The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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30 results for "elites"

1. Septuagint, Tobit, 2.7, 8.9-8.18 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 244

2.7. When the sun had set I went and dug a grave and buried the body. 8.9. Then they both went to sleep for the night.But Raguel arose and went and dug a grave, 8.10. with the thought, "Perhaps he too will die." 8.15. Then Raguel blessed God and said, "Blessed art thou, O God, with every pure and holy blessing.Let thy saints and all thy creatures bless thee;let all thy angels and thy chosen people bless thee for ever. 8.16. Blessed art thou, because thou hast made me glad. It has not happened to me as I expected;but thou hast treated us according to thy great mercy. 8.17. Blessed art thou, because thou hast had compassion on two only children. Show them mercy, O Lord;and bring their lives to fulfilment in health and happiness and mercy."

2. Septuagint, Tobit, 2.7, 8.9-8.18 (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 244

3. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 1.5, 4.13, 5.12, 6.14, 8.8, 10.13, 11.2-11.3, 11.8-11.9, 11.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •copper scroll (, on elite and non-elite burials •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 245

4. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 1.5, 4.13, 5.12, 6.14, 8.8, 10.13, 11.2-11.3, 11.8-11.9, 11.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •copper scroll (, on elite and non-elite burials •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 245

5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.52, 2.388, 4.318-4.325, 4.567, 5.147, 5.201, 5.252, 5.474, 5.506 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 234, 235, 239

2.52. συνελάμβανον δ' αὐτοῖς οἱ πλείους τῶν βασιλικῶν αὐτομολήσαντες. τὸ μέντοι πολεμικώτατον μέρος, Σεβαστηνοὶ τρισχίλιοι ̔Ροῦφός τε καὶ Γρᾶτος ἐπὶ τούτοις, ὁ μὲν τοὺς πεζοὺς τῶν βασιλικῶν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἔχων, ̔Ροῦφος δὲ τοὺς ἱππεῖς, ὢν ἑκάτερος καὶ χωρὶς ὑπηκόου δυνάμεως δι' ἀλκὴν καὶ σύνεσιν πολέμου ῥοπή, προσέθεντο ̔Ρωμαίοις. 2.52. γενναιότατοι δ' αὐτῶν ἔδοξαν οἱ Μονοβάζου τοῦ τῆς ̓Αδιαβηνῆς βασιλέως συγγενεῖς, Μονόβαζός τε καὶ Κενεδαῖος, μεθ' οὓς ὁ Περαί̈της Νίγερ καὶ Σίλας ὁ Βαβυλώνιος αὐτομολήσας εἰς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀπ' ̓Αγρίππα τοῦ βασιλέως: 2.388. τίνας οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς ἀοικήτου παραλήψεσθε συμμάχους; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάντες εἰσὶν ̔Ρωμαῖοι, εἰ μή τις ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἐκτείνει τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ̓Αδιαβηνῆς ὁμοφύλους οἴεται προσαμυνεῖν, 4.318. οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοιμι δ' εἰπὼν ἁλώσεως ἄρξαι τῇ πόλει τὸν ̓Ανάνου θάνατον, καὶ ἀπ' ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἀνατραπῆναι τὸ τεῖχος καὶ διαφθαρῆναι τὰ πράγματα ̓Ιουδαίοις, ἐν ᾗ τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἡγεμόνα τῆς ἰδίας σωτηρίας αὐτῶν ἐπὶ μέσης τῆς πόλεως εἶδον ἀπεσφαγμένον. 4.319. ἦν γὰρ δὴ τά τε ἄλλα σεμνὸς ἁνὴρ καὶ δικαιότατος. καὶ παρὰ τὸν ὄγκον τῆς τε εὐγενείας καὶ τῆς ἀξίας καὶ ἧς εἶχε τιμῆς ἠγαπηκὼς τὸ ἰσότιμον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ταπεινοτάτους, φιλελεύθερός τε ἐκτόπως καὶ δημοκρατίας ἐραστής, 4.321. καθόλου δ' εἰπεῖν, ζῶντος ̓Ανάνου πάντως ἂν διελύθησαν: δεινὸς γὰρ ἦν εἰπεῖν τε καὶ πεῖσαι τὸν δῆμον, ἤδη δὲ ἐχειροῦτο καὶ τοὺς ἐμποδίζοντας: ἢ πολεμοῦντες πλείστην ἂν τριβὴν ̔Ρωμαίοις παρέσχον ὑπὸ τοιούτῳ στρατηγῷ. 4.322. παρέζευκτο δ' αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ ̓Ιησοῦς, αὐτοῦ μὲν λειπόμενος κατὰ σύγκρισιν, προύχων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων. 4.323. ἀλλ' οἶμαι κατακρίνας ὁ θεὸς ὡς μεμιασμένης τῆς πόλεως ἀπώλειαν καὶ πυρὶ βουλόμενος ἐκκαθαρθῆναι τὰ ἅγια τοὺς ἀντεχομένους αὐτῶν καὶ φιλοστοργοῦντας περιέκοπτεν. 4.324. οἱ δὲ πρὸ ὀλίγου τὴν ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα περικείμενοι καὶ τῆς κοσμικῆς θρησκείας κατάρχοντες προσκυνούμενοί τε τοῖς ἐκ τῆς οἰκουμένης παραβάλλουσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἐρριμμένοι γυμνοὶ βορὰ κυνῶν καὶ θηρίων ἐβλέποντο. 4.325. αὐτὴν ἐπ' ἐκείνοις στενάξαι τοῖς ἀνδράσι δοκῶ τὴν ἀρετήν, ὀλοφυρομένην ὅτι τοσοῦτον ἥττητο τῆς κακίας. ἀλλὰ [γὰρ] τὸ μὲν ̓Ανάνου καὶ ̓Ιησοῦ τέλος τοιοῦτον ἀπέβη. 5.147. τῷ τρίτῳ δ' ἀρχὴ ἦν ὁ ̔Ιππικὸς πύργος, ὅθεν μέχρι τοῦ βορείου κλίματος κατατεῖνον ἐπὶ τὸν Ψήφινον πύργον, ἔπειτα καθῆκον ἀντικρὺ τῶν ̔Ελένης μνημείων, ̓Αδιαβηνὴ βασιλὶς ἦν αὕτη ̓Ιζάτου βασιλέως θυγάτηρ, καὶ διὰ σπηλαίων βασιλικῶν μηκυνόμενον ἐκάμπτετο μὲν γωνιαίῳ πύργῳ κατὰ τὸ τοῦ Γναφέως προσαγορευόμενον μνῆμα, τῷ δ' ἀρχαίῳ περιβόλῳ συνάπτον εἰς τὴν Κεδρῶνα καλουμένην φάραγγα κατέληγεν. 5.201. Τῶν δὲ πυλῶν αἱ μὲν ἐννέα χρυσῷ καὶ ἀργύρῳ κεκαλυμμέναι πανταχόθεν ἦσαν ὁμοίως τε αἵ τε παραστάδες καὶ τὰ ὑπέρθυρα, μία δ' ἡ ἔξωθεν τοῦ νεὼ Κορινθίου χαλκοῦ πολὺ τῇ τιμῇ τὰς καταργύρους καὶ περιχρύσους ὑπεράγουσα. 5.474. Τεφθέος δέ τις ἀπὸ Γάρις πόλεως τῆς Γαλιλαίας, καὶ Μαγάσσαρος τῶν βασιλικῶν Μαριάμμης θεράπων, μεθ' ὧν ̓Αδιαβηνός τις υἱὸς Ναβαταίου, τοὔνομα κληθεὶς ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης καὶ ἀγίρας, ὅπερ σημαίνει χωλός, ἁρπάσαντες λαμπάδας προεπήδησαν ἐπὶ τὰς μηχανάς. 5.506. μεθ' ἣν ἀναβαίνων κατὰ τὸ ̓Ανάνου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως μνημεῖον καὶ διαλαβὼν τὸ ὄρος, ἔνθα Πομπήιος ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο, πρὸς κλίμα βόρειον ἐπέστρεφε,

2.52. There were also a great many of the king’s party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king’s party under him, and Rufus the horse) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 4.318. I should not mistake if I said that the death of Aus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the midst of their city. 4.319. He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honor of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people; 4.320. he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed; 4.321. to say all in a word, if Aus had survived, they had certainly compounded matters; for he was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was. 4.322. Jesus was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest; 4.323. and I cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a polluted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and wellwishers, 4.324. while those that a little before had worn the sacred garments, and had presided over the public worship; and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. 4.325. And I cannot but imagine that virtue itself groaned at these men’s case, and lamented that she was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this at last was the end of Aus and Jesus. 5.147. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the “Monument of the Fuller,” and joined to the old wall at the valley called the “Valley of Cedron.” 5.201. 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. 5.474. And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne’s servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying “a lame man,” snatched some torches, and ran suddenly upon the engines. 5.506. beyond which it went up again at the monument of Aus the high priest, and encompassing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp,

6. Mishnah, Eduyot, 7.1-7.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •copper scroll (, on elite and non-elite burials •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 246

7. Mishnah, Middot, 1.4, 2.3, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

1.4. שִׁבְעָה שְׁעָרִים הָיוּ בָעֲזָרָה, שְׁלשָׁה בַצָּפוֹן וּשְׁלשָׁה בַדָּרוֹם וְאֶחָד בַּמִּזְרָח. שֶׁבַּדָּרוֹם, שַׁעַר הַדֶּלֶק. שֵׁנִי לוֹ, שַׁעַר הַבְּכוֹרוֹת. שְׁלִישִׁי לוֹ, שַׁעַר הַמָּיִם. שֶׁבַּמִּזְרָח, שַׁעַר נִקָּנוֹר, וּשְׁתֵּי לְשָׁכוֹת הָיוּ לוֹ, אַחַת מִימִינוֹ וְאַחַת מִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ, אַחַת לִשְׁכַּת פִּנְחָס הַמַּלְבִּישׁ, וְאַחַת לִשְׁכַּת עוֹשֵׂי חֲבִתִּין: 2.3. לִפְנִים מִמֶּנּוּ, סוֹרֵג, גָּבוֹהַּ עֲשָׂרָה טְפָחִים. וּשְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה פְרָצוֹת הָיוּ שָׁם, שֶׁפְּרָצוּם מַלְכֵי יָוָן. חָזְרוּ וּגְדָרוּם, וְגָזְרוּ כְנֶגְדָּם שְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה הִשְׁתַּחֲוָיוֹת. לִפְנִים מִמֶּנּוּ, הַחֵיל, עֶשֶׂר אַמּוֹת. וּשְׁתֵּים עֶשְׂרֵה מַעֲלוֹת הָיוּ שָׁם. רוּם הַמַּעֲלָה חֲצִי אַמָּה, וְשִׁלְחָהּ חֲצִי אַמָּה. כָּל הַמַּעֲלוֹת שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, רוּם מַעֲלָה חֲצִי אַמָּה, וְשִׁלְחָהּ חֲצִי אַמָּה, חוּץ מִשֶּׁל אוּלָם. כָּל הַפְּתָחִים וְהַשְּׁעָרִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, גָּבְהָן עֶשְׂרִים אַמָּה, וְרָחְבָּן עֶשֶׂר אַמּוֹת, חוּץ מִשֶּׁל אוּלָם. כָּל הַפְּתָחִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, הָיוּ לָהֶן דְּלָתוֹת, חוּץ מִשֶּׁל אוּלָם. כָּל הַשְּׁעָרִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, הָיוּ לָהֶן שְׁקוֹפוֹת, חוּץ מִשַּׁעַר טָדִי, שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם שְׁתֵּי אֲבָנִים מֻטּוֹת זוֹ עַל גַּב זוֹ. כָּל הַשְּׁעָרִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, נִשְׁתַּנּוּ לִהְיוֹת שֶׁל זָהָב, חוּץ מִשַּׁעַר נִקָּנוֹר, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁנַּעֲשָׂה בָהֶן נֵס. וְיֵשׁ אוֹמְרִים, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁנְּחֻשְׁתָּן מַצְהִיב: 2.6. וּלְשָׁכוֹת הָיוּ תַחַת עֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל, וּפְתוּחוֹת לְעֶזְרַת הַנָּשִׁים, שֶׁשָּׁם הַלְוִיִּם נוֹתְנִים כִּנּוֹרוֹת וּנְבָלִים וּמְצִלְתַּיִם וְכָל כְּלֵי שִׁיר. עֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל הָיְתָה אֹרֶךְ מֵאָה אַמָּה וּשְׁלשִׁים וְחָמֵשׁ עַל רֹחַב אַחַת עֶשְׂרֵה. וְכֵן עֶזְרַת כֹּהֲנִים הָיְתָה אֹרֶךְ מֵאָה וּשְׁלשִׁים וְחָמֵשׁ עַל רֹחַב אַחַת עֶשְׂרֵה. וְרָאשֵׁי פִסְפָּסִין מַבְדִּילִין בֵּין עֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל לְעֶזְרַת הַכֹּהֲנִים. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן יַעֲקֹב אוֹמֵר, מַעֲלָה הָיְתָה שָׁם, וּגְבוֹהָה אַמָּה, וְהַדּוּכָן נָתוּן עָלֶיהָ, וּבָהּ שָׁלשׁ מַעֲלוֹת שֶׁל חֲצִי חֲצִי אַמָּה. נִמְצֵאת עֶזְרַת הַכֹּהֲנִים גְּבוֹהָה מֵעֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל שְׁתֵּי אַמּוֹת וּמֶחֱצָה. כָּל הָעֲזָרָה הָיְתָה אֹרֶךְ מֵאָה וּשְׁמוֹנִים וָשֶׁבַע עַל רֹחַב מֵאָה וּשְׁלשִׁים וְחָמֵשׁ. וּשְׁלֹשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה הִשְׁתַּחֲוָיוֹת הָיוּ שָׁם. אַבָּא יוֹסֵי בֶן חָנָן אוֹמֵר, כְּנֶגֶד שְׁלֹשָׁה עָשָׂר שְׁעָרִים. שְׁעָרִים דְּרוֹמִיִּים סְמוּכִים לַמַּעֲרָב, שַׁעַר הָעֶלְיוֹן, שַׁעַר הַדֶּלֶק, שַׁעַר הַבְּכוֹרוֹת, שַׁעַר הַמָּיִם, וְלָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ שַׁעַר הַמַּיִם. שֶׁבּוֹ מַכְנִיסִין צְלוֹחִית שֶׁל מַיִם שֶׁל נִסּוּךְ בֶּחָג. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן יַעֲקֹב אוֹמֵר, וּבוֹ הַמַּיִם מְפַכִּים, וַעֲתִידִין לִהְיוֹת יוֹצְאִין מִתַּחַת מִפְתַּן הַבָּיִת. וּלְעֻמָּתָן בַּצָּפוֹן סְמוּכִים לַמַּעֲרָב, שַׁעַר יְכָנְיָה, שַׁעַר הַקָּרְבָּן, שַׁעַר הַנָּשִׁים, שַׁעַר הַשִּׁיר. וְלָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ שַׁעַר יְכָנְיָה, שֶׁבּוֹ יָצָא יְכָנְיָה בְּגָלוּתוֹ. שֶׁבַּמִּזְרָח, שַׁעַר נִקָּנוֹר. וּשְׁנֵי פִשְׁפָּשִׁים הָיוּ לוֹ, אֶחָד מִימִינוֹ וְאֶחָד מִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ. וּשְׁנַיִם בַּמַעֲרָב, לֹא הָיָה לָהֶם שֵׁם:

