1. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 21.9 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •adultery, bodily mutilation of adulteresses in the near east Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012) 198| 21.9. "וּבַת אִישׁ כֹּהֵן כִּי תֵחֵל לִזְנוֹת אֶת־אָבִיהָ הִיא מְחַלֶּלֶת בָּאֵשׁ תִּשָּׂרֵף׃", | 21.9. "And the daughter of any priest, if she profane herself by playing the harlot, she profaneth her father: she shall be burnt with fire.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 129.1-129.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •septuagint, legend of the composition of, in christian sources of the roman east •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 94| 129.1. "שִׁיר הַמַּעֲלוֹת רַבַּת צְרָרוּנִי מִנְּעוּרַי יֹאמַר־נָא יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 129.2. "רַבַּת צְרָרוּנִי מִנְּעוּרָי גַּם לֹא־יָכְלוּ לִי׃", | 129.1. "A Song of Ascents. 'Much have they afflicted me from my youth up', Let Israel now say;", 129.2. "'Much have they afflicted me from my youth up; But they have not prevailed against me.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 22.21, 22.24 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •adultery, bodily mutilation of adulteresses in the near east Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012) 198| 22.21. "וְהוֹצִיאוּ אֶת־הנער [הַנַּעֲרָה] אֶל־פֶּתַח בֵּית־אָבִיהָ וּסְקָלוּהָ אַנְשֵׁי עִירָהּ בָּאֲבָנִים וָמֵתָה כִּי־עָשְׂתָה נְבָלָה בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל לִזְנוֹת בֵּית אָבִיהָ וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ׃", 22.24. "וְהוֹצֵאתֶם אֶת־שְׁנֵיהֶם אֶל־שַׁעַר הָעִיר הַהִוא וּסְקַלְתֶּם אֹתָם בָּאֲבָנִים וָמֵתוּ אֶת־הנער [הַנַּעֲרָה] עַל־דְּבַר אֲשֶׁר לֹא־צָעֲקָה בָעִיר וְאֶת־הָאִישׁ עַל־דְּבַר אֲשֶׁר־עִנָּה אֶת־אֵשֶׁת רֵעֵהוּ וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ׃", | 22.21. "then they shall bring out the damsel to the door of her father’s house, and the men of her city shall stone her with stones that she die; because she hath wrought a wanton deed in Israel, to play the harlot in her father’s house; so shalt thou put away the evil from the midst of thee.", 22.24. "then ye shall bring them both out unto the gate of that city, and ye shall stone them with stones that they die: the damsel, because she cried not, being in the city; and the man, because he hath humbled his neighbour’s wife; so thou shalt put away the evil from the midst of thee.", |
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4. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 194-195 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 198 | 195. Miletus – these are yours. But you hold sway |
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| 5. Homeric Hymns, To Zeus, 1.8 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, foreign influences and spread of cult to the east Found in books: Simon (2021) 13 |
6. Homeric Hymns, To Hermes, 117, 116 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 100 | 116. To seek the art of fire. He took a stout |
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7. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 74 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east pediment, demeter and kore Found in books: Simon (2021) 118 | 74. Before his horses, telling him: “You should, |
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| 8. Homer, Odyssey, 10.527-10.528, 14.158-14.159, 17.155-17.156, 20.230-20.231 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east frieze, demeter on •hestia, parthenon, missing from east frieze of •parthenon, east frieze, hestia missing from Found in books: Simon (2021) 99, 367 |
9. Homer, Iliad, 1.400, 2.661-2.670, 5.370-5.371, 5.655-5.656, 6.130-6.131, 7.452, 9.570, 21.29-21.33, 21.284-21.298, 21.308-21.323, 21.330-21.376, 21.392, 21.424-21.425, 21.435-21.436 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus, foreign influences and spread of cult to the east •nostoi traditions, in the east •parthenon, east frieze, aphrodite on •parthenon, east frieze, artemis on •parthenon, east pediment, aphrodite, artemis, and leto •parthenon, east pediment, leto •parthenon, east pediment, dionysus •parthenon, east frieze, poseidon and apollo sitting together on •parthenon, east frieze, demeter on •achilles, on hephaesteum, east frieze, athens •aphrodite, on hephaesteum, east frieze, athens •apollo, on hephaesteum, east frieze, athens •ares, on hephaesteum, east frieze, athens •poseidon, on hephaesteum, east frieze, athens Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240; Simon (2021) 12, 80, 98, 247, 248, 249, 280, 321, 384 | 1.400. / But you came, goddess, and freed him from his bonds, when you had quickly called to high Olympus him of the hundred hands, whom the gods call Briareus, but all men Aegaeon; for he is mightier than his father. He sat down by the side of the son of Cronos, exulting in his glory, 2.661. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.662. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.663. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.664. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.665. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.666. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.667. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.668. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.669. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.670. / and upon them was wondrous wealth poured by the son of Cronos.Moreover Nireus led three shapely ships from Syme, Nireus that was son of Aglaïa and Charops the king, Nireus the comeliest man that came beneath Ilios of all the Danaans after the fearless son of Peleus. 5.370. / but fair Aphrodite flung herself upon the knees of her mother Dione. She clasped her daughter in her arms, and stroked her with her hand and spake to her, saying:Who now of the sons of heaven, dear child, hath entreated thee thus wantonly, as though thou wert working some evil before the face of all? 5.371. / but fair Aphrodite flung herself upon the knees of her mother Dione. She clasped her daughter in her arms, and stroked her with her hand and spake to her, saying:Who now of the sons of heaven, dear child, hath entreated thee thus wantonly, as though thou wert working some evil before the face of all? 5.655. / So spake Sarpedon, and Tlepolemus lifted on high his ashen spear, and the long spears sped from the hands of both at one moment. Sarpedon smote him full upon the neck, and the grievous point passed clean through, and down upon his eyes came the darkness of night and enfolded him. 5.656. / So spake Sarpedon, and Tlepolemus lifted on high his ashen spear, and the long spears sped from the hands of both at one moment. Sarpedon smote him full upon the neck, and the grievous point passed clean through, and down upon his eyes came the darkness of night and enfolded him. 6.130. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.131. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 7.452. / but gave not glorious hecatombs to the gods? of a surety shall the fame thereof reach as far as the dawn spreadeth, and men will forget the wall that I and Phoebus Apollo built with toil for the warrior Laomedon. Then greatly troubled, Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, spake to him: 9.570. / the while she knelt and made the folds of her bosom wet with tears, that they should bring death upon her son; and the Erinys that walketh in darkness heard her from Erebus, even she of the ungentle heart. Now anon was the din of the foemen risen about their gates, and the noise of the battering of walls, and to Meleager the elders 21.29. / even so cowered the Trojans in the streams of the dread river beneath the steep banks. And he, when his hands grew weary of slaying, chose twelve youths alive from out the river as blood-price for dead Patroclus, son of Menoetius. These led he forth dazed like fawns, 21.30. / and bound their hands behind them with shapely thongs, which they themselves wore about their pliant tunics, and gave them to his comrades to lead to the hollow ships. Then himself he sprang back again, full eager to slay. 21.31. / and bound their hands behind them with shapely thongs, which they themselves wore about their pliant tunics, and gave them to his comrades to lead to the hollow ships. Then himself he sprang back again, full eager to slay. 21.32. / and bound their hands behind them with shapely thongs, which they themselves wore about their pliant tunics, and gave them to his comrades to lead to the hollow ships. Then himself he sprang back again, full eager to slay. 21.33. / and bound their hands behind them with shapely thongs, which they themselves wore about their pliant tunics, and gave them to his comrades to lead to the hollow ships. Then himself he sprang back again, full eager to slay. 21.284. / then had a brave man been the slayer, and a brave man had he slain. But now by a miserable death was it appointed me to be cut off, pent in the great river, like a swine-herd boy whom a torrent sweepeth away as he maketh essay to cross it in winter. So spake he, and forthwith Poseidon and Pallas Athene 21.285. / drew nigh and stood by his side, being likened in form to mortal men, and they clasped his hand in theirs and pledged him in words. And among them Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, was first to speak:Son of Peleus, tremble not thou overmuch, neither be anywise afraid, such helpers twain are we from the gods— 21.286. / drew nigh and stood by his side, being likened in form to mortal men, and they clasped his hand in theirs and pledged him in words. And among them Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, was first to speak:Son of Peleus, tremble not thou overmuch, neither be anywise afraid, such helpers twain are we from the gods— 21.287. / drew nigh and stood by his side, being likened in form to mortal men, and they clasped his hand in theirs and pledged him in words. And among them Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, was first to speak:Son of Peleus, tremble not thou overmuch, neither be anywise afraid, such helpers twain are we from the gods— 21.288. / drew nigh and stood by his side, being likened in form to mortal men, and they clasped his hand in theirs and pledged him in words. And among them Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, was first to speak:Son of Peleus, tremble not thou overmuch, neither be anywise afraid, such helpers twain are we from the gods— 21.289. / drew nigh and stood by his side, being likened in form to mortal men, and they clasped his hand in theirs and pledged him in words. And among them Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth, was first to speak:Son