabatur, cum virum optime meritum de ipsa, communium parentem liberum per insidias interemisset. 8.3.15. Vicit tamen gratiam meriti sceleris atrocitas, denuntiarique iussit, ut excederet castris, ne licentiae barbarae exemplar in Graecorum mores et mitia ingenia transferret. | |
|
| 229. Synkellos, Ecloga Chronographica, 407, 410 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 101 |
| 236. Papyri, P.Oxy., 23.2382, 654.5-654.9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 362 |
| 237. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.3.6, 5.20.1, 5.21.2 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 139; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 119 |
| 238. Epigraphy, Elrh, None Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 689 |
239. Strabo, Geography, 6.4.2, 7.7.6, 14.3.3, 16.1.28 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 119; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 343, 418 | 6.4.2. Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father. 7.7.6. Next comes the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. Although the mouth of this gulf is but slightly more than four stadia wide, the circumference is as much as three hundred stadia; and it has good harbors everywhere. That part of the country which is on the right as one sails in is inhabited by the Greek Acarians. Here too, near the mouth, is the sacred precinct of the Actian Apollo — a hill on which the sanctuary stands; and at the foot of the hill is a plain which contains a sacred grove and a naval station, the naval station where Caesar dedicated as first fruits of his victory the squadron of ten ships — from vessel with single bank of oars to vessel with ten; however, not only the boats, it is said, but also the boat-houses have been wiped out by fire. On the left of the mouth are Nicopolis and the country of the Epeirote Cassopaeans, which extends as far as the recess of the gulf near Ambracia. Ambracia lies only a short distance above the recess; it was founded by Gorgus, the son of Cypselus. The River Aracthus flows past Ambracia; it is navigable inland for only a few stadia, from the sea to Ambracia, although it rises in Mount Tymphe and the Paroraea. Now this city enjoyed an exceptional prosperity in earlier times (at any rate the gulf was named after it), and it was adorned most of all by Pyrrhus, who made the place his royal residence. In later times, however, the Macedonians and the Romans, by their continuous wars, so completely reduced both this and the other Epeirote cities because of their disobedience that finally Augustus, seeing that the cities had utterly failed, settled what inhabitants were left in one city together the city on this gulf which was called by him Nicopolis; and he so named it after the victory which he won in the naval battle before the mouth of the gulf over Antonius and Cleopatra the queen of the Egyptians, who was also present at the fight. Nicopolis is populous, and its numbers are increasing daily, since it has not only a considerable territory and the adornment taken from the spoils of the battle, but also, in its suburbs, the thoroughly equipped sacred precinct — one part of it being in a sacred grove that contains a gymnasium and a stadium for the celebration of the quinquennial games, the other part being on the hill that is sacred to Apollo and lies above the grove. These games — the Actia, sacred to Actian Apollo — have been designated as Olympian, and they are superintended by the Lacedemonians. The other settlements are dependencies of Nicopolis. In earlier times also the Actian Games were wont to be celebrated in honor of the god by the inhabitants of the surrounding country — games in which the prize was a wreath — but at the present time they have been set in greater honor by Caesar. 14.3.3. There are twenty-three cities that share in the vote. They come together from each city to a general congress, after choosing whatever city they approve of. The largest of the cities control three votes each, the medium-sized two, and the rest one. In the same proportion, also, they make contributions and discharge other liturgies. Artemidorus said that the six largest were Xanthus, Patara, Pinara, Olympus, Myra, and Tlos, the last named being situated near the pass that leads over into Cibyra. At the congress they first choose a Lyciarch, and then other officials of the League; and general courts of justice are designated. In earlier times they would deliberate about war and peace and alliances, but now they naturally do not do so, since these matters necessarily lie in the power of the Romans, except, perhaps, when the Romans should give them permission or it should be for their benefit. Likewise, judges and magistrates are elected from the several cities in the same proportion. And since they lived under such a good government, they remained ever free under the Romans, thus retaining their ancestral usages; and they saw the pirates utterly wiped out, first by Servilius Isauricus, at the time that he demolished Isaura, and later by Pompey the Great, when he set fire to more than thirteen hundred boats and laid waste their settlements. of the pirates who survived the fights, he brought some down to Soli, which he named Pompeiopolis, and the others to Dyme, where there was a dearth of population; it is now occupied by a colony of Romans. The poets, however, and especially the tragic poets, confuse the tribes, as, for example, the Trojans and the Mysians and the Lydians, whom they call Phrygians; and likewise the Lycians, whom they call Carians. 16.1.28. The Euphrates and its eastern banks are the boundaries of the Parthian empire. The Romans and the chiefs of the Arabian tribes occupy the parts on this side the Euphrates as far as Babylonia. Some of the chiefs attach themselves in preference to the Parthians, others to the Romans, to whom they adjoin. The Scenitae nomads, who live near the river, are less friendly to the Romans than those tribes who are situated at a distance near Arabia Felix. The Parthians were once solicitous of conciliating the friendship of the Romans, but having repulsed Crassus, who began the war with them, they suffered reprisals, when they themselves commenced hostilities, and sent Pacorus into Asia. But Antony, following the advice of the Armenian, was betrayed, and was unsuccessful (against them). Phraates, his successor, was so anxious to obtain the friendship of Augustus Caesar, that he even sent the trophies, which the Parthians had set up as memorials of the defeat of the Romans. He also invited Titius to a conference, who was at that time prefect of Syria, and delivered into his hands, as hostages, four of his legitimate sons, Seraspadanes, Rhodaspes, Phraates, and Bonones, with two of their wives and four of their sons; for he was apprehensive of conspiracy and attempts on his life. He knew that no one could prevail against him, unless he was opposed by one of the Arsacian family, to which race the Parthians were strongly attached. He therefore removed the sons out of his way, with a view of annihilating the hopes of the disaffected.The surviving sons, who live at Rome, are entertained as princes at the public expense. The other kings (his successors) have continued to send ambassadors (to Rome), and to hold conferences (with the Roman prefects). |