1.4. There were seven gates in the courtyard: three in the north and three in the south and one in the east. In the south: the Gate of Kindling, and next to it the Gate of the First-borns, and then the Water Gate. In the east: the Gate of Nicanor. It had two chambers, one on its right and one on its left. One was the chamber of Pinchas the dresser and one the other the chamber of the griddle cake makers. 2.3. Within it was the Soreg, ten handbreadths high. There were thirteen breaches in it, which had been originally made by the kings of Greece, and when they repaired them they enacted that thirteen prostrations should be made facing them. Within this was the Hel, which was ten cubits [broad]. There were twelve steps there. The height of each step was half a cubit and its tread was half a cubit. All the steps in the Temple were half a cubit high with a tread of half a cubit, except those of the Porch. All the doorways in the Temple were twenty cubits high and ten cubits broad except those of the Porch. All the doorways there had doors in them except those of the Porch. All the gates there had lintels except that of Taddi which had two stones inclined to one another. All the original gates were changed for gates of gold except the gates of Nicanor, because a miracle happened with them. Some say: because their copper gleamed like gold. 2.6. There were chambers underneath the Court of Israel which opened into the Court of Women, where the Levites used to keep lyres and lutes and cymbals and all kinds of musical instruments. The Court of Israel was a hundred and thirty-five cubits in length by eleven in breadth. Similarly the Court of the Priests was a hundred and thirty-five cubits in length by eleven in breadth. And a row of mosaic stones separated the Court of Israel from the Court of the Priests. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: there was a step a cubit high on which a platform was placed, and it had three steps each of half a cubit in height. In this way the Court of the Priests was made two and a half cubits higher than that of Israel. The whole of the Court was a hundred and eighty-seven cubits in length by a hundred and thirty-five in breadth. And thirteen prostrations were made there. Abba Yose ben Ha says: they were made facing the thirteen gates. On the south beginning from the west there were the upper gate, the gate of burning, the gate of the firstborn, and the water gate. And why was it called the water gate? Because they brought in through it the pitcher of water for libation on the festival. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: in it the water welled up, and in the time to come from there it will come out from under the threshold of the Temple. Corresponding to them in the north beginning in the west were the gate of Yehoniah, the gate of the offering, the women's gate, the gate of song. Why was it called the gate of Yehoniah? Because Yehoniah went forth into captivity through it. On the east was the gate of Nicanor; it had two doors, one on its right and one on its left (10 +. There were further two gates in the west which had no special name (12 +.

8. Mishnah, Parah, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 233

3.5. לֹא מָצְאוּ מִשֶּׁבַע, עוֹשִׂין מִשֵּׁשׁ, מֵחָמֵשׁ, מֵאַרְבַּע, מִשָּׁלשׁ, מִשְּׁתַּיִם וּמֵאֶחָת. וּמִי עֲשָׂאָם. הָרִאשׁוֹנָה עָשָׂה משֶׁה, וְהַשְּׁנִיָּה עָשָׂה עֶזְרָא, וְחָמֵשׁ, מֵעֶזְרָא וָאֵילָךְ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, שֶׁבַע מֵעֶזְרָא וָאֵילָךְ. וּמִי עֲשָׂאָן. שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק וְיוֹחָנָן כֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל עָשׂוּ שְׁתַּיִם שְׁתַּיִם, אֶלְיְהוֹעֵינַי בֶּן הַקּוֹף וַחֲנַמְאֵל הַמִּצְרִי וְיִשְׁמָעֵאל בֶּן פִּיאָבִי עָשׂוּ אַחַת אֶחָת:

3.5. If they did not find the residue of the ashes of the seven [red cows] they performed the sprinkling with those of six, of five, of four, of three, of two or of one. And who prepared these? Moses prepared the first, Ezra prepared the second, and five were prepared from the time of Ezra, the words of Rabbi Meir. But the sages say: seven from the time of Ezra. And who prepared them? Shimon the Just and Yoha the high priest prepared two; Elihoenai the son of Ha-Kof and Hanamel the Egyptian and Ishmael the son of Piabi prepared one each.

9. Mishnah, Yoma, 3.1, 3.8-3.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

3.1. בֶּן קָטִין עָשָׂה שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר דַּד לַכִּיּוֹר, שֶׁלֹּא הָיוּ לוֹ אֶלָּא שְׁנַיִם. וְאַף הוּא עָשָׂה מוּכְנִי לַכִּיּוֹר, שֶׁלֹּא יִהְיו מֵימָיו נִפְסָלִין בְּלִינָה. מֻנְבַּז הַמֶּלֶךְ הָיָה עוֹשֶׂה כָל יְדוֹת הַכֵּלִים שֶׁל יוֹם הַכִּפּוּרִים שֶׁל זָהָב. הִילְנִי אִמּוֹ עָשְׂתָה נִבְרֶשֶׁת שֶׁל זָהָב עַל פִּתְחוֹ שֶׁל הֵיכָל. וְאַף הִיא עָשְׂתָה טַבְלָא שֶׁל זָהָב שֶׁפָּרָשַׁת סוֹטָה כְתוּבָה עָלֶיהָ. נִיקָנוֹר נַעֲשׂוּ נִסִּים לְדַלְתוֹתָיו, וְהָיוּ מַזְכִּירִין אוֹתוֹ לְשָׁבַח: 3.1. אָמַר לָהֶם הַמְמֻנֶּה, צְאוּ וּרְאוּ אִם הִגִּיעַ זְמַן הַשְּׁחִיטָה. אִם הִגִּיעַ, הָרוֹאֶה אוֹמֵר, בַּרְקַאי. מַתִּתְיָא בֶּן שְׁמוּאֵל אוֹמֵר, הֵאִיר פְּנֵי כָל הַמִּזְרָח עַד שֶׁבְּחֶבְרוֹן. וְהוּא אוֹמֵר הֵן: 3.8. בָּא לוֹ אֵצֶל פָּרוֹ, וּפָרוֹ הָיָה עוֹמֵד בֵּין הָאוּלָם וְלַמִּזְבֵּחַ, רֹאשׁוֹ לַדָּרוֹם וּפָנָיו לַמַּעֲרָב, וְהַכֹּהֵן עוֹמֵד בַּמִּזְרָח וּפָנָיו לַמַּעֲרָב, וְסוֹמֵךְ שְׁתֵּי יָדָיו עָלָיו וּמִתְוַדֶּה. וְכָךְ הָיָה אוֹמֵר, אָנָּא הַשֵּׁם, עָוִיתִי פָּשַׁעְתִּי חָטָאתִי לְפָנֶיךָ אֲנִי וּבֵיתִי. אָנָּא הַשֵּׁם, כַּפֶּר נָא לָעֲוֹנוֹת וְלַפְּשָׁעִים וְלַחֲטָאִים, שֶׁעָוִיתִי וְשֶׁפָּשַׁעְתִּי וְשֶׁחָטָאתִי לְפָנֶיךָ אֲנִי וּבֵיתִי, כַּכָּתוּב בְּתוֹרַת משֶׁה עַבְדֶּךָ (ויקרא טז), כִּי בַיּוֹם הַזֶּה יְכַפֵּר עֲלֵיכֶם לְטַהֵר אֶתְכֶם מִכֹּל חַטֹּאתֵיכֶם לִפְנֵי יְיָ תִּטְהָרוּ. וְהֵן עוֹנִין אַחֲרָיו, בָּרוּךְ שֵׁם כְּבוֹד מַלְכוּתוֹ לְעוֹלָם וָעֶד: 3.9. בָּא לוֹ לְמִזְרַח הָעֲזָרָה, לִצְפוֹן הַמִּזְבֵּחַ, הַסְּגָן מִימִינוֹ וְרֹאשׁ בֵּית אָב מִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ. וְשָׁם שְׁנֵי שְׂעִירִים, וְקַלְפִּי הָיְתָה שָׁם וּבָהּ שְׁנֵי גוֹרָלוֹת. שֶׁל אֶשְׁכְּרוֹעַ הָיוּ, וַעֲשָׂאָן בֶּן גַּמְלָא שֶׁל זָהָב, וְהָיוּ מַזְכִּירִין אוֹתוֹ לְשָׁבַח:

3.1. The officer said to them: “Go out and see whether the time for slaughtering [the morning sacrifice] has arrived.” If it had arrived then he who saw it said: “It is daylight!” Matitya ben Shmuel says: “The whole east is light.” Even unto Hebron? And he answered “Yes.” 3.8. He came to his bull and his bull was standing between the Ulam and the altar, its head to the south and its face to the west. And the priest stands on the eastside facing the west. And he lays both his hands upon it and confesses. And thus he would say: “Please, ‘Hashem’! I have done wrong, I have transgressed, I have sinned before You, I and my house. Please, ‘Hashem’! Forgive the wrongdoings, the transgressions, the sins which I have committed and transgressed and sinned before You, I and my house, as it is written in the torah of Moses Your servant: “For on this day shall atonement be made for you [to cleanse you of all your sins; you shall be clean before the Lord”] (Leviticus 16:30). And they answered after him: “Blessed be the name of His glorious kingdom for ever and ever!” 3.9. He then went to the east of the Temple court, to the north of the altar, the deputy high priest at his right and the head of the [priestly] family [ministering that week] at his left. There were two goats and an urn was there, and in it were two lots. They were of box-wood and Ben Gamala made them of gold and they would mention his name in praise.

10. Tosefta, Peah, 4.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

4.18. מעשה במונבז המלך שעמד ובזבז את כל אוצרותיו בשני בצורת אמרו לו אחיו אבותיך גנזו אוצרות והוסיפו על [של] אבותם ואתה עמדת ובזבזת את כל אוצרותיך שלך ושל אבותיך אמר להם אבותי גנזו אוצרות למטה ואני גנזתי למעלה שנא' (תהילים פ״ה:י״ב) אמת מארץ תצמח וגו' אבותי גנזו [אוצרות] במקום שהיד שולטת בו ואני גנזתי אוצרות במקום שאין היד שולטת בו שנאמר (תהילים פ״ט:ט״ו) צדק ומשפט מכון כסאך וגו' אבותי גנזו אוצרות שאין עושין פירות ואני גנזתי אוצרות שעושין פירות שנאמר (ישעיהו ג׳:י׳) אמרו צדיק כי טוב [וגו'] אבותי גנזו אוצרות של ממון ואני גנזתי אוצרות של נפשות שנא' (משלי י״א:ל׳) פרי צדיק עץ חיים ולוקח נפשות חכם אבותי גנזו אוצרות לאחרים ואני גנזתי לעצמי שנא' (דברים כ״ד:י״ג) ולך תהיה צדקה לפני ה' אלהיך אבותי גנזו אוצרות בעוה\"ז ואני גנזתי לעוה\"ב שנא' (ישעיהו נ״ח:ח׳) והלך לפניך צדקך צדקה וגמילת חסדים שקולין כנגד כל מצות שבתורה אלא שהצדקה בחיים וגמ\"ח בחיים ובמתים צדקה בעניים גמילות חסדים בעניים ובעשירים צדקה בממונו גמילות חסדים בממונו ובגופו.