of Peleus, tremble not thou overmuch, neither be anywise afraid, such helpers twain are we from the gods— 21.290. / and Zeus approveth thereof —even I and Pallas Athene. Therefore is it not thy doom to be vanquished by a river; nay, he shall soon give respite, and thou of thyself shalt know it. But we will give thee wise counsel, if so be thou wilt hearken. Make not thine hands to cease from evil battle 21.291. / and Zeus approveth thereof —even I and Pallas Athene. Therefore is it not thy doom to be vanquished by a river; nay, he shall soon give respite, and thou of thyself shalt know it. But we will give thee wise counsel, if so be thou wilt hearken. Make not thine hands to cease from evil battle 21.292. / and Zeus approveth thereof —even I and Pallas Athene. Therefore is it not thy doom to be vanquished by a river; nay, he shall soon give respite, and thou of thyself shalt know it. But we will give thee wise counsel, if so be thou wilt hearken. Make not thine hands to cease from evil battle 21.293. / and Zeus approveth thereof —even I and Pallas Athene. Therefore is it not thy doom to be vanquished by a river; nay, he shall soon give respite, and thou of thyself shalt know it. But we will give thee wise counsel, if so be thou wilt hearken. Make not thine hands to cease from evil battle 21.294. / and Zeus approveth thereof —even I and Pallas Athene. Therefore is it not thy doom to be vanquished by a river; nay, he shall soon give respite, and thou of thyself shalt know it. But we will give thee wise counsel, if so be thou wilt hearken. Make not thine hands to cease from evil battle 21.295. / until within the famed walls of Ilios thou hast pent the Trojan host, whosoever escapeth. But for thyself, when thou hast bereft Hector of life, come thou back to the ships; lo, we grant thee to win glory. 21.296. / until within the famed walls of Ilios thou hast pent the Trojan host, whosoever escapeth. But for thyself, when thou hast bereft Hector of life, come thou back to the ships; lo, we grant thee to win glory. 21.297. / until within the famed walls of Ilios thou hast pent the Trojan host, whosoever escapeth. But for thyself, when thou hast bereft Hector of life, come thou back to the ships; lo, we grant thee to win glory. 21.298. / until within the famed walls of Ilios thou hast pent the Trojan host, whosoever escapeth. But for thyself, when thou hast bereft Hector of life, come thou back to the ships; lo, we grant thee to win glory. 21.308. / Nor yet would Scamander abate his fury, but was even more wroth against the son of Peleus, and raising himself on high he made the surge of his flood into a crest, and he called with a shout to Simois:Dear brother, the might of this man let us stay, though it need the two of us, seeing presently he will lay waste the great city of king Priam, 21.309. / Nor yet would Scamander abate his fury, but was even more wroth against the son of Peleus, and raising himself on high he made the surge of his flood into a crest, and he called with a shout to Simois:Dear brother, the might of this man let us stay, though it need the two of us, seeing presently he will lay waste the great city of king Priam, 21.310. / neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.311. / neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.312. / neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.313. / neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.314. / neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.315. / that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.316. / that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.317. / that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.318. / that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.319. / that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.320. / past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral. 21.321. / past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral. 21.322. / past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral. 21.323. / past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral. 21.330. / And forthwith she spake unto Hephaestus, her dear son:Rouse thee, Crook-foot, my child! for it was against thee that we deemed eddying Xanthus to be matched in fight. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and put forth thy flames unstintedly. 21.331. / And forthwith she spake unto Hephaestus, her dear son:Rouse thee, Crook-foot, my child! for it was against thee that we deemed eddying Xanthus to be matched in fight. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and put forth thy flames unstintedly. 21.332. / And forthwith she spake unto Hephaestus, her dear son:Rouse thee, Crook-foot, my child! for it was against thee that we deemed eddying Xanthus to be matched in fight. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and put forth thy flames unstintedly. 21.333. / And forthwith she spake unto Hephaestus, her dear son:Rouse thee, Crook-foot, my child! for it was against thee that we deemed eddying Xanthus to be matched in fight. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and put forth thy flames unstintedly. 21.334. / And forthwith she spake unto Hephaestus, her dear son:Rouse thee, Crook-foot, my child! for it was against thee that we deemed eddying Xanthus to be matched in fight. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and put forth thy flames unstintedly. 21.335. / But I will hasten and rouse from the sea a fierce blast of the West Wind and the white South, that shall utterly consume the dead Trojans and their battle gear, ever driving on the evil flame; and do thou along the banks of Xanthus burn up his trees, and beset him about with fire, nor let him anywise turn thee back with soft words or with threatenings; 21.336. / But I will hasten and rouse from the sea a fierce blast of the West Wind and the white South, that shall utterly consume the dead Trojans and their battle gear, ever driving on the evil flame; and do thou along the banks of Xanthus burn up his trees, and beset him about with fire, nor let him anywise turn thee back with soft words or with threatenings; 21.337. / But I will hasten and rouse from the sea a fierce blast of the West Wind and the white South, that shall utterly consume the dead Trojans and their battle gear, ever driving on the evil flame; and do thou along the banks of Xanthus burn up his trees, and beset him about with fire, nor let him anywise turn thee back with soft words or with threatenings; 21.338. / But I will hasten and rouse from the sea a fierce blast of the West Wind and the white South, that shall utterly consume the dead Trojans and their battle gear, ever driving on the evil flame; and do thou along the banks of Xanthus burn up his trees, and beset him about with fire, nor let him anywise turn thee back with soft words or with threatenings; 21.339. / But I will hasten and rouse from the sea a fierce blast of the West Wind and the white South, that shall utterly consume the dead Trojans and their battle gear, ever driving on the evil flame; and do thou along the banks of Xanthus burn up his trees, and beset him about with fire, nor let him anywise turn thee back with soft words or with threatenings; 21.340. / neither stay thou thy fury, save only when I call to thee with a shout; then do thou stay thy unwearied fire. So spake she, and Hephaestus made ready wondrous-blazing fire. First on the plain was the fire kindled, and burned the dead, the many dead that lay thick therein, slain by Achilles; 21.341. / neither stay thou thy fury, save only when I call to thee with a shout; then do thou stay thy unwearied fire. So spake she, and Hephaestus made ready wondrous-blazing fire. First on the plain was the fire kindled, and burned the dead, the many dead that lay thick therein, slain by Achilles; 21.342. / neither stay thou thy fury, save only when I call to thee with a shout; then do thou stay thy unwearied fire. So spake she, and Hephaestus made ready wondrous-blazing fire. First on the plain was the fire kindled, and burned the dead, the many dead that lay thick therein, slain by Achilles; 21.343. / neither stay thou thy fury, save only when I call to thee with a shout; then do thou stay thy unwearied fire. So spake she, and Hephaestus made ready wondrous-blazing fire. First on the plain was the fire kindled, and burned the dead, the many dead that lay thick therein, slain by Achilles; 21.344. / neither stay thou thy fury, save only when I call to thee with a shout; then do thou stay thy unwearied fire. So spake she, and Hephaestus made ready wondrous-blazing fire. First on the plain was the fire kindled, and burned the dead, the many dead that lay thick therein, slain by Achilles; 21.345. / and all the plain was parched, and the bright water was stayed. And as when in harvest-time the North Wind quickly parcheth again a freshly-watered orchard, and glad is he that tilleth it; so was the whole plain parched, and the dead he utterly consumed; and then against the River he turned his gleaming flame. 21.346. / and all the plain was parched, and the bright water was stayed. And as when in harvest-time the North Wind quickly parcheth again a freshly-watered orchard, and glad is he that tilleth it; so was the whole plain parched, and the dead he utterly consumed; and then against the River he turned his gleaming flame. 21.347. / and all the plain was parched, and the bright water was stayed. And as when in harvest-time the North Wind quickly parcheth again a freshly-watered orchard, and glad is he that tilleth it; so was the whole plain parched, and the dead he utterly consumed; and then against the River he turned his gleaming flame. 21.348. / and all the plain was parched, and the bright water was stayed. And as when in harvest-time the North Wind quickly parcheth again a freshly-watered orchard, and glad is he that tilleth it; so was the whole plain parched, and the dead he utterly consumed; and then against the River he turned his gleaming flame. 21.349. / and all the plain was parched, and the bright water was stayed. And as when in harvest-time the North Wind quickly parcheth again a freshly-watered orchard, and glad is he that tilleth it; so was the whole plain parched, and the dead he utterly consumed; and then against the River he turned his gleaming flame. 