|
| 240. Statius Valens, Historia Caesaris, 2.3.76-2.3.77, 2.7.41-2.7.119, 5.3.197 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 236, 238, 268 |
| 242. Epigraphy, Glad. Paria, 1.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 546 |
| 243. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.5, 2.1.1-2.1.2, 2.43, 2.79 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 47, 80 |
| 244. Anon., Thesm., 1059 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 245. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 5.51 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 366 |
| 246. Arch., Att., 1.16.11, 1.18.1, 2.19.3, 4.15.6, 13.52 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 172, 173 |
| 247. Suetonius, Ben., 6.30.6 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8 |
| 248. Arch., Am., 16 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), (un)observed life Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 173 |
| 250. Seneca The Younger, Nero, 57.1 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159 |
| 251. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 1.9.3, 1.40.2, 2.5.1, 2.12, 2.14, 2.17-2.18, 3.1-3.2, 3.1.3, 3.2.1, 3.17.1, 4.20.1, 4.21.1, 4.25, 4.26.1, 4.32, 5.16.1, 5.44.2, 5.53.1 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37, 86, 172, 173, 174, 256, 288 |
| 252. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 4.89 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 331 |
| 253. Anon., Suda, φ422 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 164 |
| 254. Hegesippus Comicus, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 251 |
| 255. Epigraphy, Ccca, 6.77 Tagged with subjects: •emperors, nero Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 78 |
| 256. Mela, Nepos, None Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210 |
| 258. Plin., Ep., 8.22, 10.57.2 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170 |
| 259. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 46 |
| 262. Numismatics, Rib, 2404.3 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 689 |
| 263. Plin., Pan., 48.5, 57.4, 58.3, 66.2-66.4 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 47, 183 |
| 264. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.20 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50 |
| 265. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Ciris, 36-41 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 211 |
| 266. Pseudo-Quintilian, Major Declamations, 9.10 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 91 |
| 267. Digesta, Digesta, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 169 |
| 268. Epigraphy, Ae, 1913.134, 1972.174 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 83 |
| 269. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170 |
| 270. Epigraphy, Didyma, 163, 233 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 223, 224 |
| 271. Epigraphy, Ekm 1. Beroia, 117 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 546 |
| 272. Epigraphy, Ephesos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 229 |
| 273. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 229 |
| 274. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 3161.3-3161.4 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 100 |
| 275. Epigraphy, Ils, 1612, 225, 2304, 231, 375, 425, 5050, 5154, 5193, 9505, 2927 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 344 |
| 276. Pseudo-Eustathius, De Rebaptismate, 438, 437 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 194 |
| 277. Schol. Ad Septem 680 258 And 258N17, Ammianus Marcellinus, 57 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, death •nero, emperor, posthumous impersonations Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 145 |
| 278. Epigraphy, Ogis, 51.43 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero, emperor Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 313 |
| 279. Epigraphy, Priene, 81 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 332 |
| 280. Lucretius, Pharsalia, 6.1096-6.1097 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 337 |
| 281. Epigraphy, Seg, 11.464, 11.923, 17.315, 49.886, 52.1496, 53.1758, 55.744 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), and pantomime •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 546, 662; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 109, 131 |
| 282. Epigraphy, Teos, 61 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 283. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.3.1 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 344 |
| 284. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 86-88, 90, 89 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 234 |
| 285. Suda, Geography, None Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 46 |
| 286. Javol., Dig., 4.8.39 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170 |
| 287. Eusebius, Chronographia, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 101 |
| 288. Manilius, Astronomica, 1.7, 4.932 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 211 |
| 289. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 5.3.3, 8.1 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 110; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 234 |
| 290. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 2.211-2.213, 4.181-4.184 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 81, 194 |
| 291. Arrian, Epict. Diss., 1.24.16 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 292. Marcus Aurelius, Med., 7.38, 7.40-7.41, 11.6 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 293. Cicero, On Behalf of King Deiotarus, 9.25 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 256 |