11. New Testament, John, 10.23, 11.49, 18.13-18.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 233, 238

10.23. καὶ περιεπάτει [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἐν τῇ στοᾷ τοῦ Σολομῶνος. 11.49. εἷς δέ τις ἐξ αὐτῶν Καιάφας, ἀρχιερεὺς ὢν τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου, εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδατε οὐδέν, 18.13. καὶ ἤγαγον πρὸς Ἅνναν πρῶτον· ἦν γὰρ πενθερὸς τοῦ Καιάφα, ὃς ἦν ἀρχιερεὺς τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου· 18.14. ἦν δὲ Καιάφας ὁ συμβουλεύσας τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ὅτι συμφέρει ἕνα ἄνθρωπον ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ. 18.15. Ἠκολούθει δὲ τῷ Ἰησοῦ Σίμων Πέτρος καὶ ἄλλος μαθητής. ὁ δὲ μαθητὴς ἐκεῖνος ἦν γνωστὸς τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, καὶ συνεισῆλθεν τῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, 18.16. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος ἱστήκει πρὸς τῇ θύρᾳ ἔξω. ἐξῆλθεν οὖν ὁ μαθητὴς ὁ ἄλλος ὁ γνωστὸς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ εἶπεν τῇ θυρωρῷ καὶ εἰσήγαγεν τὸν Πέτρον. 18.17. λέγει οὖν τῷ Πέτρῳ ἡ παιδίσκη ἡ θυρωρός Μὴ καὶ σὺ ἐκ τῶν μαθητῶν εἶ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τούτου; 18.18. λέγει ἐκεῖνος Οὐκ εἰμί. ἱστήκεισαν δὲ οἱ δοῦλοι καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται ἀνθρακιὰν πεποιηκότες, ὅτι ψύχος ἦν, καὶ ἐθερμαίνοντο· ἦν δὲ καὶ ὁ Πέτρος μετʼ αὐτῶν ἑστὼς καὶ θερμαινόμενος. 18.19. Ὁ οὖν ἀρχιερεὺς ἠρώτησεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν περὶ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ τῆς διδαχῆς αὐτοῦ. 18.20. ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς Ἐγὼ παρρησίᾳ λελάληκα τῷ κόσμῳ· ἐγὼ πάντοτε ἐδίδαξα ἐν συναγωγῇ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, ὅπου πάντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι συνέρχονται, καὶ ἐν κρυπτῷ ἐλάλησα οὐδέν· 18.21. τί με ἐρωτᾷς; ἐρώτησον τοὺς ἀκηκοότας τί ἐλάλησα αὐτοῖς· ἴδε οὗτοι οἴδασιν ἃ εἶπον ἐγώ. 18.22. ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ εἰπόντος εἷς παρεστηκὼς τῶν ὑπηρετῶν ἔδωκεν ῥάπισμα τῷ Ἰησοῦ εἰπών Οὕτως ἀποκρίνῃ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ; 18.23. ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς Εἰ κακῶς ἐλάλησα, μαρτύρησον περὶ τοῦ κακοῦ· εἰ δὲ καλῶς, τί με δέρεις; 18.24. Ἀπέστειλεν οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἅννας δεδεμένον πρὸς Καιάφαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα. 18.25. Ἦν δὲ Σίμων Πέτρος ἑστὼς καὶ θερμαινόμενος. εἶπον οὖν αὐτῷ Μὴ καὶ σὺ ἐκ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ εἶ; ἠρνήσατο ἐκεῖνος καὶ εἶπεν Οὐκ εἰμί. 18.26. λέγει εἷς ἐκ τῶν δούλων τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, συγγενὴς ὢν οὗ ἀπέκοψεν Πέτρος τὸ ὠτίον Οὐκ ἐγώ σε εἶδον ἐν τῷ κήπῳ μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 18.27. πάλιν οὖν ἠρνήσατο Πέτρος· καὶ εὐθέως ἀλέκτωρ ἐφώνησεν. 18.28. Ἄγουσιν οὖν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καιάφα εἰς τὸ πραιτώριον· ἦν δὲ πρωί· καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐκ εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὸ πραιτώριον, ἵνα μὴ μιανθῶσιν ἀλλὰ φάγωσιν τὸ πάσχα. 18.29. ἐξῆλθεν οὖν ὁ Πειλᾶτος ἔξω πρὸς αὐτοὺς καί φησιν Τίνα κατηγορίαν φέρετε τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τούτου; 18.30. ἀπεκρίθησαν καὶ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Εἰ μὴ ἦν οὗτος κακὸν ποιῶν, οὐκ ἄν σοι παρεδώκαμεν αὐτόν.

10.23. It was winter, and Jesus was walking in the temple, in Solomon's porch. 11.49. But a certain one of them, Caiaphas, being high priest that year, said to them, "You know nothing at all, 18.13. and led him to Annas first, for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, who was high priest that year. 18.14. Now it was Caiaphas who advised the Jews that it was expedient that one man should perish for the people. 18.15. Simon Peter followed Jesus, as did another disciple. Now that disciple was known to the high priest, and entered in with Jesus into the court of the high priest; 18.16. but Peter was standing at the door outside. So the other disciple, who was known to the high priest, went out and spoke to her who kept the door, and brought in Peter. 18.17. Then the maid who kept the door said to Peter, "Are you also one of this man's disciples?"He said, "I am not." 18.18. Now the servants and the officers were standing there, having made a fire of coals, for it was cold. They were warming themselves. Peter was with them, standing and warming himself. 18.19. The high priest therefore asked Jesus about his disciples, and about his teaching. 18.20. Jesus answered him, "I spoke openly to the world. I always taught in synagogues, and in the temple, where the Jews always meet. I said nothing in secret. 18.21. Why do you ask me? Ask those who have heard me what I said to them. Behold, these know the things which I said." 18.22. When he had said this, one of the officers standing by slapped Jesus with his hand, saying, "Do you answer the high priest like that?" 18.23. Jesus answered him, "If I have spoken evil, testify of the evil; but if well, why do you beat me?" 18.24. Annas sent him bound to Caiaphas, the high priest. 18.25. Now Simon Peter was standing and warming himself. They said therefore to him, "You aren't also one of his disciples, are you?"He denied it, and said, "I am not." 18.26. One of the servants of the high priest, being a relative of him whose ear Peter had cut off, said, "Didn't I see you in the garden with him?" 18.27. Peter therefore denied it again, and immediately the rooster crowed. 18.28. They led Jesus therefore from Caiaphas into the Praetorium. It was early, and they themselves didn't enter into the Praetorium, that they might not be defiled, but might eat the Passover. 18.29. Pilate therefore went out to them, and said, "What accusation do you bring against this man?" 18.30. They answered him, "If this man weren't an evildoer, we wouldn't have delivered him up to you."

12. New Testament, Luke, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 233

3.2. ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως Ἅννα καὶ Καιάφα, ἐγένετο ῥῆμα θεοῦ ἐπὶ Ἰωάνην τὸν Ζαχαρίου υἱὸν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ.

3.2. in the high priesthood of Annas and Caiaphas, the word of God came to John, the son of Zacharias, in the wilderness.

13. New Testament, Matthew, 23.27-23.28, 26.3, 26.57 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 233, 243

23.27. Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι παρομοιάζετε τάφοις κεκονιαμένοις, οἵτινες ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνονται ὡραῖοι ἔσωθεν δὲ γέμουσιν ὀστέων νεκρῶν καὶ πάσης ἀκαθαρσίας· 23.28. οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνεσθε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις δίκαιοι, ἔσωθεν δέ ἐστε μεστοὶ ὑποκρίσεως καὶ ἀνομίας. 26.3. Τότε συνήχθησαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τοῦ λαοῦ εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τοῦ λεγομένου Καιάφα, 26.57. Οἱ δὲ κρατήσαντες τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπήγαγον πρὸς Καιάφαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα, ὅπου οἱ γραμματεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι συνήχθησαν.

23.27. "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you are like whitened tombs, which outwardly appear beautiful, but inwardly are full of dead men's bones, and of all uncleanness. 23.28. Even so you also outwardly appear righteous to men, but inwardly you are full of hypocrisy and iniquity. 26.3. Then the chief priests, the scribes, and the elders of the people were gathered together in the court of the high priest, who was called Caiaphas. 26.57. Those who had taken Jesus led him away to Caiaphas the high priest, where the scribes and the elders were gathered together.

14. Tosefta, Kippurim, 2.3-2.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

2.3. בן קטין עשה שנים עשר דד לכיור שנים עשר כהנים מקדשין ממנו שמתחלה לא היו בו אלא שנים [ושנים] כהנים מקדשין הימנו ומזכירין אותו לשבח מונבז המלך עשה כל ידות הסכינין של יום הכפורים זהב ומזכירין אותו לשבח הילני המלכה אמו עשתה נברשת של זהב שעל פתח ההיכל אף היא עשתה טבלא של זהב שפרשת סוטה כתובה [עלה שבשעה שחמה זורחת היו נצוצות יוצאין הימנה ויודעין שחמה זורחת כל] השערים שהיו שם נשתנו להיות של זהב חוץ משערי נקנור מפני שנעשה בהן נס וי\"א מפני שנחושתן [מצהיב] ר\"א בן יעקב אומר נחושתא קלניתא [והיה] יפה כזהב. 2.4. [מהו נס שנעשה בהן אמרו כשהיה נקנור מביאו מאלכסנדריא שבמצרים] עמד עליהן נחשול שבים לטבען ונטלו אחד מהן והטילוהו לים [ובקשו להטיל את השני ולא הניחן נקנור אמר להם אם אתם מטילין את השני הטילוני עמו היה מצטער ובא עד שהגיע לנמל של יפו כיון שהגיע לנמילה של יפו היה מבעבע ועולה מתחת הספינה וי\"א אחת מהן חיה שבים בלעה אותה וכיון שהגיע ניקנור לנמילה של יפו פלטתו והטילתו ליבשה ועליהן מפורש בקבלה (שיר השירים א׳:י״ז) קורות בתינו ארזים וגו'].

15. Tosefta, Yevamot, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 233

16. New Testament, Acts, 3.11, 4.6, 5.12-5.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 233, 238

3.11. Κρατοῦντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν Πέτρον καὶ τὸν Ἰωάνην συνέδραμεν πᾶς ὁ λαὸς πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ στοᾷ τῇ καλουμένῃ Σολομῶντος ἔκθαμβοι. 4.6. Ἰερουσαλήμ (καὶ Ἅννας ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ Καιάφας καὶ Ἰωάννης καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ ὅσοι ἦσαν ἐκ γένους ἀρχιερατικοὖ) 5.12. Διὰ δὲ τῶν χειρῶν τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐγίνετο σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα πολλὰ ἐν τῷ λαῷ· καὶ ἦσαν ὁμοθυμαδὸν πάντες ἐν τῇ Στοᾷ Σολομῶντος· 5.13. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα κολλᾶσθαι αὐτοῖς·

3.11. As the lame man who was healed held Peter and John, all the people ran together to them in the porch that is called Solomon's, greatly wondering. 4.6. Annas the high priest was there, with Caiaphas, John, Alexander, and as many as were relatives of the high priest. 5.12. By the hands of the apostles many signs and wonders were done among the people. They were all with one accord in Solomon's porch. 5.13. None of the rest dared to join them, however the people honored them.

17. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 15.32, 17.78, 17.166, 18.35, 18.95, 18.123, 19.297, 20.17-20.94, 20.216-20.218, 20.220-20.221, 20.223 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 223, 233, 234, 235, 238

15.32. κρύφα τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγων τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας πράττειν, ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφαιρεθῇ τὴν ἀρχήν, τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἀντ' αὐτοῦ παραλάβῃ τὰ πράγματα δι' ̓Αντωνίου. 15.32. Σίμων ἦν ̔Ιεροσολυμίτης υἱὸς Βοηθοῦ τινος ̓Αλεξανδρέως, ἱερεὺς ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις, εἶχεν δὲ θυγατέρα καλλίστην τῶν τότε νομιζομένην. 17.78. κατηγορεῖτο δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἡ θυγάτηρ, γυνὴ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς πάντων ἵστωρ τούτων γενομένη κρύπτειν προθυμηθεῖσα αὐτά. καὶ διὰ τάδε ̔Ηρώδης ἐκείνην τε ἐξέβαλεν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς ἐξήλειψε τῶν διαθηκῶν εἰς ὃ βασιλεύσοι μενουσῶν, καὶ τὸν πενθερὸν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφείλετο Σίμωνα τὸν τοῦ Βοηθοῦ, καθίσταται δὲ Ματθίαν τὸν Θεοφίλου ̔Ιεροσολυμίτην γένος. 17.166. αἰτία δ' ἐστὶν ἥδε: ὁ Ματθίας ἱερώμενος ἐν νυκτὶ τῇ φερούσῃ εἰς ἡμέραν, ᾗ ἡ νηστεία ἐνίστατο, ἔδοξεν ἐν ὀνείρατι ὡμιληκέναι γυναικί, καὶ διὰ τόδε οὐ δυναμένου ἱερουργεῖν ̓Ιώσηπος ὁ τοῦ ̓Ελλήμου συνιεράσατο αὐτῷ συγγενὴς ὤν. 18.35. οὐ πλείων δὲ καὶ τῷδε ἐνιαυτοῦ τὴν τιμὴν ἔχοντι διεγένετο χρόνος, καὶ ̓Ιώσηπος ὁ καὶ Καϊάφας διάδοχος ἦν αὐτῷ. καὶ Γρᾶτος μὲν ταῦτα πράξας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐπανεχώρει ἕνδεκα ἔτη διατρίψας ἐν ̓Ιουδαίᾳ, Πόντιος δὲ Πιλᾶτος διάδοχος αὐτῷ ἧκεν. 18.35. ὁ δὲ καὐτὸς ᾔδει μὲν τὴν ἁμαρτάδα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μεγάλων αἰτίαν οὖσαν κακῶν καὶ ἐσομένην, οὐ μὴν ἀπείχετό γε εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ συγγενοῦς νικώμενος καὶ συγγνώμην νέμων ὡς ὑπὸ κρείσσονος κακοῦ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας νικωμένου. 18.95. Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ πατρίῳ ποιεῖται τὴν στολήν, ᾗ τε κείσοιτο μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν ἐπισκήψας τῷ φρουράρχῳ καὶ ὁπότε δέοι χρῆσθαι. καὶ ταῦτα πράξας ἐπὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα ̓Ιώσηπον τὸν Καϊάφαν ἐπικαλούμενον ἀπαλλάξας τῆς ἱερωσύνης ̓Ιωνάθην καθίστησιν ̓Ανάνου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱόν. ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας δ' αὖθις ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁδόν. 18.123. εἰς ἣν ἀπαντήσας καὶ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πλήθους ἐκπρεπῶς τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας ταύτῃ διατριβὴν ποιεῖται, ἐν αἷς ̓Ιωνάθην τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος ἐγχειρίζει τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ Θεοφίλῳ, 19.297. ̓Εντελῶς δ' οὖν θρησκεύσας τὸν θεὸν ̓Αγρίππας Θεόφιλον μὲν τὸν ̓Ανάνου τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης μετέστησεν, τῷ δὲ Βοηθοῦ Σίμωνι, τούτῳ Κανθηρᾶς ἐπίκλησις ἦν, τὴν ἐκείνου προσένειμε τιμήν. δύο δ' ἦσαν ἀδελφοὶ τῷ Σίμωνι καὶ πατὴρ Βοηθός, οὗ τῇ θυγατρὶ βασιλεὺς συνῴκησεν ̔Ηρώδης, ὡς ἀνωτέρω δεδήλωται. 20.17. Κατὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τῶν ̓Αδιαβηνῶν βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης εἰς τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη τὸν βίον μετέβαλον διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: 20.17. θέλειν γὰρ ἔφασκεν αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπιδεῖξαι, ὡς κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ πίπτοι τὰ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν τείχη, δι' ὧν καὶ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῖς παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο. 20.18. Μονόβαζος ὁ τῶν ̓Αδιαβηνῶν βασιλεύς, ᾧ καὶ Βαζαῖος ἐπίκλησις ἦν, τῆς ἀδελφῆς ̔Ελένης ἁλοὺς ἔρωτι τῇ πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίᾳ ἄγεται καὶ κατέστησεν ἐγκύμονα. συγκαθεύδων δέ ποτε τῇ γαστρὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τὴν χεῖρα προσαναπαύσας ἡνίκα καθύπνωσεν, φωνῆς τινος ἔδοξεν ὑπακούειν κελευούσης αἴρειν ἀπὸ τῆς νηδύος τὴν χεῖρα καὶ μὴ θλίβειν τὸ ἐν αὐτῇ βρέφος θεοῦ προνοίᾳ καὶ ἀρχῆς τυχὸν καὶ τέλους εὐτυχοῦς τευξόμενον. 20.18. ἐξάπτεται δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι στάσις πρὸς τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν, ἕκαστός τε αὐτῶν στῖφος ἀνθρώπων τῶν θρασυτάτων καὶ νεωτεριστῶν ἑαυτῷ ποιήσας ἡγεμὼν ἦν, καὶ συρράσσοντες ἐκακολόγουν τε ἀλλήλους καὶ λίθοις ἔβαλλον. ὁ δ' ἐπιπλήξων ἦν οὐδὲ εἷς, ἀλλ' ὡς ἐν ἀπροστατήτῳ πόλει ταῦτ' ἐπράσσετο μετ' ἐξουσίας. 20.19. ταραχθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τῆς φωνῆς εὐθὺς διεγερθεὶς ἔφραζε τῇ γυναικὶ ταῦτα, καί γε τὸν υἱὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἐπεκάλεσεν. 20.19. τὸ δὲ βασίλειον ἐγεγόνει πάλαι ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων, ἐφ' ὑψηλοῦ δὲ τόπου κείμενον τοῖς κατοπτεύειν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ βουλομένοις τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτερπεστάτην παρεῖχεν τὴν θέαν, ἧς ἐφιέμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖθεν ἀφεώρα κατακείμενος τὰ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν πρασσόμενα. 20.21. φθόνος δὲ τοὐντεῦθεν τῷ παιδὶ παρὰ τῶν ὁμοπατρίων ἀδελφῶν ἐφύετο κἀκ τούτου μῖσος ηὔξετο λυπουμένων ἁπάντων, ὅτι τὸν ̓Ιζάτην αὐτῶν ὁ πατὴρ προτιμῴη. 20.21. τοῦτο μειζόνων κακῶν ἦρξεν: οἱ γὰρ λῃσταὶ παντοίως ἐπεμηχανῶντο τῶν ̓Ανανίου τινὰς συλλαμβάνειν οἰκείων καὶ συνεχῶς ζωγροῦντες οὐκ ἀπέλυον πρὶν ἤ τινας τῶν σικαρίων ἀπολάβοιεν γενόμενοί τε πάλιν ἀριθμὸς οὐκ ὀλίγος ἀναθαρρήσαντες τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν ἐκάκουν. 20.22. ταῦτα δὲ καίπερ σαφῶς αἰσθανόμενος ὁ πατὴρ ἐκείνοις μὲν συνεγίνωσκεν ὡς μὴ διὰ κακίαν αὐτὸ πάσχουσιν ἀλλ' ἤτοι παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ἀξιῶν εὐνοίας τυγχάνειν, τὸν δὲ νεανίαν, σφόδρα γὰρ ἐδεδοίκει περὶ αὐτοῦ, μὴ μισούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πάθοι τι, πολλὰ δωρησάμενος πρὸς ̓Αβεννήριγον ἐκπέμπει τὸν Σπασίνου χάρακος βασιλέα, παρακατατιθέμενος ἐκείνῳ τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς σωτηρίαν. 20.22. καὶ χρήματα μὲν ἀπόθετα διὰ τὸν ἐκ ̔Ρωμαίων φόβον ἔχειν οὐ θέλων, προνοούμενος δὲ τῶν τεχνιτῶν καὶ εἰς τούτους ἀναλοῦν τοὺς θησαυροὺς βουλόμενος, καὶ γὰρ εἰ μίαν τις ὥραν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐργάσαιτο, τὸν μισθὸν ὑπὲρ ταύτης εὐθέως ἐλάμβανεν, ἔπειθον τὸν βασιλέα τὴν ἀνατολικὴν στοὰν ἀνεγεῖραι. 20.23. ὁ δὲ ̓Αβεννήριγος ἄσμενός τε δέχεται τὸν νεανίαν καὶ διὰ πολλῆς εὐνοίας ἄγων γυναῖκα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν θυγατέρα, Σαμαχὼς δ' ἦν ὄνομα ταύτῃ, δίδωσι: δωρεῖται δὲ χώραν, ἐξ ἧς μεγάλας λήψοιτο προσόδους. 20.23. γίνεται δὲ τῶν ἐτῶν ἀριθμὸς ὧν ἦρξαν οἱ δεκατρεῖς ἀφ' ἧς ἡμέρας οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἐξέλιπον Αἴγυπτον Μωυσέως ἄγοντος μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευῆς, ὃν Σολόμων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀνήγειρεν, ἔτη δώδεκα πρὸς τοῖς ἑξακοσίοις. 20.24. Μονόβαζος δὲ ἤδη γηραιὸς ὢν καὶ τοῦ ζῆν ὀλίγον αὐτῷ τὸν λοιπὸν ὁρῶν χρόνον ἠθέλησεν εἰς ὄψιν ἀφικέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ πρὸ τοῦ τελευτῆσαι. μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεται φιλοφρονέστατα, καὶ χώραν δίδωσιν Καρρῶν λεγομένην. 20.24. καὶ τοῦτον δὲ δόλῳ παρὰ συμπόσιον ὑπὸ τοῦ γαμβροῦ διαφθαρέντα διεδέξατο παῖς ̔Υρκανὸς ὄνομα ὃν κατασχόντα τὴν ἱερωσύνην πλείονα τἀδελφοῦ χρόνον ἐνιαυτῷ, τριακονταὲν ἔτη τῆς τιμῆς ̔Υρκανὸς ἀπολαύσας τελευτᾷ γηραιὸς ̓Ιούδᾳ τῷ καὶ ̓Αριστοβούλῳ κληθέντι τὴν διαδοχὴν καταλιπών. 20.25. φέρειν δ' ἡ γῆ πλεῖστον τὸ ἄμωμον ἀγαθή: ἔστι δ' ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τὰ λείψανα τῆς λάρνακος, ᾗ Νῶχον ἐκ τῆς ἐπομβρίας διασεσῶσθαι λόγος ἔχει, καὶ μέχρι νῦν ταῦτα τοῖς ἰδεῖν βουλομένοις ἐπιδείκνυται. 20.25. εἰσὶν οὖν οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου χρόνων ἀρχιερατεύσαντες μέχρι τῆς ἡμέρας, ἧς τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν Τίτος ἑλὼν ἐπυρπόλησεν, οἱ πάντες εἴκοσι καὶ ὀκτώ, χρόνος δὲ τούτων ἔτη πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν ἑπτά. 20.26. διέτριβεν οὖν ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ταύτῃ μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ πατρός. ᾗ δ' ἐξέλιπεν ἡμέρᾳ τὸν βίον ὁ Μονόβαζος ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη μεταπέμπεται πάντας τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας καὶ τῆς βασιλείας σατράπας καὶ τοὺς τὰς δυνάμεις πεπιστευμένους. 20.26. ὅσα τε πεπόνθαμεν ὑπὸ ̓Ασσυρίων τε καὶ Βαβυλωνίων, τίνα τε Πέρσαι καὶ Μακεδόνες διατεθείκασιν ἡμᾶς, καὶ μετ' ἐκείνους ̔Ρωμαῖοι: πάντα γὰρ οἶμαι μετ' ἀκριβείας συντεταχέναι. 20.27. οἷς ἀφικομένοις, “ὅτι μὲν ὁ ἐμὸς ἀνήρ, εἶπε, τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ διάδοχον ̓Ιζάτην ηὔξατο γενέσθαι καὶ τοῦτον ἄξιον ἔκρινεν, οὐδ' ὑμᾶς λεληθέναι δοκῶ, περιμένω δὲ ὅμως καὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν κρίσιν: μακάριος γὰρ οὐχ ὁ παρ' ἑνός, ἀλλὰ πλειόνων καὶ θελόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν λαμβάνων.” 20.28. ἡ μὲν ταῦτ' εἶπεν ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τοῦ τί φρονοῖεν οἱ συγκληθέντες: οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες πρῶτον μὲν προσεκύνησαν τὴν βασιλίδα, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, εἶτ' ἔφασαν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην βεβαιοῦν καὶ ὑπακούσεσθαι χαίροντες ̓Ιζάτῃ δικαίως ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς προκριθέντι τῶν ἀδελφῶν κατὰ τὰς εὐχὰς τὰς ἁπάντων. 20.29. βούλεσθαί τ' ἔφασαν προαποκτεῖναι πρῶτον αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ συγγενεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ̓Ιζάτην μετ' ἀσφαλείας κατασχεῖν: φθαρέντων γὰρ ἐκείνων καθαιρεθήσεσθαι πάντα τὸν φόβον τὸν ὑπὸ μίσους τοῦ παρ' αὐτῶν καὶ φθόνου γινόμενον. 20.31. οἱ δ' ἐπεὶ ἀνελεῖν συμβουλεύσαντες οὐκ ἔπεισαν, ἀλλὰ φυλάσσειν αὐτοὺς δεσμίους παρῄνουν μέχρι τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας τῆς ἑαυτῶν. συνεβούλευον δ' αὐτῇ μεταξὺ προστήσασθαί τινα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπίτροπον, ᾧ μάλιστα πιστεύει. 20.32. πείθεται τούτοις ἡ ̔Ελένη, καὶ καθίστησι τὸν πρεσβύτατον παῖδα Μονόβαζον βασιλέα περιθεῖσα τὸ διάδημα καὶ δοῦσα τὸν σημαντῆρα τοῦ πατρὸς δακτύλιον τήν τε σαμψηρὰν ὀνομαζομένην παρ' αὐτοῖς, διοικεῖν τε τὴν βασιλείαν παρῄνεσεν μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παρουσίας. 20.33. ἧκε δ' οὗτος ταχέως ἀκούσας τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν καὶ διαδέχεται τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μονόβαζον ὑπεκστάντος τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ. 20.34. Καθ' ὃν δὲ χρόνον ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ἐν τῷ Σπασίνου χάρακι διέτριβεν ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἔμπορος ̓Ανανίας ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιὼν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐδίδασκεν αὐτὰς τὸν θεὸν σέβειν, ὡς ̓Ιουδαίοις πάτριον ἦν, 20.35. καὶ δὴ δι' αὐτῶν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφικόμενος τῷ ̓Ιζάτῃ κἀκεῖνον ὁμοίως συνανέπεισεν μετακληθέντι τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν συνεξῆλθεν κατὰ πολλὴν ὑπακούσας δέησιν: συνεβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὴν ̔Ελένην ὁμοίως ὑφ' ἑτέρου τινὸς ̓Ιουδαίου διδαχθεῖσαν εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνων μετακεκομίσθαι νόμους. 20.36. ὁ δ' ̓Ιζάτης ὡς παρέλαβεν τὴν βασιλείαν, ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν καὶ θεασάμενος τούς τε ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους συγγενεῖς δεδεμένους ἐδυσχέρανεν τῷ γεγονότι. 20.37. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀνελεῖν ἢ φυλάττειν δεδεμένους ἀσεβὲς ἡγούμενος, τὸ δὲ μνησικακοῦντας ἔχειν σὺν αὐτῷ μὴ δεδεμένους σφαλερὸν εἶναι νομίζων, τοὺς μὲν ὁμηρεύσοντας μετὰ τέκνων εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἐξέπεμψε Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς ̓Αρταβάνην τὸν Πάρθον ἐφ' ὁμοίαις προφάσεσιν ἀπέστειλεν. 20.38. Πυθόμενος δὲ πάνυ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθεσιν χαίρειν τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἔσπευσε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνα μεταθέσθαι, νομίζων τε μὴ ἂν εἶναι βεβαίως ̓Ιουδαῖος, εἰ μὴ περιτέμνοιτο, πράττειν ἦν ἕτοιμος. 20.39. μαθοῦσα δ' ἡ μήτηρ κωλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ κίνδυνον λέγουσα: βασιλέα γὰρ εἶναι, καὶ καταστήσειν εἰς πολλὴν δυσμένειαν τοὺς ὑπηκόους μαθόντας, ὅτι ξένων ἐπιθυμήσειεν καὶ ἀλλοτρίων αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαί τε βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαίου. 20.41. δεδοικέναι γὰρ ἔλεγεν, μὴ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδήλου πᾶσιν γενομένου κινδυνεύσειε τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν ὡς αὐτὸς αἴτιος τούτων καὶ διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπρεπῶν ἔργων γενόμενος, δυνάμενον δ' αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ χωρὶς τῆς περιτομῆς τὸ θεῖον σέβειν, εἴγε πάντως κέκρικε ζηλοῦν τὰ πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων: τοῦτ' εἶναι κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι: 20.42. συγγνώμην δ' ἕξειν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θεὸν φήσαντος μὴ πράξαντι τὸ ἔργον δι' ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων φόβον, ἐπείσθη μὲν τότε τοῖς λόγοις ὁ βασιλεύς. 20.43. μετὰ ταῦτα δέ, τὴν γὰρ ἐπιθυμίαν οὐκ ἐξεβεβλήκει παντάπασιν, ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἕτερος ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀφικόμενος ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα πάνυ περὶ τὰ πάτρια δοκῶν ἀκριβὴς εἶναι προετρέψατο πρᾶξαι τοὖργον. 20.44. ἐπεὶ γὰρ εἰσῆλθεν ἀσπασόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ κατέλαβε τὸν Μωυσέος νόμον ἀναγινώσκοντα, “λανθάνεις, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ μέγιστα τοὺς νόμους καὶ δι' αὐτῶν τὸν θεὸν ἀδικῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἀναγινώσκειν σε δεῖ μόνον αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιεῖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν. 20.45. μέχρι τίνος ἀπερίτμητος μενεῖς; ἀλλ' εἰ μήπω τὸν περὶ τούτου νόμον ἀνέγνως, ἵν' εἰδῇς τίς ἐστιν ἡ ἀσέβεια, νῦν ἀνάγνωθι.” 20.46. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐχ ὑπερεβάλετο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μεταστὰς δ' εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα καὶ τὸν ἰατρὸν εἰσκαλεσάμενος τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐτέλει καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν διδάσκαλον ̓Ανανίαν ἐσήμαινεν αὐτὸν πεπραχέναι τοὖργον. 20.47. τοὺς δ' ἔκπληξις εὐθὺς ἔλαβεν καὶ φόβος οὔτι μέτριος, μὴ τῆς πράξεως εἰς ἔλεγχον ἐλθούσης κινδυνεύσειεν μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλεῖν οὐκ ἀνασχομένων τῶν ὑπηκόων ἄρχειν αὐτῶν ἄνδρα τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις ζηλωτὴν ἐθῶν, κινδυνεύσειαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς αἰτίας ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐνεχθείσης. 