21.350. / Burned were the elms and the willows and the tamarisks, burned the lotus and the rushes and the galingale, that round the fair streams of the river grew abundantly; tormented were the eels and the fishes in the eddies, and in the fair streams they plunged this way and that, 21.351. / Burned were the elms and the willows and the tamarisks, burned the lotus and the rushes and the galingale, that round the fair streams of the river grew abundantly; tormented were the eels and the fishes in the eddies, and in the fair streams they plunged this way and that, 21.352. / Burned were the elms and the willows and the tamarisks, burned the lotus and the rushes and the galingale, that round the fair streams of the river grew abundantly; tormented were the eels and the fishes in the eddies, and in the fair streams they plunged this way and that, 21.353. / Burned were the elms and the willows and the tamarisks, burned the lotus and the rushes and the galingale, that round the fair streams of the river grew abundantly; tormented were the eels and the fishes in the eddies, and in the fair streams they plunged this way and that, 21.354. / Burned were the elms and the willows and the tamarisks, burned the lotus and the rushes and the galingale, that round the fair streams of the river grew abundantly; tormented were the eels and the fishes in the eddies, and in the fair streams they plunged this way and that, 21.355. / sore distressed by the blast of Hephaestus of many wiles. Burned too was the mighty River, and he spake and addressed the god:Hephaestus, there is none of the gods that can vie with thee, nor will I fight thee, ablaze with fire as thou art. Cease thou from strife,, and as touching the Trojans, let goodly Achilles forthwith 21.356. / sore distressed by the blast of Hephaestus of many wiles. Burned too was the mighty River, and he spake and addressed the god:Hephaestus, there is none of the gods that can vie with thee, nor will I fight thee, ablaze with fire as thou art. Cease thou from strife,, and as touching the Trojans, let goodly Achilles forthwith 21.357. / sore distressed by the blast of Hephaestus of many wiles. Burned too was the mighty River, and he spake and addressed the god:Hephaestus, there is none of the gods that can vie with thee, nor will I fight thee, ablaze with fire as thou art. Cease thou from strife,, and as touching the Trojans, let goodly Achilles forthwith 21.358. / sore distressed by the blast of Hephaestus of many wiles. Burned too was the mighty River, and he spake and addressed the god:Hephaestus, there is none of the gods that can vie with thee, nor will I fight thee, ablaze with fire as thou art. Cease thou from strife,, and as touching the Trojans, let goodly Achilles forthwith 21.359. / sore distressed by the blast of Hephaestus of many wiles. Burned too was the mighty River, and he spake and addressed the god:Hephaestus, there is none of the gods that can vie with thee, nor will I fight thee, ablaze with fire as thou art. Cease thou from strife,, and as touching the Trojans, let goodly Achilles forthwith 21.360. / drive them forth from out their city; what part have I in strife or in bearing aid? 21.361. / drive them forth from out their city; what part have I in strife or in bearing aid? 21.362. / drive them forth from out their city; what part have I in strife or in bearing aid? 21.363. / drive them forth from out their city; what part have I in strife or in bearing aid? 21.364. / drive them forth from out their city; what part have I in strife or in bearing aid? So spake he, burning the while with fire, and his fair streams were seething. And as a cauldron boileth within, when the fierce flame setteth upon it, while it melteth the lard of a fatted hog, and it bubbleth in every part, and dry faggots are set thereunder; 21.365. / so burned in fire his fair streams, and the water boiled; nor had he any mind to flow further onward, but was stayed; for the blast of the might of wise-hearted Hephaestus distressed him. Then with instant prayer he spake winged words unto Hera:Hera, wherefore hath thy son beset my stream to afflict it 21.366. / so burned in fire his fair streams, and the water boiled; nor had he any mind to flow further onward, but was stayed; for the blast of the might of wise-hearted Hephaestus distressed him. Then with instant prayer he spake winged words unto Hera:Hera, wherefore hath thy son beset my stream to afflict it 21.367. / so burned in fire his fair streams, and the water boiled; nor had he any mind to flow further onward, but was stayed; for the blast of the might of wise-hearted Hephaestus distressed him. Then with instant prayer he spake winged words unto Hera:Hera, wherefore hath thy son beset my stream to afflict it 21.368. / so burned in fire his fair streams, and the water boiled; nor had he any mind to flow further onward, but was stayed; for the blast of the might of wise-hearted Hephaestus distressed him. Then with instant prayer he spake winged words unto Hera:Hera, wherefore hath thy son beset my stream to afflict it 21.369. / so burned in fire his fair streams, and the water boiled; nor had he any mind to flow further onward, but was stayed; for the blast of the might of wise-hearted Hephaestus distressed him. Then with instant prayer he spake winged words unto Hera:Hera, wherefore hath thy son beset my stream to afflict it 21.370. / beyond all others? I verily am not so much at fault in thine eyes, as are all those others that are helpers of the Trojans. Howbeit I will refrain me, if so thou biddest, and let him also refrain. And I will furthermore swear this oath, never to ward off from the Trojans the day of evil, 21.371. / beyond all others? I verily am not so much at fault in thine eyes, as are all those others that are helpers of the Trojans. Howbeit I will refrain me, if so thou biddest, and let him also refrain. And I will furthermore swear this oath, never to ward off from the Trojans the day of evil, 21.372. / beyond all others? I verily am not so much at fault in thine eyes, as are all those others that are helpers of the Trojans. Howbeit I will refrain me, if so thou biddest, and let him also refrain. And I will furthermore swear this oath, never to ward off from the Trojans the day of evil, 21.373. / beyond all others? I verily am not so much at fault in thine eyes, as are all those others that are helpers of the Trojans. Howbeit I will refrain me, if so thou biddest, and let him also refrain. And I will furthermore swear this oath, never to ward off from the Trojans the day of evil, 21.374. / beyond all others? I verily am not so much at fault in thine eyes, as are all those others that are helpers of the Trojans. Howbeit I will refrain me, if so thou biddest, and let him also refrain. And I will furthermore swear this oath, never to ward off from the Trojans the day of evil, 21.375. / nay, not when all Troy shall burn with the burning of consuming fire, and the warlike sons of the Achaeans shall be the burners thereof. But when the goddess, white-armed Hera, heard this plea, forthwith she spake unto Hephaestus, her dear son:Hephaestus, withhold thee, my glorious son; it is nowise seemly 21.376. / nay, not when all Troy shall burn with the burning of consuming fire, and the warlike sons of the Achaeans shall be the burners thereof. But when the goddess, white-armed Hera, heard this plea, forthwith she spake unto Hephaestus, her dear son:Hephaestus, withhold thee, my glorious son; it is nowise seemly 21.392. / in joy as he beheld the gods joining in strife. Then no more held they long aloof, for Ares, piercer of shields, began the fray, and first leapt upon Athene, brazen spear in hand, and spake a word of reviling:Wherefore now again, thou dog-fly, 21.424. / Out upon it, thou child of Zeus that beareth the aegis, unwearied one, lo, there again the dog-fly is leading Ares, the bane of mortals, forth from the fury of war amid the throng; nay, have after her. So spake she, and Athene sped in pursuit, glad at heart, and rushing upon her she smote Aphrodite on the breast with her stout hand; 21.425. / and her knees were loosened where she stood, and her heart melted. So the twain lay upon the bounteous earth, and vaunting over them Athene spake winged words:In such plight let all now be that are aiders of the Trojans when they fight against the mail-clad Argives, 21.435. / But unto Apollo spake the lord Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth:Phoebus, wherefore do we twain stand aloof? It beseemeth not, seeing others have begun. Nay, it were the more shameful, if without fighting we should fare back to Olympus, to the house of Zeus with threshold of bronze. Begin, since thou art the younger; 21.436. / But unto Apollo spake the lord Poseidon, the Shaker of Earth:Phoebus, wherefore do we twain stand aloof? It beseemeth not, seeing others have begun. Nay, it were the more shameful, if without fighting we should fare back to Olympus, to the house of Zeus with threshold of bronze. Begin, since thou art the younger; |
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10. Hesiod, Theogony, 154-155, 192, 453-454, 477-478, 191 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 264 | 191. At what he said vast Earth was glad at heart |
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11. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 12.3 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Zawanowska and Wilk (2022) 462| 12.3. "וַיִּקַּח אֶת־עֲטֶרֶת־מַלְכָּם מֵעַל רֹאשׁוֹ וּמִשְׁקָלָהּ כִּכַּר זָהָב וְאֶבֶן יְקָרָה וַתְּהִי עַל־רֹאשׁ דָּוִד וּשְׁלַל הָעִיר הוֹצִיא הַרְבֵּה מְאֹד׃", 12.3. "וְלָרָשׁ אֵין־כֹּל כִּי אִם־כִּבְשָׂה אַחַת קְטַנָּה אֲשֶׁר קָנָה וַיְחַיֶּהָ וַתִּגְדַּל עִמּוֹ וְעִם־בָּנָיו יַחְדָּו מִפִּתּוֹ תֹאכַל וּמִכֹּסוֹ תִשְׁתֶּה וּבְחֵיקוֹ תִשְׁכָּב וַתְּהִי־לוֹ כְּבַת׃", | 12.3. "but the poor man had nothing, except one little ewe lamb, which he had bought and reared: and it grew up together with him, and with his children; it did eat of his own bread, and drank of his own cup, and lay in his bosom, and was like a daughter to him.", |
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12. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 7.13-7.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •literary and sub-literary works (ancient near east), stele of the vultures Found in books: Renberg (2017) 47| 7.13. "וַיָּבֹא גִדְעוֹן וְהִנֵּה־אִישׁ מְסַפֵּר לְרֵעֵהוּ חֲלוֹם וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֵּה חֲלוֹם חָלַמְתִּי וְהִנֵּה צלול [צְלִיל] לֶחֶם שְׂעֹרִים מִתְהַפֵּךְ בְּמַחֲנֵה מִדְיָן וַיָּבֹא עַד־הָאֹהֶל וַיַּכֵּהוּ וַיִּפֹּל וַיַּהַפְכֵהוּ לְמַעְלָה וְנָפַל הָאֹהֶל׃", 7.14. "וַיַּעַן רֵעֵהוּ וַיֹּאמֶר אֵין זֹאת בִּלְתִּי אִם־חֶרֶב גִּדְעוֹן בֶּן־יוֹאָשׁ אִישׁ יִשְׂרָאֵל נָתַן הָאֱלֹהִים בְּיָדוֹ אֶת־מִדְיָן וְאֶת־כָּל־הַמַּחֲנֶה׃", | 7.13. "And when Gid῾on was come, behold, there was a man that told a dream to his fellow, and said, Behold, I dreamed a dream, and, lo, a slice of barley bread was rolling through the camp of Midyan, and it came to a tent, and smote it so that it fell, and overturned it, so that the tent tumbled down.", 7.14. "And his fellow answered and said, This is nothing else but the sword of Gid῾on the son of Yo᾽ash, a man of Yisra᾽el: for into his hand has God delivered Midyan, and all the camp.", |