| 294. Gellius Aulus, N.A., 6.12 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 36 |
| 295. Claudian, De Iii Consulatu Honorii, 106-108, 110, 109 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 211 |
| 296. Plutarch, Cato Major, 18 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32 |
| 297. Epigraphy, I. Thespiae, 358 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 131, 135, 164, 165, 166, 171, 172, 223, 224 |
| 298. Euripides, Trgf Fr., 208, 287 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 299. Accius, Fr., 205 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 224 |
| 300. Justinus, Epit., 16.5, 16.5.10 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 301. Philostratus, V.S., 1.21.518, 1.500, 2.10.590, 2.11.591, 2.24.607 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28, 164 |
| 302. Philostratus, V.A., 4.38.5, 4.39.2, 7.4.2 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), performing greek tragedy Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 165 |
| 303. Philistus of Syracuse, Fgrh 556, None Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 28 |
| 304. Anon., Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, 247-248 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 331 |
| 305. Augustus, Sng Levante, 259 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 418 |
| 306. Epigraphy, I. Sardeis, None Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 418 |
| 307. Augustus, Sng Aulock, 5200 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 418 |
| 311. Epigraphy, Igbulg, 5.5691 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 662 |
| 312. Epigraphy, Illrp, 5795 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 267 |
| 313. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, None Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133 |
| 314. Nero, Fragmenta, None Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor, and seneca Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 112 |
| 315. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine, Short Recension, 8.11 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 188 |
| 316. Lucian, [Nero], 8-9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 166 |
| 317. Epigraphy, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 418 |
318. Vergil, Georgics, 1.24-1.42, 1.498-1.499, 3.15, 3.478, 4.560-4.563 Tagged with subjects: •nero (roman emperor) •nero (emperor), (un)observed life •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), prodigies and Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 211; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50, 78; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 337| 1.24. tuque adeo, quem mox quae sint habitura deorum 1.25. concilia, incertum est, urbisne invisere, Caesar, 1.26. terrarumque velis curam et te maximus orbis 1.27. auctorem frugum tempestatumque potentem 1.28. accipiat, cingens materna tempora myrto, 1.29. an deus inmensi venias maris ac tua nautae 1.30. numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule 1.31. teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis, 1.32. anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, 1.33. qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis 1.34. panditur—ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens 1.35. Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit— 1.36. quidquid eris,—nam te nec sperant Tartara regem 1.37. nec tibi regdi veniat tam dira cupido, 1.38. quamvis Elysios miretur Graecia campos 1.39. nec repetita sequi curet Proserpina matrem— 1.40. da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis 1.41. ignarosque viae mecum miseratus agrestis 1.42. ingredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari. 1.498. Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule Vestaque mater, 1.499. quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas, 3.15. Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.478. Hic quondam morbo caeli miseranda coorta est 4.560. et super arboribus, Caesar dum magnus ad altum 4.561. fulminat Euphraten bello victorque volentes 4.562. per populos dat iura viamque adfectat Olympo. 4.563. Illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat | |
|
| 319. Vergil, Eclogues, 7.12 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50 |
320. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.3, 4.89, 4.172, 7.64, 7.346, 8.81-8.83, 9.332-9.333, 10.562, 11.642 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor •nero (emperor) •nero (emperor), murders committed by •nero (emperor), prodigies and •emperors, nero Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 119, 156; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 81; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 211, 218; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 247, 276 | 2.3. Father Aeneas with these words began :— 4.89. the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping 4.172. hall first unveil the world. But I will pour 7.64. to King Latinus' body no heirs male: 7.346. they prophesy for Latium 's heir, whose seed 8.81. hall mount my falling stream. Rise, goddess-born, 8.82. and ere the starlight fade give honor due 8.83. to Juno, and with supplicating vow 9.332. to steal a march, that cross-road by the gate 9.333. close-fronting on the bridge. Their lines of fire 10.562. heer off; with one great stone he crushed the brows 11.642. in clouds above the altar; at the doors |
|
| 321. [Aristotle], Physiognomica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105 |
| 322. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 113, 243, 257 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 142 |
| 323. Augustus, Seg, 37.1186 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 381 |
| 324. Aurelius Victor, Aurelius Victor, 13.6 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 381 |
| 325. Epigraphy, Bmc, 6 Tagged with subjects: •nero, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 418 |
| 326. John Malalas, History, 10.27 Tagged with subjects: •nero (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 101 |
| 327. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 127-130, 309-317, 319-376, 435-592, 929-946, 318 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 15, 198, 217, 218 |