20.48. θεὸς δ' ἦν ὁ κωλύσων ἄρα τοὺς ἐκείνων φόβους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τέλος: πολλοῖς γὰρ αὐτόν τε τὸν ̓Ιζάτην περιπεσόντα κινδύνοις καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐκείνου διέσωσεν ἐξ ἀμηχάνων πόρον εἰς σωτηρίαν παρασχών, ἐπιδεικνὺς ὅτι τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπουσιν καὶ μόνῳ πεπιστευκόσιν ὁ καρπὸς οὐκ ἀπόλλυται ὁ τῆς εὐσεβείας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. 20.49. ̔Ελένη δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ ὁρῶσα τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν εἰρηνευόμενα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτῆς μακάριον καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι ζηλωτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσι διὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν, ἐπιθυμίαν ἔσχεν εἰς τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικομένη τὸ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις περιβόητον ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνῆσαι καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας προσενεγκεῖν, ἐδεῖτό τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρέψαι. 20.51. γίνεται δὲ αὐτῆς ἡ ἄφιξις πάνυ συμφέρουσα τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις: λιμοῦ γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον πιεζοῦντος καὶ πολλῶν ὑπ' ἐνδείας ἀναλωμάτων φθειρομένων ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη πέμπει τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτῆς, τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πολλῶν σῖτον ὠνησομένους χρημάτων, τοὺς δ' εἰς Κύπρον ἰσχάδων φόρτον οἴσοντας. 20.52. ὡς δ' ἐπανῆλθον ταχέως κομίζοντες τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις διένειμε τροφὴν καὶ μεγίστην αὐτῆς μνήμην τῆς εὐποιίας ταύτης εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἡμῶν ἔθνος καταλέλοιπε. 20.53. πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν. 20.54. ̔Ο δὲ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς ̓Αρταβάνης αἰσθόμενος τοὺς σατράπας ἐπιβουλὴν ἐπ' αὐτὸν συντεθεικότας, μένειν παρ' αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλὲς οὐχ ὁρῶν ἔγνω πρὸς ̓Ιζάτην ἀπαίρειν, πόρον παρ' αὐτοῦ βουλόμενος σωτηρίας εὑρέσθαι καὶ κάθοδον εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν, εἰ δυνηθείη. 20.55. καὶ δὴ ἀφικνεῖται συγγενῶν τε καὶ οἰκετῶν περὶ χιλίους τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐπαγόμενος συντυγχάνει τε τῷ ̓Ιζάτῃ καθ' ὁδόν. 20.56. αὐτός τε σαφῶς ἐκεῖνον ἐπιστάμενος, ὑπ' ̓Ιζάτου δὲ οὐ γινωσκόμενος, πλησίον καταστὰς πρῶτον μὲν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν, εἶτα “βασιλεῦ”, φησίν, “μὴ περιίδῃς με τὸν σὸν ἱκέτην μηδ' ὑπερηφανήσῃς δεομένου: ταπεινὸς γὰρ ἐκ μεταβολῆς γενόμενος καὶ ἐκ βασιλέως ἰδιώτης τῆς σῆς ἐπικουρίας χρῄζω. 20.57. βλέψον οὖν εἰς τὸ τῆς τύχης ἄστατον καὶ κοινὴν εἶναι νόμισον καὶ ὑπὲρ σαυτοῦ πρόνοιαν: ἐμοῦ γὰρ ἀνεκδικήτου περιοφθέντος ἔσονται θρασύτεροι πολλοὶ καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων.” 20.58. ὁ μὲν ταῦτ' ἔλεγεν δακρύων καὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ κάτω νεύων, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιζάτης ὡς ἤκουσε τοὔνομα καὶ εἶδεν ἱκέτην αὐτῷ παρεστῶτα τὸν ̓Αρταβάνην, κατεπήδησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου καί “θάρσησον, 20.59. εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μηδέ σε συγχείτω τὸ παρὸν ὡς ἀνήκεστον: ταχεῖα γὰρ ἔσται τῆς λύπης ἡ μεταβολή. φίλον δέ με καὶ σύμμαχον εὑρήσεις κρείττω τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἢ γὰρ εἰς τὴν Πάρθων σε καταστήσω βασιλείαν πάλιν ἢ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐκστήσομαι.” 20.61. ὁ δὲ πεισθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἥλατο καὶ ἀγαγὼν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν πᾶσαν τιμὴν ἀπένειμεν ἔν τε συνεδρίαις καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὰς ἑστιάσεις προκατακλίσεσιν, οὐκ εἰς τὸ παρὸν αὐτοῦ τῆς τύχης ἀποβλέπων, ἀλλ' εἰς τὸ πρότερον ἀξίωμα, καί τι καὶ λογισμῷ διδούς, ὡς κοιναὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις αἱ μεταβολαὶ τῆς τύχης. 20.62. γράφει τε πρὸς τοὺς Πάρθους πείθων αὐτοὺς τὸν ̓Αρταβάνην ὑποδέξασθαι, πίστιν προτείνων τῆς τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀμνηστίας δεξιὰν καὶ ὅρκους καὶ μεσιτείαν τὴν αὐτοῦ. 20.63. τῶν δὲ Πάρθων δέξασθαι μὲν αὐτὸν θέλειν οὐκ ἀρνουμένων, μὴ δύνασθαι δὲ λεγόντων διὰ τὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἑτέρῳ πεπιστευκέναι, Κίνναμος δ' ἦν ὄνομα τῷ παρειληφότι, καὶ δεδοικέναι, μὴ στάσις αὐτοὺς ἐκ τούτου καταλάβῃ, 20.64. μαθὼν τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ὁ Κίνναμος ταύτην αὐτὸς γράφει τῷ ̓Αρταβάνῃ, τέθραπτο γὰρ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ φύσει δ' ἦν καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθός, παρακαλῶν αὐτῷ πιστεύσαντα παραγενέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποληψόμενον τὴν αὐτοῦ. 20.65. καὶ ὁ ̓Αρταβάνης πιστεύσας παρῆν. ὑπαντᾷ δ' αὐτῷ ὁ Κίνναμος καὶ προσκυνήσας βασιλέα τε προσαγορεύσας περιτίθησιν αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ τὸ διάδημα ἀφελὼν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ. 20.66. Καὶ ̓Αρταβάνης οὕτω διὰ ̓Ιζάτου πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καθίσταται πρότερον αὐτῆς ἐκπεσὼν διὰ τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας. οὐκ ἐγένετο μὴν ἀμνήμων τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν εὐεργεσιῶν, ἀλλ' ἀντιδωρεῖται τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ταῖς μεγίσταις τιμαῖς παρ' αὐτοῖς: 20.67. τήν τε γὰρ τιάραν ὀρθὴν ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ φορεῖν καὶ ἐπὶ κλίνης χρυσῆς καθεύδειν, ἅπερ μόνων ἐστὶ γέρα καὶ σημεῖα τῶν Πάρθων βασιλέων. 20.68. ἔδωκεν δὲ καὶ χώραν πολλὴν αὐτῷ κἀγαθὴν τοῦ τῶν ̓Αρμενίων βασιλέως ἀποτεμόμενος, Νίσιβις δέ ἐστιν ὄνομα τῇ γῇ, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ πρότερον Μακεδόνες ἐκτίσαντο πόλιν ̓Αντιόχειαν, ἣν ̓Επιμυγδονίαν προσηγόρευσαν. ταύταις μὲν δὴ ταῖς τιμαῖς ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλέως ἐτιμήθη. 20.69. Μετ' οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον ̓Αρταβάνης τελευτᾷ τὴν βασιλείαν τῷ παιδὶ Οὐαρδάνῃ καταλιπών. οὗτος δὴ πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἀφικόμενος ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν μέλλων πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν συστρατεύεσθαι καὶ συμμαχίαν ἑτοιμάζειν. 20.71. ἔτι τε πεπομφὼς πέντε μὲν τὸν ἀριθμὸν υἱοὺς τὴν ἡλικίαν νέους γλῶτταν τὴν παρ' ἡμῖν πάτριον καὶ παιδείαν ἀκριβῶς μαθησομένους, τὴν δὲ μητέρα προσκυνήσουσαν τὸ ἱερόν, ὡς προεῖπον, ὀκνηρότερος ἦν καὶ τὸν Οὐαρδάνην ἐκώλυεν συνεχῶς διηγούμενος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων δυνάμεις τε καὶ πράξεις, διὰ τούτων οἰόμενος αὐτὸν φοβήσειν καὶ παύσειν ἐπιθυμοῦντα τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοὺς στρατείας. 20.72. παροξυνθεὶς δ' ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ Πάρθος πόλεμον εὐθὺς πρὸς ̓Ιζάτην κατήγγειλεν. οὐ μὴν ἔλαβεν οὐδὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτῳ στρατείας ὄνησιν τοῦ θεοῦ τὰς ἐλπίδας αὐτοῦ πάσας ὑποτεμόντος: 20.73. μαθόντες γὰρ οἱ Πάρθοι τὴν διάνοιαν τοῦ Οὐαρδάνου καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ ̔Ρωμαίους στρατεύειν ἔκρινεν, αὐτὸν μὲν ἀναιροῦσιν, τὴν ἀρχὴν δὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ Κοτάρδῃ παρέδοσαν. 20.74. καὶ τοῦτον δὲ μετ' οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς τελευτήσαντα διαδέχεται Οὐολογέσης ὁ ἀδελφός, ὃς δὴ καὶ τοῖς ὁμοπατρίοις δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς δυναστείας ἐπίστευσεν, Πακόρῳ μὲν τῷ καὶ πρεσβυτέρῳ τὴν Μήδων, Τιριδάτῃ δὲ τῷ νεωτέρῳ τὴν ̓Αρμενίαν. 20.75. ̔Ο δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς Μονόβαζος καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς θεωροῦντες τὸν ̓Ιζάτην διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ζηλωτὸν παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις γεγενημένον ἔσχον ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ πάτρια καταλιπόντες ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων. 20.76. γίνεται δ' ἡ πρᾶξις αὐτῶν κατάφωρος τοῖς ὑπηκόοις, κἀπὶ τούτῳ χαλεπήναντες οἱ μεγιστᾶνες οὐκ ἐφανέρουν μὲν τὴν ὀργήν, κατὰ νοῦν δὲ ἔχοντες καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐζήτουν δίκην εἰσπράξασθαι σπεύδοντες παρ' αὐτῶν. 20.77. καὶ δὴ γράφουσιν πρὸς ̓Αβίαν τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενοι στρατεύσασθαι θελήσαντι κατὰ τοῦ παρ' αὐτοῖς βασιλέως, ἐπηγγέλλοντο δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν πρώτην συμβολὴν ἐγκαταλείψειν τὸν βασιλέα: θέλειν γὰρ αὐτὸν τιμωρήσασθαι μισήσαντα τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ἔθη: καὶ ὅρκοις τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐνδησάμενοι πίστιν σπεύδειν παρεκάλουν. 20.78. πείθεται δὲ ὁ ̓́Αραψ, καὶ πολλὴν ἐπαγόμενος δύναμιν ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν ̓Ιζάτην. μελλούσης δὲ τῆς πρώτης συμβολῆς πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν καταλείπουσιν τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἐκ συνθήματος πάντες ὡς πανικῷ δείματι κατασχεθέντες, καὶ τὰ νῶτα τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐντρέψαντες ἔφευγον. 20.79. οὐ μὴν ὁ ̓Ιζάτης κατεπλάγη, νοήσας δὲ προδοσίαν ὑπὸ τῶν μεγιστάνων γεγενῆσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ὑπεχώρησεν, καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ζητήσας ὡς ἔμαθεν συντεταγμένους πρὸς τὸν ̓́Αραβα, τοὺς μὲν αἰτίους ἀναιρεῖ, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ συμβαλὼν πλείστους μὲν ἀπέκτεινε, 20.81. ̓Αποτυχόντες δὲ οἱ τῶν ̓Αδιαβηνῶν μεγιστᾶνες τῆς πρώτης ἐπιχειρήσεως παραδόντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ βασιλεῖ οὐδ' ὣς ἠρέμουν, ἀλλὰ γράφουσιν πάλιν Οὐολογέσῃ, βασιλεὺς δὲ Πάρθων οὗτος ἦν, παρακαλοῦντες ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν τὸν ̓Ιζάτην, καταστῆσαι δ' αὐτοῖς ἕτερον δυνάστην καὶ τῷ γένει Πάρθον: μισεῖν γὰρ ἔλεγον τὸν ἑαυτῶν βασιλέα καταλύσαντα μὲν τὰ πάτρια, ξένων δ' ἐραστὴν ἐθῶν γενόμενον. 20.82. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Πάρθος ἐπήρθη πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ προφάσεως δικαίας μηδεμίαν ἀφορμὴν ἔχων τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ δοθείσας τιμὰς ἔπεμψεν ἀπαιτῶν, ἀπειθήσαντι δὲ πόλεμον κατήγγελλεν. 20.83. ταράσσεται δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν οὐχὶ μετρίως ὁ ̓Ιζάτης, ὡς ἤκουσεν ταῦτα, κατάγνωσιν μὲν φέρειν αὐτῷ νομίσας τὸ τῶν δωρεῶν ἐξίστασθαι δοκεῖν διὰ φόβον τοῦτο πράξας. 20.84. εἰδὼς δέ, ὅτι καὶ ἀπολαβὼν ὁ Πάρθος τὰς τιμὰς οὐκ ἂν ἠρεμήσειεν, ἔκρινεν ἐπιτρέψαι τῷ κηδεμόνι θεῷ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς κίνδυνον, 20.85. καὶ τοῦτον μέγιστον ἡγησάμενος ἔχειν σύμμαχον κατατίθεται μὲν τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας εἰς τὰ τῶν φρουρίων ἀσφαλέστατα, τὸν σῖτον δὲ πάντα μὲν τὸν εἰς τὰς βάρεις * ἐμπίπρησιν τόν τε χόρτον καὶ τὰς νομάς, ταῦτά τε προευτρεπισάμενος ἐξεδέχετο τοὺς πολεμίους. 20.86. παραγενομένου δὲ τοῦ Πάρθου μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων θᾶττον ἐλπίδος, ὥδευσε γὰρ συντόνως, βαλλομένου τε χάρακα πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ τῷ τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν καὶ τὴν Μηδίαν ὁρίζοντι, τίθησι καὶ ὁ ̓Ιζάτης τὸ στρατόπεδον οὐκ ἄπωθεν ἔχων περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἑξακισχιλίους. 20.87. ἀφικνεῖται δὲ πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἄγγελος παρὰ τοῦ Πάρθου πεμφθείς, ὃς τὴν Πάρθων δύναμιν ὅση τίς ἐστιν ἤγγελλεν ἀπὸ Εὐφράτου ποταμοῦ μέχρι Βάκτρων τοὺς ὅρους αὐτῆς τιθέμενος καὶ τοὺς ὑπηκόους αὐτῆς βασιλέας καταλέγων. 20.88. ἠπείλει δὲ δώσειν αὐτὸν δίκας ἀχάριστον περὶ δεσπότας τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ γενόμενον, καὶ ῥύεσθαι τῶν βασιλέως αὐτὸν χειρῶν οὐδὲ τὸν θεὸν ὃν σέβει δυνήσεσθαι. 20.89. ταῦτα τοῦ ἀγγέλου φράσαντος ὁ ̓Ιζάτης εἰδέναι μὲν τὴν Πάρθων δύναμιν ἔφη πολὺ τῆς αὐτοῦ διαφέρουσαν, γινώσκειν δ' οὖν ἔτι μᾶλλον πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἔλεγεν κρείσσω τὸν θεόν. καὶ τοιαύτην δοὺς τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἱκετείαν ἐτρέπετο τοῦ θεοῦ, χαμαί τε ῥίψας αὑτὸν καὶ σποδῷ τὴν κεφαλὴν καταισχύνας μετὰ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων ἐνήστευεν ἀνακαλῶν τὸν θεὸν καὶ λέγων, 20.91. ὁ μὲν ταῦτ' ἐποτνιᾶτο δακρύων καὶ ὀδυρόμενος, ἐπήκοος δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἐγίνετο, καὶ κατ' ἐκείνην εὐθὺς τὴν νύκτα δεξάμενος Οὐολογέσης ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς ἐγέγραπτο Δαῶν καὶ Σακῶν χεῖρα μεγάλην καταφρονήσασαν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀποδημίας ἐπιστρατευσαμένην διαρπάζειν τὴν Παρθυηνῶν, ἄπρακτος ἀνέζευξεν εἰς τοὐπίσω. καὶ ̓Ιζάτης οὕτω κατὰ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν τὰς ἀπειλὰς τοῦ Πάρθου διαφεύγει. 20.92. Μετ' οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον πεντηκοστὸν μὲν καὶ πέμπτον ἀπὸ γενεᾶς πληρώσας ἔτος τέταρτον δὲ πρὸς εἰκοστῷ δυναστεύσας, καταλιπὼν παῖδας ἄρρενας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καὶ θυγατέρας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καταστρέφει τὸν βίον. 20.93. τὴν μέντοι διαδοχὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μονόβαζον ἐκέλευεν παραλαβεῖν, ἀμειβόμενος αὐτὸν ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς θάνατον πιστῶς φυλάξειεν αὐτῷ τὴν δυναστείαν. 20.94. ἡ δὲ μήτηρ ̔Ελένη τὸν τοῦ παιδὸς θάνατον ἀκούσασα βαρέως μὲν ἤνεγκεν ὡς εἰκὸς μητέρα στερομένην εὐσεβεστάτου παιδός, παραμυθίαν δ' ὅμως εἶχεν τὴν διαδοχὴν ἀκούσασα εἰς τὸν πρεσβύτερον αὐτῆς υἱὸν ἥκουσαν, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔσπευδεν. παραγενομένη δὲ εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν οὐ πολὺν ̓Ιζάτῃ τῷ παιδὶ χρόνον ἐπεβίωσεν. 20.216. Τῶν δὲ Λευιτῶν, φυλὴ δ' ἐστὶν αὕτη, ὅσοιπερ ἦσαν ὑμνῳδοὶ πείθουσι τὸν βασιλέα καθίσαντα συνέδριον φορεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπίσης τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐπιτρέψαι λινῆν στολήν: πρέπειν γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνοις ἔφασκον ἀφ' ὧν μνημονευθήσεται καινοποιεῖν. 20.217. καὶ τῆς ἀξιώσεως οὐ διήμαρτον: ὁ γὰρ βασιλεὺς μετὰ γνώμης τῶν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ἐποιχομένων συνεχώρησεν τοῖς ὑμνῳδοῖς ἀποθεμένους τὴν προτέραν ἐσθῆτα φορεῖν λινῆν οἵαν ἠθέλησαν. 20.218. μέρους δέ τινος τῆς φυλῆς λειτουργοῦντος κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τούτοις ἐπέτρεψεν τοὺς ὕμνους ἐκμαθεῖν, ὡς παρεκάλουν. πάντα δ' ἦν ἐναντία ταῦτα τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, ὧν παραβαθέντων οὐκ ἐνῆν μὴ οὐχὶ δίκας ὑποσχεῖν. 20.221. ἦν δὲ ἡ στοὰ τοῦ μὲν ἔξωθεν ἱεροῦ, κειμένη δ' ἐν φάραγγι βαθείᾳ τετρακοσίων πηχῶν τοὺς τοίχους ἔχουσα ἐκ λίθου τετραγώνου κατεσκεύαστο καὶ λευκοῦ πάνυ, τὸ μὲν μῆκος ἑκάστου λίθου πήχεις εἴκοσι, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἕξ, ἔργον Σολόμωνος τοῦ βασιλέως πρώτου δειμαμένου τὸ σύμπαν ἱερόν. 20.223. ̓Ιησοῦν δὲ τὸν τοῦ Γαμαλιήλου τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν Ματθίᾳ τῷ Θεοφίλου, καθ' ὃν καὶ ὁ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμος ̓Ιουδαίοις ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν.