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13. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 9.22 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 86| 9.22. "כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה אַל־יִתְהַלֵּל חָכָם בְּחָכְמָתוֹ וְאַל־יִתְהַלֵּל הַגִּבּוֹר בִּגְבוּרָתוֹ אַל־יִתְהַלֵּל עָשִׁיר בְּעָשְׁרוֹ׃", | 9.22. "Thus saith the LORD: Let not the wise man glory in his wisdom, neither let the mighty man glory in his might, Let not the rich man glory in his riches;", |
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14. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 13.18, 65.5 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans, emotional responses to their conquest of the near east •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 167; Mermelstein (2021) 200| 13.18. "וּקְשָׁתוֹת נְעָרִים תְּרַטַּשְׁנָה וּפְרִי־בֶטֶן לֹא יְרַחֵמוּ עַל־בָּנִים לֹא־תָחוּס עֵינָם׃", 65.5. "הָאֹמְרִים קְרַב אֵלֶיךָ אַל־תִּגַּשׁ־בִּי כִּי קְדַשְׁתִּיךָ אֵלֶּה עָשָׁן בְּאַפִּי אֵשׁ יֹקֶדֶת כָּל־הַיּוֹם׃", | 13.18. "And their bows shall dash the young men in pieces; And they shall have no pity on the fruit of the womb; Their eye shall not spare children.", 65.5. "That say: ‘Stand by thyself, come not near to me, for I am holier than thou’; these are a smoke in My nose, a fire that burneth all the day. .", |
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15. Hebrew Bible, Habakkuk, 1.5-1.6, 2.1 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •romans, emotional responses to their conquest of the near east Found in books: Mermelstein (2021) 200, 206, 207| 1.5. "רְאוּ בַגּוֹיִם וְהַבִּיטוּ וְהִתַּמְּהוּ תְּמָהוּ כִּי־פֹעַל פֹּעֵל בִּימֵיכֶם לֹא תַאֲמִינוּ כִּי יְסֻפָּר׃", 1.6. "כִּי־הִנְנִי מֵקִים אֶת־הַכַּשְׂדִּים הַגּוֹי הַמַּר וְהַנִּמְהָר הַהוֹלֵךְ לְמֶרְחֲבֵי־אֶרֶץ לָרֶשֶׁת מִשְׁכָּנוֹת לֹּא־לוֹ׃", 2.1. "עַל־מִשְׁמַרְתִּי אֶעֱמֹדָה וְאֶתְיַצְּבָה עַל־מָצוֹר וַאֲצַפֶּה לִרְאוֹת מַה־יְדַבֶּר־בִּי וּמָה אָשִׁיב עַל־תּוֹכַחְתִּי׃", 2.1. "יָעַצְתָּ בֹּשֶׁת לְבֵיתֶךָ קְצוֹת־עַמִּים רַבִּים וְחוֹטֵא נַפְשֶׁךָ׃", | 1.5. "Look ye among the nations, and behold, And wonder marvellously; For, behold, a work shall be wrought in your days, Which ye will not believe though it be told you.", 1.6. "For, lo, I raise up the Chaldeans, That bitter and impetuous nation, That march through the breadth of the earth, To possess dwelling-places that are not theirs.", 2.1. "I will stand upon my watch, And set me upon the tower, And will look out to see what He will speak by me, And what I shall answer when I am reproved.", |
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| 16. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 7.54-7.76 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240, 241 |
| 17. Bacchylides, Fragmenta Ex Operibus Incertis, 11.59-11.84 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nostoi traditions, in the east Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 |
| 18. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 11.35 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 |
| 19. Pindar, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east frieze, athena on •parthenon, east frieze, hephaestus on Found in books: Simon (2021) 250 |
20. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 16.39, 23.25, 23.34 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •adultery, bodily mutilation of adulteresses in the near east Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012) 198| 16.39. "וְנָתַתִּי אוֹתָךְ בְּיָדָם וְהָרְסוּ גַבֵּךְ וְנִתְּצוּ רָמֹתַיִךְ וְהִפְשִׁיטוּ אוֹתָךְ בְּגָדַיִךְ וְלָקְחוּ כְּלֵי תִפְאַרְתֵּךְ וְהִנִּיחוּךְ עֵירֹם וְעֶרְיָה׃", 23.25. "וְנָתַתִּי קִנְאָתִי בָּךְ וְעָשׂוּ אוֹתָךְ בְּחֵמָה אַפֵּךְ וְאָזְנַיִךְ יָסִירוּ וְאַחֲרִיתֵךְ בַּחֶרֶב תִּפּוֹל הֵמָּה בָּנַיִךְ וּבְנוֹתַיִךְ יִקָּחוּ וְאַחֲרִיתֵךְ תֵּאָכֵל בָּאֵשׁ׃", 23.34. "וְשָׁתִית אוֹתָהּ וּמָצִית וְאֶת־חֲרָשֶׂיהָ תְּגָרֵמִי וְשָׁדַיִךְ תְּנַתֵּקִי כִּי אֲנִי דִבַּרְתִּי נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה׃", | 16.39. "I will also give thee into their hand, and they shall throw down thine eminent place, and break down thy lofty places; and they shall strip thee of thy clothes, and take thy fair jewels; and they shall leave thee naked and bare.", 23.25. "And I will set My jealousy against thee, and they shall deal with thee in fury; they shall take away thy nose and thine ears, and thy residue shall fall by the sword; they shall take thy sons and thy daughters, and thy residue shall be devoured by the fire.", 23.34. "Thou shalt even drink it and drain it, And thou shalt craunch the sherds thereof, And shalt tear thy breasts; For I have spoken it, Saith the Lord GOD.", |
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21. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east frieze, aphrodite on •parthenon, east frieze, poseidon and apollo sitting together on Found in books: Simon (2021) 276| 180d. ὁποῖον δεῖ ἐπαινεῖν. ἐγὼ οὖν πειράσομαι τοῦτο ἐπανορθώσασθαι, πρῶτον μὲν ἔρωτα φράσαι ὃν δεῖ ἐπαινεῖν, ἔπειτα ἐπαινέσαι ἀξίως τοῦ θεοῦ. πάντες γὰρ ἴσμεν ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἄνευ Ἔρωτος Ἀφροδίτη. μιᾶς μὲν οὖν οὔσης εἷς ἂν ἦν Ἔρως· ἐπεὶ δὲ δὴ δύο ἐστόν, δύο ἀνάγκη καὶ Ἔρωτε εἶναι. πῶς δʼ οὐ δύο τὼ θεά; ἡ μέν γέ που πρεσβυτέρα καὶ ἀμήτωρ Οὐρανοῦ θυγάτηρ, ἣν δὴ καὶ Οὐρανίαν ἐπονομάζομεν· ἡ δὲ νεωτέρα Διὸς καὶ Διώνης, | 180d. what sort we ought to praise. Now this defect I will endeavor to amend, and will first decide on a Love who deserves our praise, and then will praise him in terms worthy of his godhead. We are all aware that there is no Aphrodite or Love-passion without a Love. True, if that goddess were one, then Love would be one: but since there are two of her, there must needs be two Loves also. Does anyone doubt that she is double? Surely there is the elder, of no mother born, but daughter of Heaven, whence we name her Heavenly; while the younger was the child of Zeus and Dione, and her we call Popular. |
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22. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240| 738b. μέχρι τῶν δέκα. | 738b. into no more than 59 sections, these being consecutive from one up to ten. These facts about numbers must be grasped firmly and with deliberate attention by those who are appointed by law to grasp them: they are exactly as we have stated them, and the reason for stating them when founding a State is this:—in respect of gods, and shrines, and the temples which have to be set up for the various gods in the State, and the gods and daemons they are to be named after, no man of sense,—whether he be framing a new State or reforming an old one that has been corrupted,—will attempt to alter |
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| 23. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hestia, parthenon, missing from east frieze of •parthenon, east frieze, hestia missing from •parthenon, east frieze, female cult attendants/arrephoroi Found in books: Simon (2021) 127 |
24. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 672-694, 740-741, 695 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 630| 695. ἔπειτ' ἐπειδὴ μεστὸς ἦν, ἀνεπαλλόμην. | |
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| 25. Euripides, Orestes, 1239, 1643, 1645-1647, 1644 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 |
| 26. Euripides, Alcestis, 163-169, 162 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 128 |
| 27. Sophocles, Ajax, 450 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east frieze, athena on Found in books: Simon (2021) 227 |
28. Herodotus, Histories, 1.104-1.106, 1.199, 4.150-4.153, 5.41, 5.82, 7.153 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •east, eastern,pantheon •parthenon, east frieze, aphrodite on •nostoi traditions, in the east •parthenon, east frieze, demeter on Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 264; Kowalzig (2007) 240, 241; Simon (2021) 98, 272 | 1.104. It is a thirty days' journey for an unencumbered man from the Maeetian lake to the river Phasis and the land of the Colchi; from the Colchi it is an easy matter to cross into Media: there is only one nation between, the Saspires; to pass these is to be in Media. ,Nevertheless, it was not by this way that the Scythians entered; they turned aside and came by the upper and much longer way, keeping the Caucasian mountains on their right. There, the Medes met the Scythians, who defeated them in battle, deprived them of their rule, and made themselves masters of all Asia . 1.105. From there they marched against Egypt : and when they were in the part of Syria called Palestine , Psammetichus king of Egypt met them and persuaded them with gifts and prayers to come no further. ,So they turned back, and when they came on their way to the city of Ascalon in Syria , most of the Scythians passed by and did no harm, but a few remained behind and plundered the temple of Heavenly Aphrodite. ,This temple, I discover from making inquiry, is the oldest of all the temples of the goddess, for the temple in Cyprus was founded from it, as the Cyprians themselves say; and the temple on Cythera was founded by Phoenicians from this same land of Syria . ,But the Scythians who pillaged the temple, and all their descendants after them, were afflicted by the goddess with the “female” sickness: and so the Scythians say that they are afflicted as a consequence of this and also that those who visit Scythian territory see among them the condition of those whom the Scythians call “Hermaphrodites”. 1.106. The Scythians, then, ruled Asia for twenty-eight years: and the whole land was ruined because of their violence and their pride, for, besides exacting from each the tribute which was assessed, they rode about the land carrying off everyone's possessions. ,Most of them were entertained and made drunk and then slain by Cyaxares and the Medes: so thus the Medes took back their empire and all that they had formerly possessed; and they took Ninus (how, I will describe in a later part of my history), and brought all Assyria except the province of Babylon under their rule. 1.199. The foulest Babylonian custom is that which compels every woman of the land to sit in the temple of Aphrodite and have intercourse with some stranger once in her life. Many women who are rich and proud and disdain to mingle with the rest, drive to the temple in covered carriages drawn by teams, and stand there with a great retinue of attendants. ,But most sit down in the sacred plot of Aphrodite, with crowns of cord on their heads; there is a great multitude of women coming and going; passages marked by line run every way through the crowd, by which the men pass and make their choice. ,Once a woman has taken her place there, she does not go away to her home before some stranger has cast money into her lap, and had intercourse with her outside the temple; but while he casts the money, he must say, “I invite you in the name of Mylitta” (that is the Assyrian name for Aphrodite). ,It does not matter what sum the money is; the woman will never refuse, for that would be a sin, the money being by this act made sacred. So she follows the first man who casts it and rejects no one. After their intercourse, having discharged her sacred duty to the goddess, she goes away to her home; and thereafter there is no bribe however great that will get her. ,So then the women that are fair and tall are soon free to depart, but the uncomely have long to wait because they cannot fulfill the law; for some of them remain for three years, or four. There is a custom like this in some parts of Cyprus . 4.150. So far in the story the Lacedaemonian and Theraean records agree; for the rest, we have only the word of the Theraeans. ,Grinnus son of Aesanius, king of Thera, a descendant of this same Theras, came to Delphi bringing a hecatomb from his city; among others of his people, Battus son of Polymnestus came with him, a descendant of Euphemus of the Minyan clan. ,When Grinnus king of Thera asked the oracle about other matters, the priestess' answer was that he should found a city in Libya. “Lord, I am too old and heavy to stir; command one of these younger men to do this,” answered Grinnus, pointing to Battus as he spoke. ,No more was said then. But when they departed, they neglected to obey the oracle, since they did not know where Libya was, and were afraid to send a colony out to an uncertain destination. 4.151. For seven years after this there was no rain in Thera; all the trees in the island except one withered. The Theraeans inquired at Delphi again, and the priestess mentioned the colony they should send to Libya. ,So, since there was no remedy for their ills, they sent messengers to Crete to find any Cretan or traveller there who had travelled to Libya. In their travels about the island, these came to the town of Itanus, where they met a murex fisherman named Corobius, who told them that he had once been driven off course by winds to Libya, to an island there called Platea. ,They hired this man to come with them to Thera; from there, just a few men were sent aboard ship to spy out the land first; guided by Corobius to the aforesaid island Platea, these left him there with provision for some months, and themselves sailed back with all speed to Thera to bring news of the island. 4.152. But after they had been away for longer than the agreed time, and Corobius had no provisions left, a Samian ship sailing for Egypt, whose captain was Colaeus, was driven off her course to Platea, where the Samians heard the whole story from Corobius and left him provisions for a year; ,they then put out to sea from the island and would have sailed to Egypt, but an easterly wind drove them from their course, and did not abate until they had passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came providentially to Tartessus. ,Now this was at that time an untapped market; hence, the Samians, of all the Greeks whom we know with certainty, brought back from it the greatest profit on their wares except Sostratus of Aegina, son of Laodamas; no one could compete with him. ,The Samians took six talents, a tenth of their profit, and made a bronze vessel with it, like an Argolic cauldron, with griffins' heads projecting from the rim all around; they set this up in their temple of Hera, supporting it with three colossal kneeling figures of bronze, each twelve feet high. ,What the Samians had done was the beginning of a close friendship between them and the men of Cyrene and Thera. 4.153. As for the Theraeans, when they came to Thera after leaving Corobius on the island, they brought word that they had established a settlement on an island off Libya. The Theraeans determined to send out men from their seven regions, taking by lot one of every pair of brothers, and making Battus leader and king of all. Then they manned two fifty-oared ships and sent them to Platea. 5.41. After no long time the second wife gave birth to Cleomenes. She, then, gave the Spartans an heir to the royal power, and as luck would have it, the first wife, who had been barren before, conceived at that very time. ,When the friends of the new wife learned that the other woman was pregt, they began to make trouble for her. They said that she was making an empty boast, so that she might substitute a child. The Ephors were angry, and when her time drew near, they sat around to watch her in childbirth because of their skepticism. ,She gave birth first to Dorieus, then straightway to Leonidas, and right after him to Cleombrotus. Some, however, say that Cleombrotus and Leonidas were twins. As for the later wife, the mother of Cleomenes and the daughter of Prinetadas son of Demarmenus, she bore no more children. 5.82. This was the beginning of the Aeginetans' long-standing debt of enmity against the Athenians. The Epidaurians' land bore no produce. For this reason they inquired at Delphi concerning this calamity, and the priestess bade them set up images of Damia and Auxesia, saying that if they so did their luck would be better. The Epidaurians then asked in addition whether they should make the images of bronze or of stone, and the priestess bade them do neither, but make them of the wood of the cultivated olive. ,So the men of Epidaurus asked the Athenians to permit them to cut down some olive trees, supposing the olives there to be the holiest. Indeed it is said that at that time there were no olives anywhere save at Athens. ,The Athenians consented to give the trees, if the Epidaurians would pay yearly sacred dues to Athena, the city's goddess, and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians agreed to this condition, and their request was granted. When they set up images made of these olive trees, their land brought forth fruit, and they fulfilled their agreement with the Athenians. 7.153. Such is the end of the story of the Argives. As for Sicily, envoys were sent there by the allies to hold converse with Gelon, Syagrus from Lacedaemon among them. The ancestor of this Gelon, who settled at Gela, was from the island of Telos which lies off Triopium. When the founding of Gela by Antiphemus and the Lindians of Rhodes was happening, he would not be left behind. ,His descendants in time became and continue to be priests of the goddesses of the underworld; this office had been won, as I will show, by Telines, one of their forefathers. There were certain Geloans who had been worsted in party strife and had been banished to the town of Mactorium, inland of Gela. ,These men Telines brought to Gela with no force of men but only the holy instruments of the goddesses worship to aid him. From where he got these, and whether or not they were his own invention, I cannot say; however that may be, it was in reliance upon them that he restored the exiles, on the condition that his descendants should be ministering priests of the goddesses. ,Now it makes me marvel that Telines should have achieved such a feat, for I have always supposed that such feats cannot be performed by any man but only by such as have a stout heart and manly strength. Telines, however, is reported by the dwellers in Sicily to have had a soft and effeminate disposition. |
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| 29. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 785, 784 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 292 |
30. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.102.5-2.102.6, 6.4.3, 6.54.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nostoi traditions, in the east •parthenon, east frieze, demeter on Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240, 241; Simon (2021) 99| 2.102.5. ἐρῆμοι δ’ εἰσὶ καὶ οὐ μεγάλαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ἀλκμέωνι τῷ Ἀμφιάρεω, ὅτε δὴ ἀλᾶσθαι αὐτὸν μετὰ τὸν φόνον τῆς μητρός, τὸν Ἀπόλλω ταύτην τὴν γῆν χρῆσαι οἰκεῖν, ὑπειπόντα οὐκ εἶναι λύσιν τῶν δειμάτων πρὶν ἂν εὑρὼν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ κατοικίσηται ἥτις ὅτε ἔκτεινε τὴν μητέρα μήπω ὑπὸ ἡλίου ἑωρᾶτο μηδὲ γῆ ἦν, ὡς τῆς γε ἄλλης αὐτῷ μεμιασμένης. 2.102.6. ὁ δ’ ἀπορῶν, ὥς φασι, μόλις κατενόησε τὴν πρόσχωσιν ταύτην τοῦ Ἀχελῴου, καὶ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ ἱκανὴ ἂν κεχῶσθαι δίαιτα τῷ σώματι ἀφ’ οὗπερ κτείνας τὴν μητέρα οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐπλανᾶτο. καὶ κατοικισθεὶς ἐς τοὺς περὶ Οἰνιάδας τόπους ἐδυνάστευσέ τε καὶ ἀπὸ Ἀκαρνᾶνος παιδὸς ἑαυτοῦ τῆς χώρας τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐγκατέλιπεν. τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἀλκμέωνα τοιαῦτα λεγόμενα παρελάβομεν. 6.4.3. Γέλαν δὲ Ἀντίφημος ἐκ Ῥόδου καὶ Ἔντιμος ἐκ Κρήτης ἐποίκους ἀγαγόντες κοινῇ ἔκτισαν, ἔτει πέμπτῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ μετὰ Συρακουσῶν οἴκισιν. καὶ τῇ μὲν πόλει ἀπὸ τοῦ Γέλα ποταμοῦ τοὔνομα ἐγένετο, τὸ δὲ χωρίον οὗ νῦν ἡ πόλις ἐστὶ καὶ ὃ πρῶτον ἐτειχίσθη Λίνδιοι καλεῖται: νόμιμα δὲ Δωρικὰ ἐτέθη αὐτοῖς. 6.54.6. τὰ δὲ ἄλλα αὐτὴ ἡ πόλις τοῖς πρὶν κειμένοις νόμοις ἐχρῆτο, πλὴν καθ’ ὅσον αἰεί τινα ἐπεμέλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἄλλοι τε αὐτῶν ἦρξαν τὴν ἐνιαύσιον Ἀθηναίοις ἀρχὴν καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ Ἱππίου τοῦ τυραννεύσαντος υἱός, τοῦ πάππου ἔχων τοὔνομα, ὃς τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν βωμὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἄρχων ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Πυθίου. | 2.102.5. The islands in question are uninhabited and of no great size. There is also a story that Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, during his wanderings after the murder of his mother was bidden by Apollo to inhabit this spot, through an oracle which intimated that he would have no release from his terrors until he should find a country to dwell in which had not been seen by the sun; or existed as land at the time he slew his mother; all else being to him polluted ground. 2.102.6. Perplexed at this, the story goes on to say, he at last observed this deposit of the Achelous, and considered that a place sufficient to support life upon, might have been thrown up during the long interval that had elapsed since the death of his mother and the beginning of his wanderings. Settling, therefore, in the district round Oeniadae, he founded a dominion, and left the country its name from his son Acar. Such is the story we have received concerning Alcmaeon. 6.4.3. Gela was founded by Antiphemus from Rhodes and Entimus from Crete, who joined in leading a colony thither, in the forty-fifth year after the foundation of Syracuse . The town took its name from the river Gelas, the place where the citadel now stands, and which was first fortified, being called Lindii. The institutions which they adopted were Dorian. 6.54.6. For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. |