15.32. privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead; 15.32. There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time; 17.78. The high priest’s daughter also, who was the king’s wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room. 17.166. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. 18.35. and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor. 18.35. Now Asineus was sensible of his brother’s offense, that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations. 18.95. but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Aus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch. 18.123. and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. 19.297. 2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Aus, from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related above. 20.17. 1. About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following: 20.18. Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife’s belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife’s belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God’s providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end. 20.19. This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. 20.20. He had indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten son Izates, 20.21. which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them. 20.22. Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son’s preservation to him. 20.23. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues. 20.24. 2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra; 20.25. it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them. 20.26. Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father’s death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command; 20.27. and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: “I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many.” 20.28. This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king’s determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates’s father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: 20.29. but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him. 20.30. Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates’s brethren till he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it. 20.31. So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time. 20.32. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father’s ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come; 20.33. who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him. 20.34. 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. 20.35. He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. 20.36. But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; 20.37. and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions. 20.38. 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. 20.39. But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. 20.40. This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Aias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him, 20.41. and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42. He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias. 20.43. But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; 20.44. for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. 20.45. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.” 20.46. When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; 20.47. upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. 20.48. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter. 20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.50. upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. 20.55. So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road, 20.56. while he well knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the custom, he then said to him, “O king! do not thou overlook me thy servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance. 20.57. Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to be taken of thyself also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished, many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also.” 20.58. And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected countece. Now as soon as Izates heard Artabanus’s name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately, 20.59. and said to him, “Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present calamity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own.” 20.60. 2. When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his horse, and followed him on foot, in honor of a king whom he owned as greater than himself; which, when Artabanus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware by his present fortune and honor that he would get down from his horse, unless Izates would get upon his horse again, and go before him. 20.61. So he complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat together, and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as regarding not his present fortune, but his former dignity, and that upon this consideration also, that the changes of fortune are common to all men. 20.62. He also wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them. 20.63. Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed the government to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account. 20.64. When Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and take his own dominions again. 20.65. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus. 20.66. 3. And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the means of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had conferred upon him, but rewarded him with such honors as were of the greatest esteem among them; 20.67. for he gave him leave to wear his tiara upright, and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honor peculiar to the kings of Parthia. 20.68. He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians. 20.69. 4. But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans; 20.70. but he could not prevail with him. For Izates so well knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans, that he took Bardanes to attempt what was impossible to be done; 20.71. and having besides sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said already, was the more backward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous actions of the Romans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition. 20.72. But the Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein; 20.73. for the Parthians perceiving Bardanes’s intentions, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. 20.74. He also, in no long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother, succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates. 20.75. 1. Now when the king’s brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the religion of their country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews; 20.76. but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates’s subjects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. 20.77. Accordingly, they wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition against their king; and they further promised him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and desired that he would make haste in this design. 20.78. The king of Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those Handees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon their enemies, ran away. 20.79. Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as he knew who they were that had made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewing the fight on the next day, he slew the greatest part of his enemies, 20.80. and forced all the rest to betake themselves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus, and following on the siege vigorously, he took that fortress. And when he had plundered it of all the prey that was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did not he take Abia alive, because, when he found himself encompassed on every side, he slew himself. 20.81. 2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king’s hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs. 20.82. When the king of Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable privileges which had been bestowed on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him. 20.83. Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; 20.84. yet because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God, his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his life; 20.85. and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. 20.86. And when the king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media,—Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen. 20.87. But there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enumerated that king’s subjects; 20.88. he also threatened him that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king’s hands. 20.89. When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied that he knew the king of Parthia’s power was much greater than his own; but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when he had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make supplication to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and children. Then he called upon God, and said, 20.90. “O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined that thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to my assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own account, but on account of their insolent behavior with regard to thy power, while they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant tongue against thee.” 20.91. Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the contents of which were these, that a great band of Dahe and Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthia waste; so that he [was forced to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by the providence of God. 20.92. 3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. 20.93. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father’s death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. 20.94. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates. 20.216. 6. Now as many of the Levites, which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing. 20.217. Nor did they fail of obtaining their desire; for the king, with the suffrages of those that came into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns this privilege, that they might lay aside their former garments, and wear such a linen one as they desired; 20.218. and as a part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns as they had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have never been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions. 20.220. and while they were unwilling to keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters. 20.221. These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple. 20.223. He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the Jews’ war with the Romans took its beginning.