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31. Euripides, Electra, 1250-1268, 1270-1275, 1269 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240| 1269. νικᾶν ἴσαις ψήφοισι τὸν φεύγοντ' ἀεί. | |
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32. Euripides, Bacchae, 681, 680 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 395| 680. ὁρῶ δὲ θιάσους τρεῖς γυναικείων χορῶν, | |
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| 33. Ennius, Annales, 156 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156 |
| 34. Cicero, Brutus, 1.18.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •brutus, and cassius in the east Found in books: Udoh (2006) 107 |
35. Cicero, On Divination, 1.89 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •literary and sub-literary works (ancient near east), stele of the vultures Found in books: Renberg (2017) 47| 1.89. Quid? Asiae rex Priamus nonne et Helenum filium et Cassandram filiam divites habebat, alterum auguriis, alteram mentis incitatione et permotione divina? Quo in genere Marcios quosdam fratres, nobili loco natos, apud maiores nostros fuisse scriptum videmus. Quid? Polyidum Corinthium nonne Homerus et aliis multa et filio ad Troiam proficiscenti mortem praedixisse commemorat? Omnino apud veteres, qui rerum potiebantur, iidem auguria tenebant; ut enim sapere, sic divinare regale ducebant. Testis est nostra civitas, in qua et reges augures et postea privati eodem sacerdotio praediti rem publicam religionum auctoritate rexerunt. | 1.89. Furthermore, did not Priam, the Asiatic king, have a son, Helenus, and a daughter, Cassandra, who prophesied, the first by means of auguries and the other when under a heaven-inspired excitement and exaltation of soul? In the same class, as we read in the records of our forefathers, were those famous Marcian brothers, men of noble birth. And does not Homer relate that Polyidus of Corinth not only made many predictions to others, but that he also foretold the death of his own son, who was setting out for Troy? As a general rule among the ancients the men who ruled the state had control likewise of augury, for they considered divining, as well as wisdom, becoming to a king. Proof of this is afforded by our State wherein the kings were augurs; and, later, private citizens endowed with the same priestly office ruled the republic by the authority of religion. [41] |
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| 36. Cicero, On Laws, 2.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •germanicus caesar, tours the east Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 |
| 37. Dead Sea Scrolls, Hodayot, 11.20-13.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans, emotional responses to their conquest of the near east Found in books: Mermelstein (2021) 214 |
| 38. Cicero, Brutus, 1.18.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •brutus, and cassius in the east Found in books: Udoh (2006) 107 |
| 39. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.2.167 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
| 40. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.26, 13.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
41. Cicero, Pro Archia, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •germanicus caesar, tours the east Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87| 30. an vero tam parvi pravi Ee animi videamur esse esse om. E omnes qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur ut, cum usque ad extremum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? an an an cum b2 χ statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerunt reliquerint Manutius ; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne nonne non Lambinus multo malle debemus summis ingeniis expressam et politam? ego vero omnia quae gerebam iam tum in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. haec vero sive sive om. GEea a meo sensu post mortem afutura afut. G : abfut. (affut. Ee ) cett. est est GEea : sunt cett. , sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi animi om. cod. Vrsini mei partem pertinebit pertinebunt bp2 χς , nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector. | |
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| 42. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 20.27-20.28, 20.32-20.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans, emotional responses to their conquest of the near east Found in books: Mermelstein (2021) 210 |
| 43. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 3.1, 3.4, 3.5, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.11, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.12, 6.1, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9, 7.10, 7.11, 7.12, 7.13, 7.14, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3, 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.13-9.2, 8.13, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, 9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.12-10.5, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 10.8, 10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.12, 10.13, 11.2, 11.3, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.9, 11.10, 11.11, 11.12, 11.13, 11.14, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17-12.10, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 12.6, 12.10-13.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein (2021) 203 |
| 44. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Psalms, a b c\n0 1-10 4.8-9 1 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans, emotional responses to their conquest of the near east Found in books: Mermelstein (2021) 210 |
| 45. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 20.27-20.28, 20.32-20.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romans, emotional responses to their conquest of the near east Found in books: Mermelstein (2021) 210 |
| 46. Cicero, In Pisonem, 13, 18, 60, 22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 83 |
| 47. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 12.30.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •brutus, and cassius in the east Found in books: Udoh (2006) 107 |
48. Cicero, Republic, 2.60 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •germanicus caesar, tours the east Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87| 2.60. Quo in statu rei publicae Sp. Cassium de occupando regno molientem, summa apud populum gratia florentem, quaestor accusavit, eumque, ut audistis, cum pater in ea culpa esse conperisse se dixisset, cedente populo morte mactavit. Gratamque etiam illam legem quarto circiter et quinquagesimo anno post primos consules de multa et sacramento Sp. Tarpeius et A. Aternius consules comitiis centuriatis tulerunt. Annis postea xx ex eo, quod L. Papirius P. Pinarius censores multis dicendis vim armentorum a privatis in publicum averterant, levis aestumatio pecudum in multa lege C. Iulii P. Papirii consulum constituta est. | |
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49. Polybius, Histories, 6.56.6-6.56.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 3| 6.56.6. μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει. 6.56.7. καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν· 6.56.8. ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδηται καὶ παρεισῆκται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἴς τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολήν. ὃ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν πολλοῖς εἶναι θαυμάσιον. 6.56.9. ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. 6.56.10. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν πολίτευμα συναγαγεῖν, ἴσως οὐδὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος· 6.56.11. ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν. | 6.56.6. But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions. 6.56.7. I believe that it is the very thing which among other peoples is an object of reproach, I mean superstition, which maintains the cohesion of the Roman State. 6.56.8. These matters are clothed in such pomp and introduced to such an extent into their public and private life that nothing could exceed it, a fact which will surprise many. 6.56.9. My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. 6.56.10. It is a course which perhaps would not have been necessary had it been possible to form a state composed of wise men, 6.56.11. but as every multitude is fickle, full of lawless desires, unreasoned passion, and violent anger, the multitude must be held in by invisible terrors and suchlike pageantry. |
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| 50. Philodemus, (Pars I) \ On Piety, 3.46, 3.103 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •numidians, and the near east Found in books: Gruen (2011) 274, 275 |
51. Ovid, Fasti, 1.591, 5.567-5.568, 6.212, 6.295-6.298 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east •hestia, parthenon, missing from east frieze of •parthenon, east frieze, hestia missing from Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50; Simon (2021) 367| 1.591. perlege dispositas generosa per atria ceras: 5.567. spectat et Augusto praetextum nomine templum, 5.568. et visum lecto Caesare maius opus. 6.212. si titulum quaeris, Sulla probavit opus. 6.295. esse diu stultus Vestae simulacra putavi, 6.296. mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo: 6.297. ignis inextinctus templo celatur in illo, 6.298. effigiem nullam Vesta nec ignis habet, | 1.591. Such titles were never bestowed on men before. 5.567. There he views Romulus carrying Acron’s weapon 5.568. And famous heroes’ deeds below their ranked statues. 6.212. If you ask about the inscription, Sulla approved the work. 6.295. I foolishly thought for ages that there were statue 6.296. of Vesta, later I learnt there were none beneath her dome: 6.297. An undying fire is concealed with the shrine, 6.298. But there’s no image of Vesta or of fire. |
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52. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, a b c d\n0 5.59 5.59 5 59\n1 34/5.35 34/5.35 34/5 35\n2 3.66.2 3.66.2 3 66\n3 11.37.7 11.37.7 11 37 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 | 5.59. 1. At a later time than the events we have described Althaemenes, the son of Catreus the king of Crete, while inquiring of the oracle regarding certain other matters, received the reply that it was fated that he should slay his father by his own hand.,2. So wishing to avoid such an abominable act, he fled of his own free will from Crete together with such as desired to sail away with him, these being a considerable company. Althaemenes, then, put ashore on Rhodes at Cameirus, and on Mount Atabyrus he founded a temple of Zeus who is called Zeus Atabyrius; and for this reason the temple is held in special honour even to this day, situated as it is upon a lofty peak from which one can descry Crete.,3. So Althaemenes with his companions made his home in Cameirus, being held in honour by the natives; but his father Catreus, having no male children at home and dearly loving Althaemenes, sailed to Rhodes, being resolved upon finding his son and bringing him back to Crete. And now the fated destiny prevailed: Catreus disembarked by night upon the land of Rhodes with a few followers, and when there arose a hand-toâhand conflict between them and the natives, Althaemenes, rushing out to aid them, hurled his spear, and struck in ignorance his father and killed him.,4. And when he realized what he had done, Althaemenes, being unable to bear his great affliction, shunned all meetings and association with mankind, and betook himself to unfrequented places and wandered about alone, until the grief put an end to his life; and at a later time he received at the hands of the Rhodians, as a certain oracle had commanded, the honours which are accorded to heroes.,5. Shortly before the Trojan War Tlepolemus, the son of Heracles, who was a fugitive because of the death of Licymnius, whom he had unwittingly slain, fled of his free will from Argos; and upon receiving an oracular response regarding where he should go to found a settlement, he put ashore at Rhodes together with a few people, and being kindly received by the inhabitants he made his home there.,6. And becoming king of the whole island he portioned out the land in equal allotments and continued in other respects as well to rule equitably. And in the end, when he was on the point of taking part with Agamemnon in the war against Ilium, he put the rule of Rhodes in the hands of Butas, who had accompanied him in his flight from Argos, and he gained great fame for himself in the war and met his death in the Troad. |
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53. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 8.68-8.80 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •germanicus caesar, tours the east Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 | 8.68. 1. These consuls were succeeded by Proculus Verginius and Spurius Cassius (the latter being then chosen consul for the third time), who took the field with both the citizen forces and those of the allies. It fell to the lot of Verginius to lead his army against the Aequians and to that of Cassius to march against the Hernicans and the Volscians. The Aequians, having fortified their cities and removed thither out of the country everything that was most valuable, permitted their land to be laid waste and their country-houses to be set on fire, so that Verginius with great ease ravaged and ruined as much of their country as he could, since no one came out to defend it, and then led his army home.,2. The Volscians and the Hernicans, against whom Cassius took the field, had resolved to permit their land to be laid waste and had taken refuge in their cities. Nevertheless, they did not persist in their resolution, being overcome with regret at seeing the desolation of a fertile country which they could not expect to restore easily to its former condition, and at the same time distrusting the defences in which they had taken refuge, as these were not very strong; but they sent ambassadors to the consul to sue for a termination of the war. The Volscians were the first to send envoys and they obtained peace the sooner by giving as much money as the consul ordered and furnishing everything else the army needed; and they agreed to become subject to the Romans without making any further claims to equality.,3. After them the Hernicans, seeing themselves isolated, treated with the consul for peace and friendship. But Cassius made many accusations against them to their ambassadors, and said that they ought first to act like men conquered and subjects and then treat for friendship. When the ambassadors agreed to do everything that was possible and reasonable, he ordered them to furnish the amount of money it was customary to give each soldier as pay for six months, as well as provisions for two months; and in order that they might raise these supplies he granted them a truce, appointing a definite number of days for it to run.,4. When the Hernicans, after supplying them with everything promptly and eagerly, sent ambassadors again to treat for friendship, Cassius commended them and referred them to the senate. The senators after much deliberation resolved to receive this people into their friendship, but as to the terms on which the treaty with them should be made, they voted that Cassius the consul should decide and settle these, and that whatever he approved of should have their sanction. 8.69. 1. The senate having passed this vote, Cassius returned to Rome and demanded a second triumph, as if he had subdued the greatest nations, thus attempting to seize the honour as a favour rather than to receive it as a right, since, though he had neither taken any cities by storm nor put to rout an army of enemies in the field, he was to lead home captives and spoils, the adornments of a triumph. Accordingly, this action first brought him a reputation for presumption and for no longer entertaining thoughts like those of his fellow citizens.,2. Then, when he had secured for himself the granting of a triumph, he produced the treaty he had made with the Hernicans, which was a copy of the one that had been made with the Latins. At this the oldest and most honoured of the senators were very indigt and regarded him with suspicion; for they were unwilling that the Hernicans, an alien race, should obtain the same honour as their kinsmen, the Latins, and that those who had done them the least service should be treated with the same kindness as those who had shown them many instances of their goodwill. They were also displeased at the arrogance of the man, who, after being honoured by the senate, had not shown equal honour to that body, but had produced a treaty drawn up according to his own pleasure and not with the general approval of the senate.,3. But it seems that to be successful in many undertakings is a dangerous and prejudicial thing for a man; for to many it is the hidden source of senseless pride and the secret author of desires that are too ambitious for our human nature. And so it was with Cassius. For, being the only man at that time who had been honoured by his country with three consulships and two triumphs, he now conducted himself in a more pompous manner and conceived a desire for monarchical power. And bearing in mind that the easiest and safest way of all for those who aim at monarchy or tyranny is to draw the multitude to oneself by sundry gratifications and to accustom them to feed themselves out of the hands of the one who distributes the possessions of the public, he took that course; and at once, without communicating this intention to anyone, he determined to divide among the people a certain large tract of land belonging to the state which had been neglected and was then in the possession of the richest men.,4. Now if he had been content to stop there, the business might perhaps have gone according to his wish; but as it was, by grasping for more, he raised a violent sedition, the outcome of which proved anything but fortunate for him. For he thought fit in assigning the land to include not only the Latins, but also the Hernicans, who had only recently been admitted to citizenship, and thus to attach these nations to himself. 8.70. 1. Having formed this plan, the day after his triumph he called the multitude together in assembly, and coming forward to the tribunal, according to the custom of those who have triumphed, he first gave his account of his achievements, the sum of which was as follows:,2. that in his first consulship he had defeated in battle the Sabines, who were laying claim to the supremacy, and compelled them to become subject to the Romans; that upon being chosen consul for the second time he had appeased the sedition in the state and restored the populace to the fatherland, and had caused the Latins, who, though kinsmen of the Romans, had always envied them their supremacy and glory, to become their friends by conferring upon them equal rights of citizenship, so that they looked upon Rome no longer as a rival, but as their fatherland;,3. that being for the third time invested with the same magistracy, he had not only compelled the Volscians to become their friends instead of enemies, but had also brought about the voluntary submission of the Hernicans, a great and warlike nation situated near them and quite capable of doing them either the greatest mischief or the greatest service.,4. After recounting these and similar achievements he asked the populace to pay good heed to him, as to one who then had and always would have a greater concern for the commonwealth than any others. He concluded his speech by saying that he would confer upon the populace so many benefits and so great as to surpass all those who were commended for befriending and saving the plebeians; and these things he said he would soon accomplish.,5. He then dismissed the assembly, and without even the slightest delay called a meeting the next day of the senate, which was already in suspense and terrified at his words. And before taking up any other subject he proceeded to lay before them openly the purpose which he had kept concealed in the popular assembly, asking of the senators that, inasmuch as the populace had rendered the commonwealth great service by aiding it, not only to retain its liberty, but also to rule over other peoples, they should show their concern for them by dividing among them the land conquered in war, which, though nominally the property of the state, was in reality possessed by the most shameless patricians, who had occupied it without any legal claim; and that the price paid for the corn sent them by Gelon, the tyrant of Sicily, as a present, which, though it ought to have been divided among all the citizens as a free gift, the poor had got by purchase, should be repaid to the purchasers from the funds held in the public treasury. 8.71. 