18. Palestinian Talmud, Maaser Sheni, 1.1, 3.3-3.5, 9.4, 10.6, 12.4-12.9, 13.3, 15.6, 16.4, 18.5, 20.2, 23.1 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 244

19. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8.16.4-8.16.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

8.16.4. τάφους δὲ ἀξίους θαύματος ἐπιστάμενος πολλοὺς δυοῖν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπιμνησθήσομαι, τοῦ τε ἐν Ἁλικαρνασσῷ καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἑβραίων. ὁ μὲν δὴ ἐν Ἁλικαρνασσῷ Μαυσώλῳ βασιλεύσαντι Ἁλικαρνασσέων πεποίηται, μέγεθος δὲ οὕτω δή τί ἐστι μέγας καὶ ἐς κατασκευὴν περίβλεπτος τὴν πᾶσαν, ὥστε καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μεγάλως δή τι αὐτὸν θαυμάζοντες τὰ παρὰ σφίσιν ἐπιφανῆ μνήματα Μαυσώλεια ὀνομάζουσιν· 8.16.5. Ἑβραίοις δὲ Ἑλένης γυναικὸς ἐπιχωρίας τάφος ἐστὶν ἐν πόλει Σολύμοις, ἣν ἐς ἔδαφος κατέβαλεν ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεύς. μεμηχάνηται δὲ ἐν τῷ τάφῳ τὴν θύραν, ὁμοίως παντὶ οὖσαν τῷ τάφῳ λιθίνην, μὴ πρότερον ἀνοίγεσθαι, πρὶν ἂν ἡμέραν τε ἀεὶ καὶ ὥραν τὸ ἔτος ἐπαγάγῃ τὴν αὐτήν· τότε δὲ ὑπὸ μόνου τοῦ μηχανήματος ἀνοιχθεῖσα καὶ οὐ πολὺ ἐπισχοῦσα συνεκλείσθη διʼ ἑαυτῆς. τοῦτον μὲν δὴ οὕτω, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον χρόνον ἀνοῖξαι πειρώμενος ἀνοίξαις μὲν οὐκ ἄν, κατάξεις δὲ αὐτὴν πρότερον βιαζόμενος.

8.16.4. I know many wonderful graves, and will mention two of them, the one at Halicarnassus and one in the land of the Hebrews. The one at Halicarnassus was made for Mausolus, king of the city, and it is of such vast size, and so notable for all its ornament, that the Romans in their great admiration of it call remarkable tombs in their country “Mausolea.” 8.16.5. The Hebrews have a grave, that of Helen, a native woman, in the city of Jerusalem, which the Roman Emperor razed to the ground. There is a contrivance in the grave whereby the door, which like all the grave is of stone, does not open until the year brings back the same day and the same hour. Then the mechanism, unaided, opens the door, which, after a short interval, shuts itself. This happens at that time, but should you at any other try to open the door you cannot do so; force will not open it, but only break it down.

20. Palestinian Talmud, Peah, 1.1 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

21. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, 38a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

38a. בסירוגין,ניקנור נעשו נסים לדלתותיו ת"ר מה נסים נעשו לדלתותיו אמרו כשהלך ניקנור להביא דלתות מאלכסנדריא של מצרים בחזירתו עמד עליו נחשול שבים לטבעו נטלו אחת מהן והטילוה לים ועדיין לא נח הים מזעפו,בקשו להטיל את חברתה עמד הוא וכרכה אמר להם הטילוני עמה מיד נח הים מזעפו והיה מצטער על חברתה כיון שהגיע לנמלה של עכו היתה מבצבצת ויוצאה מתחת דופני הספינה ויש אומרים בריה שבים בלעתה והקיאתה ליבשה,ועליה אמר שלמה (שיר השירים א, יז) קורות בתינו ארזים רהיטנו ברותים אל תיקרי ברותים אלא ברית ים לפיכך כל השערים שהיו במקדש נשתנו להיות של זהב חוץ משערי ניקנור מפני שנעשו בו נסים ויש אומרים מפני שנחושתן מוצהבת היתה ר' אליעזר בן יעקב אומר נחשת קלוניתא היתה והיתה מאירה כשל זהב,

38a. with alternating complete words and initials. The first words of each verse were written there, but the rest of the words in the verse were represented by initials. Therefore, this contribution of Queen Helene does not resolve the question of whether writing a scroll for a child is permitted.,§ The mishna related: For Nicanor, miracles were performed to his doors. The Sages taught in the Tosefta: What miracles occurred for his doors? They said: When Nicanor went to bring copper doors for the eastern gate of the Temple from Alexandria in Egypt, famous for its craftsmanship, on his return voyage by ship, a storm arose in the sea and threatened to drown him. The ship’s passengers took one of the doors, which were exceedingly heavy, and cast it into the sea, fearing that the weight of the doors would sink the ship. And still the sea did not rest from its rage.,They sought to cast the other door into the sea, at which point Nicanor stood and embraced it and said to them: Cast me into the sea with it. Immediately, the sea rested from its rage, and it was necessary to cast neither the door nor Nicanor into the sea. The ship continued its journey with one door and for the entire voyage, he regretted the fate of the other door that he allowed them to cast into the sea. When they arrived at the port of Akko and prepared to disembark, despite the fact that it was made of copper, the door that was thrown into the sea was poking out under the sides of the ship. And some say a sea creature swallowed it and spewed it onto the land.,And with regard to this, Solomon said: “The beams of our houses are cedars, and our doors are cypresses [berotim]” (Song of Songs 1:17), and the Sages interpreted it homiletically: Do not read it as berotim but as berit yam, covet of the sea, meaning that the door forged a covet with the sea for the sea to deliver it to its place. Therefore, when the nation prospered and the people replaced the doors made of various metals, the doors in all the gates in the Temple were altered to become doors of gold except the doors in the Gates of Nicanor because miracles were performed to them. And some say it was because their copper was brightly-colored and high quality. Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says it was refined [kelonita] copper, and it illuminated its surroundings like gold.,those who took action in the Temple and were mentioned unfavorably. The craftsmen of the House of Garmu did not want to teach the secret of the preparation of the shewbread and sought to keep the secret within their family. The craftsmen of the House of Avtinas did not want to teach the secret of the preparation of the incense.,Also, Hugras ben Levi knew a chapter in the art of music, as will be explained, and he did not want to teach it to others. And the scribe ben Kamtzar did not want to teach a special act of writing. He was expert at writing all four letters of a four-letter name simultaneously. About the first ones, who were mentioned favorably, it is stated: “The memory of the righteous shall be for a blessing” (Proverbs 10:7); and about these who were concerned only for themselves it is stated: “But the name of the wicked shall rot” (Proverbs 10:7).,The Sages taught in a baraita: The craftsmen of the House of Garmu were expert in the preparation of the shewbread, and they did not want to teach others the secret of its production. The Sages dismissed them and sent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt, a large city with many experts. And those craftsmen knew how to bake like the members of the House of Garmu did, but they did not know how to remove the bread from the oven like they did. The shewbread was baked in a complex shape, and it was difficult to place it in the oven and remove it without breaking it. The difference was that these Alexandrians light the fire outside the oven and bake it outside the oven; and these members of the House of Garmu light the fire inside the oven and bake it inside. In the case of these Alexandrians, their bread becomes moldy over the course of the week, and in the case of these members of the House of Garmu, their bread does not become moldy.,When the Sages heard of the matter that the bread of the imported craftsmen was of lower quality than before, they said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “Everyone who is called by My name, I have created for My glory” (Isaiah 43:7). In deference to God, the Sages should diminish their honor for the greater glory of God and let the House of Garmu return to their original station. The Sages sent for them to reassume their previous position, and they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each day until then they would take wages of twelve maneh, and today they take wages of twenty-four maneh. Rabbi Yehuda says: Each day they took twenty-four maneh, and today they take forty-eight.,The Sages said to them: What did you see that led you not to teach others this craft? They said: The members of our father’s house knew that this house, the Temple, is destined to be destroyed, and they were concerned lest an unworthy man learn our skill of baking and go and engage in idol worship with that skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: And for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never was refined bread of fine flour found in the hands of their descendants, so that people would not say that they are sustained from that technique of preparing the shewbread. They ate only bread made of coarse flour mixed with bran, to fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel” (Numbers 32:22). Not only must one’s behavior be beyond reproach, he should also make certain to be beyond suspicion.,§ Similarly, the mishna related: The craftsmen of the House of Avtinas did not want to teach about the secret of the preparation of the incense, at which they were particularly adept. The Sages taught in a baraita: The members of the House of Avtinas were expert in the technique of preparing the incense, and they did not want to teach others. The Sages dismissed them and sent for and brought craftsmen from Alexandria in Egypt. And the Alexandrian craftsmen knew how to blend the spices like they did, but they did not know how to cause the smoke to rise like the House of Avtinas did. The smoke of the incense blended by these members of the House of Avtinas rises in a column like a stick; the smoke of the incense blended by these Alexandrians branched out to here and to there and did not rise in a straight line.,When the Sages heard of the matter, they said: Whatever the Holy One, Blessed be He, created, He created in His honor, as it is stated: “God made everything for His sake” (Proverbs 16:4), and they let the House of Avtinas return to their original station. The Sages sent for the members of the House of Avtinas to reassume their previous position, and they did not come. They doubled their wages and they came. Each day until then they would take wages of twelve maneh, and today they take wages of twenty-four maneh. Rabbi Yehuda says: Each day they took twenty-four maneh, and today they take forty-eight.,The Sages said to them: What did you see that led you not to teach others this craft? They said: The members of our father’s house knew that this house, the Temple, is destined to be destroyed, and they were concerned lest an unworthy man learn our skill of preparing incense and go and engage in idol worship with that skill. Therefore, they attempted to prevent this skill from spreading beyond their family. The Gemara comments: And for this matter they are mentioned favorably: Never did a perfumed bride emerge from their homes. And when they marry a woman from a different place, they stipulate with her that she will not perfume herself, so that cynics would not say that it is with the work of the incense that they perfume themselves, to fulfill that which is stated: “And you shall be clear before the Lord and before Israel” (Numbers 32:22).,It was taught in a baraita that Rabbi Yishmael said: One time I was walking along the road and I found one of the descendants of the House of Avtinas. I said to him: Your fathers sought to enhance their honor and sought to diminish God’s honor by not revealing their secret to others. Now, although the Temple was destroyed, the honor of God remains as it was, and He diminished their honor, as their significance stemmed from their Temple service.,Rabbi Akiva said: One time Rabbi Yishmael ben Loga related to me: One time I and one of the descendants of the House of Avtinas went out to the field to collect herbs, and I saw that he laughed and he cried. I said to him: Why did you cry? He said to me: I was reminded of the honor of my forefathers, how important they were in the Temple. I said to him: And why did you laugh? He said to me: The Holy One, Blessed be He, is going to restore it to us in the future and we will be honored again. I said to him: And why are you reminded of this now? He said to me: The smoke-raising herb is before me, here in the field, reminding me of the past. I said to him: Show it to me; which one is it? He said to me: We are bound by oath not to show it to any person other than the members of our family.,Rabbi Yoḥa ben Nuri said: One time I found an old man who had in his hand a scroll with the location and formula for blending of spices. I said to him: Where are you from? What is your ancestry? He said to me: I am from the House of Avtinas. I asked him: And what is in your hand? He said to me: A scroll of spices. I said to him: Show it to me. He said to me: As long as the House of Avtinas, my forefathers, was extant, they would not pass it on to anyone. And now, here it is; and be careful with it not to give it to anyone. And when I came and related my statement before Rabbi Akiva, he said to me: And now that they have surrendered the scroll to worthy recipients since they are unable to maintain its sanctity, it is prohibited to mention them unfavorably, as even their earlier reticence was apparently for the glory of God.,From here, with regard to the cases of the Temple’s craftsmen whom the Sages restored to their posts, ben Azzai said: One should not be concerned that others might usurp his livelihood and success, since at the appropriate moment, by your name they shall call you to return to your previous position, and in your place, they shall seat you,

22. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, 11a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

11a. דלא סיימוה קמיה,תניא אמרו עליו על בנימין הצדיק שהיה ממונה על קופה של צדקה פעם אחת באתה אשה לפניו בשני בצורת אמרה לו רבי פרנסני אמר לה העבודה שאין בקופה של צדקה כלום אמרה לו רבי אם אין אתה מפרנסני הרי אשה ושבעה בניה מתים עמד ופרנסה משלו לימים חלה ונטה למות אמרו מלאכי השרת לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע אתה אמרת כל המקיים נפש אחת מישראל כאילו קיים עולם מלא ובנימין הצדיק שהחיה אשה ושבעה בניה ימות בשנים מועטות הללו מיד קרעו לו גזר דינו תנא הוסיפו לו עשרים ושתים שנה על שנותיו,תנו רבנן מעשה במונבז המלך שבזבז אוצרותיו ואוצרות אבותיו בשני בצורת וחברו עליו אחיו ובית אביו ואמרו לו אבותיך גנזו והוסיפו על של אבותם ואתה מבזבזם אמר להם אבותי גנזו למטה ואני גנזתי למעלה שנאמר (תהלים פה, יב) אמת מארץ תצמח וצדק משמים נשקף אבותי גנזו במקום שהיד שולטת בו ואני גנזתי במקום שאין היד שולטת בו שנאמר (תהלים פט, טו) צדק ומשפט מכון כסאך,אבותי גנזו דבר שאין עושה פירות ואני גנזתי דבר שעושה פירות שנאמר (ישעיהו ג, י) אמרו צדיק כי טוב כי פרי מעלליהם יאכלו אבותי גנזו [אוצרות] ממון ואני גנזתי אוצרות נפשות שנאמר (משלי יא, ל) פרי צדיק עץ חיים ולוקח נפשות חכם אבותי גנזו לאחרים ואני גנזתי לעצמי שנאמר (דברים כד, יג) ולך תהיה צדקה אבותי גנזו לעולם הזה ואני גנזתי לעולם הבא שנאמר (ישעיהו נח, ח) והלך לפניך צדקך כבוד ה' יאספך:,ואם קנה בה בית דירה הרי הוא כאנשי העיר: מתניתין דלא כרשב"ג דתניא רבן שמעון ב"ג אומר אם קנה בה קרקע כל שהוא הרי הוא כאנשי העיר,והא תניא רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר אם קנה שם קרקע הראויה לבית דירה הרי הוא כאנשי העיר תרי תנאי ואליבא דרבן שמעון בן גמליאל:,

11a. those who reported the story to him did not conclude it before him; consequently, Rav Ami was not informed that Rava had indeed given the money to the gentile poor.,§ It is taught in a baraita: The following was said about Binyamin the righteous, who was appointed supervisor over the charity fund. Once, a woman came before him during years of drought and said to him: My master, sustain me. He said to her: I swear by the Temple service that there is nothing left in the charity fund. She said to him: My master, if you do not sustain me, a woman and her seven sons will die. He arose and sustained her with his own funds. After some time, he fell deathly ill. The ministering angels said to the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, You said that anyone who preserves a single life in Israel is regarded as if he has preserved an entire world. Should then Binyamin the righteous, who saved a woman and her seven sons, die after these few years, still in his youth? They immediately tore up his sentence. A Sage taught: They added twenty-two years to his life.,The Sages taught: There was an incident involving King Munbaz, who liberally gave away his treasures and the treasures of his ancestors in the years of drought, distributing the money to the poor. His brothers and his father’s household joined together against him to protest against his actions, and they said to him: Your ancestors stored up money in their treasuries and added to the treasures of their ancestors, and you are liberally distributing it all to the poor. King Munbaz said to them: Not so, my ancestors stored up below, whereas I am storing above, as it is stated: “Truth will spring out of the earth and righteousness will look down from heaven” (Psalms 85:12), meaning that the righteous deeds that one has performed are stored up in heaven. My ancestors stored up treasures in a place where the human hand can reach, and so their treasures could have been robbed, whereas I am storing up treasures in a place where the human hand cannot reach, and so they are secure, as it is stated: “Righteousness and justice are the foundation of Your throne” (Psalms 89:15).,My ancestors stored up something that does not generate profit, as money sitting in a treasury does not increase, whereas I am storing up something that generates profit, as it is stated: “Say of the righteous, that it shall be well with them, for they shall eat the fruit of their doings” (Isaiah 3:10). My ancestors stored up treasures of money, whereas I am storing up treasures of souls, as it is stated: “The fruit of the righteous is a tree of life, and he that wins souls is wise” (Proverbs 11:30). My ancestors stored up for others, for their sons and heirs, when they themselves would pass from this world, whereas I am storing up for myself, as it is stated: “And it shall be as righteousness to you” (Deuteronomy 24:13). My ancestors stored up for this world, whereas I am storing up for the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And your righteousness shall go before you, the glory of the Lord shall be your rearguard” (Isaiah 58:8).,§ The Gemara resumes its analysis of the mishna, which taught that one must reside in a place for twelve months in order to be considered a resident for the purposes of issues such as paying taxes. But if he bought himself a residence in the city, he is immediately considered like one of the people of the city. The Gemara comments: The mishna is not in accordance with the opinion of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel, as it is taught in a baraita that Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: If he bought any amount of land in the city, and not necessarily a residence, he is immediately considered like one of the people of the city.,The Gemara asks: But isn’t it taught otherwise in a different baraita: Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: If one bought land that is suitable for a residence, he is immediately considered like one of the people of the city. This contradicts the first baraita. The Gemara answers: This is a dispute between two tanna’im and they disagree with regard to the opinion of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel.,does not divide a courtyard at the request of one of the joint owners unless there will be in it four by four cubits for this one and four by four cubits for that one, i.e., this minimum area for each of the joint owners. And the court does not divide a jointly owned field unless there is space in it to plant nine kav of seed for this one and nine kav of seed for that one. Rabbi Yehuda says: The court does not divide a field unless there is space in it to plant nine half-kav of seed for this one and nine half-kav of seed for that one. And the court does not divide a jointly owned garden unless there is space in it to plant a half-kav of seed for this one and a half-kav of seed for that one. Rabbi Akiva says that half that amount is sufficient, i.e., the area required for sowing a quarter-kav of seed [beit rova].,Similarly, the court does not divide a hall [hateraklin], a drawing room, a dovecote, a cloak, a bathhouse, an olive press, and an irrigated field unless there is enough for this one to use the property in the usual manner and enough for that one to use the property in the usual manner. This is the principle: Anything for which when it is divided, each of the parts is large enough to retain the name of the original item, the court divides it. But if the parts will not retain the original name, the court does not divide it.,When does this rule apply? It applies when the joint owners do not both wish to divide the item; when only one of the owners wishes to divide the property, he cannot force the other to do so. But when both of them wish to divide the item, they may divide it, even if each of the owners will receive less than the amounts specified above. But in the case of sacred writings, i.e., a scroll of any of the twenty-four books of the Bible, that were inherited by two people, they may not divide them, even if both of them wish to do so, because it would be a show of disrespect to cut the scroll in half.,Rabbi Asi says that Rabbi Yoḥa says: The four cubits of the courtyard which they said each of the joint owners must receive is in addition to the space in front of the entrances to each of the houses that is assigned to the owner of the house for loading and unloading. That opinion is also taught in a baraita: The court does not divide a courtyard unless its area is sufficient so that there will be in it eight cubits for this one and eight cubits for that one. The Gemara asks: But didn’t we learn in the mishna that it suffices that there be four cubits for this one and four cubits for that one? Rather, conclude from it that the baraita was taught in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Asi. The Gemara affirms: Conclude from it that it is so.,And there are those who raise the baraita as a contradiction to what is taught in the mishna and use the previously mentioned point to reconcile the two texts. We learned in the mishna: The court does not divide a courtyard at the request of one of the joint owners unless there will be in it four by four cubits for this one and four by four cubits for that one. But isn’t it taught in a baraita: The court does not divide a courtyard unless there are eight cubits for this one and eight cubits for that one? About this Rabbi Asi said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: The four cubits of the courtyard which they said each of the joint owners must receive is in addition to the space in front of the entrances to each of the houses.,Further with regard to the division of a courtyard, Rav Huna says: A courtyard is divided according to its entrances. Each of the owners receives a share of the courtyard in proportion to the number of entrances that his house has opening onto the courtyard. And Rav Ḥisda says: Four cubits are allotted to each of the owners for each and every entrance, and the rest of the courtyard is then divided equally between them.,The Gemara comments: It is taught in a baraita in accordance with the opinion of Rav Ḥisda: Each of the entrances opening to a courtyard is allotted four cubits. If this one has one entrance and that one has two entrances, the one who has one entrance takes four cubits, and the one who has two entrances takes eight cubits, and they divide the rest of the courtyard equally between them. If this one had an entrance eight cubits wide, he takes eight cubits adjacent to the entrance and four cubits in the courtyard. The Gemara expresses surprise: What are these four cubits in the courtyard doing here? Doesn’t it all depend on the size of the courtyard? Abaye said: This is what the baraita is saying: For the entrance he takes eight cubits along the length of the courtyard and four cubits along the width of the courtyard. In other words, he takes a strip four cubits wide along the entire length of his entrance.,Ameimar says: A pit for holding animal food [peira desuflei] has four cubits on each and every side so that there will be sufficient space for the animals to stand. The Gemara adds: And we said this only when the pit has no special entrance to reach it, but rather it is accessed from all sides.

23. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 2.12.132 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 235

24. Maximus The Confessor, Quaestiones Ad Thalassium , 1.1.20, 1.1.32, 1.1.50-1.1.51, 1.1.54, 1.1.76, 1.1.86, 1.1.98, 1.1.123, 1.1.137-1.1.138, 1.1.170, 1.1.173, 1.1.183, 1.1.232, 1.1.238, 1.1.244, 1.1.259-1.1.260, 1.1.268, 1.1.288-1.1.311, 1.1.335, 1.1.366-1.1.372, 1.1.427, 1.1.440, 1.1.461, 1.1.518, 1.1.530, 1.1.534, 1.1.556, 1.1.579 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 233, 234, 235, 236, 240

25. Epigraphy, Seg, 4.6, 4.9.1, 4.13.1 Tagged with subjects: •copper scroll (, on elite and non-elite burials •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 229, 245

26. Anon., Vitae Prophetarum, 4.11 Tagged with subjects: •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 236

27. Palestinian Talmud, Soṭah, 13.6 Tagged with subjects: •copper scroll (, on elite and non-elite burials •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 245

28. Epigraphy, Cil, 2.35 Tagged with subjects: •copper scroll (, on elite and non-elite burials •elites, and burial Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 245

29. Epigraphy, Cij, 1221, 1317, 1411, 1308 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 236

30. Papyri, P.Lond., 2, 18 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Keddie, Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins (2019) 245

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database