1. At once, while he was still speaking, a great tumult arose, the senators to a man disliking his proposal and refusing to countece it. And when he had done, not only his colleague Verginius, but the oldest and the most honoured of the senators as well, particularly Appius Claudius, inveighed against him vehemently for attempting to stir up a sedition; and until a late hour these men continued to be beside themselves with rage and to utter the severest reproaches against one another.,2. During the following days Cassius assembled the populace continually and attempted to win them over by his harangues, introducing the arguments in favour of the allotment of the land and laying himself out in invectives against his opponents. Verginius, for his part, assembled the senate every day and in concert with the patricians prepared legal safeguards and hindrances against the other's designs.,3. Each of the consuls had a strong body of men attending him and guarding his person; the needy and the unwashed and such as were prepared for any daring enterprise were ranged under Cassius, and those of the noblest birth and the most immaculate under Verginius.,4. For some time the baser element prevailed in the assemblies, being far more numerous than the others; then they became evenly balanced when the tribunes joined the better element. This change of front on the part of the tribunes was due perhaps to their feeling that it was not best for the commonwealth that the multitude should be corrupted by bribes of money and distributions of the public lands and so be idle and depraved, and perhaps also to envy, since it was not they themselves, the leaders of the populace, who had been the authors of this liberality, but someone else; however, there is no reason why their action was not due also to the fear they felt at the increase in Cassius' power, which had grown greater than was to the interest of the commonwealth.,5. At any rate, these men in the meetings of the assembly now began to oppose with all their power the laws which Cassius was introducing, showing the people that it was not fair if the possessions which they had acquired in the course of many wars were not to be distributed among the Romans alone, but were to be shared equally not only by the Latins, who had not been present in those wars, but also by the Hernicans, who had but lately entered into friendship with them, and having been brought to it by war, would be content not to be deprived of their own territory.,6. The people, as they listened, would now assent to the representations of the tribunes, when they recalled that the portion of the public land which would fall to the lot of each man would be small and inconsiderable if they shared it with the Hernicans and the Latins, and again would change their minds as Cassius in his harangues charged that the tribunes were betraying them to the patricians and using his proposal to give an equal share of the land to the Hernicans and the Latins as a specious pretence for their opposition; whereas, he said, he had included these peoples in his law with a view to adding strength to the poor and of hindering any attempt that might thereafter be made to deprive them of what had been once granted to them since he regarded it as better and safer for the masses to get little, but to keep that little undiminished, than to expect a great deal and to be disappointed of everything. 8.72. 1. While Cassius by these arguments frequently changed the minds of the multitude in the meetings of the assembly, one of the tribunes, Gaius Rabuleius, a man not lacking in intelligence, came forward and promised that he would soon put an end to the dissension between the consuls and would also make it clear to the populace what they ought to do. And when a great demonstration of approval followed, and then silence, he said: "Are not these, Cassius and Verginius, the chief issues of this law â first, whether the public land should be distributed with an equal portion for everyone, and second, whether the Latins and the Hernicans should receive a share of it?",2. And when they assented, he continued: "Very well. You, Cassius, ask the people to vote for both provisions. But as for you, Verginius, tell us, for Heaven's sake, whether you oppose that part of Cassius' proposal which relates to the allies, believing that we ought not to make the Hernicans and the Latins equal sharers with us, or whether you oppose the other also, holding that we should not distribute the property of the state even among ourselves. Just answer these questions for me without concealing anything.",3. When Verginius said that he opposed giving an equal share of the land to the Hernicans and the Latins, but consented to its being divided among the Roman citizens, if all were of that opinion, the tribune, turning to the multitude, said: "Since, then, one part of the proposed measure is approved of by both consuls and the other is opposed by one of them, and as both men are equal in rank and neither can use compulsion on the other, let us accept now the part which both are ready to grant us, and postpone the other, concerning which they differ.",4. The multitude signified by their acclamations that his advice was most excellent and demanded that he strike out of the law that part which gave occasion for discord; whereupon Cassius was at a loss what to do, and being neither willing to withdraw his proposal nor able to adhere to it while the tribunes opposed him, he dismissed the assembly for that time. During the following days he feigned illness and no longer went down to the Forum; but remaining at home, he set about getting the law passed by force and violence, and sent for as many of the Latins and Hernicans as he could to come and vote for it.,5. These assembled in great numbers and presently the city was full of strangers. Verginius, being informed of this, ordered proclamation to be made in the streets that all who were not residents of the city should depart; and he set an early time limit. But Cassius ordered the contrary to be proclaimed â that all who possessed the rights of citizens should remain till the law was passed. 8.73. 1. There being no end of these contests, the patricians, fearing that when the law came to be proposed there would be stealing of votes, recourse to violence, and all the other forcible means that are wont to be employed in factious assemblies, met in the senate-house to deliberate concerning all these matters once and for all.,2. Appius, upon being asked his opinion first, refused to grant the distribution of land to the people, pointing out that an idle multitude accustomed to devour the public stores would prove troublesome and unprofitable fellow citizens and would never allow any of the common possessions, whether property or money, to continue to be held in common. He did note that it would be a shameful thing if the senators, who had been accusing Cassius of introducing mischievous and disadvantageous measures and of corrupting the populace, should then themselves by common consent ratify these measures as just and advantageous. He asked them also to bear in mind that even the gratitude of the poor, if they should divide up among themselves the public possessions, would not be shown to those who gave their consent and sanction to this law, but to Cassius alone, who had proposed it and was believed to have compelled the senators to ratify it against their will.,3. After saying this and other things to the same purport, he ended by giving them this advice â to choose ten of the most distinguished senators to go over the public land and fix its bounds, and if they found that any private persons were by fraud or force grazing or tilling any part of it, to take cognizance of this abuse and restore the land to the state. And he further advised that when the land thus delimited by them had been divided into allotments, of whatever number, and marked off by pillars duly inscribed, one part of it should be sold, particularly the part about which there was any dispute with private persons, so that the purchasers might be involved in litigation over it with any who should lay claim to it, and the other part should be let for five years; and that the money coming in from these rents should be used for the payment of the troops and the purchase of the supplies needed for the wars.,4. "For, as things now stand," he said, "the envy of the poor against the rich who have appropriated and continue to occupy the public possessions is justified, and it is not at all to be wondered at if they demand that the public property should be divided among all the citizens rather than held by a few, and those the most shameless. Whereas, if they see the persons who are now enjoying them give them up and the public possessions become really public, they will cease to envy us and will give up their eagerness for the distribution of our fields to individuals, once they have learnt that joint ownership by all the citizens will be of greater advantage to them than the small portion that would be allotted to each.,5. Let us show them, in fact," he said, "what a great difference it makes, and that if each one of the poor receives a small plot of ground and happens to have troublesome neighbours, he neither will be able to cultivate it himself, by reason of his poverty, nor will he find anyone to lease it of him but that neighbour, whereas if large allotments offering varied and worthwhile tasks for the husbandmen are let out by the state, they will bring in large revenues; and that it is better for them, when they set out for the wars, to receive both their provisions and their pay from the public treasury than to pay in their individual contributions each time to the treasury out of their private estates, when, as sometimes happens, their means of livelihood are scanty and will be still further cramped by providing this money." 8.74. 1. After Appius had introduced this motion and appeared to win great approval, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, who was called upon next, said: "This is not the first time that I have had occasion to praise Appius as a man highly capable of grasping eventualities long in advance, and as one always offering the most excellent and useful opinions, a man who is firm and unshaken in his judgements and neither yields to fear nor is swayed by favour. For I have never ceased to praise and admire him both for his prudence and the noble spirit he shows in the presence of danger. And it is not a different motion that I offer, but I too make the same one, merely adding a few details which Appius seemed to me to omit.,2. As regards the Hernicans and the Latins, to whom we recently granted equal rights of citizenship, I too think they ought not to share in the allotment of our lands; for it was not after they entered into friendship with us that we acquired this land which we now occupy, but still earlier, when by our own perilous efforts, without the assistance of anyone else, we took it from our enemies. Let us give them this answer: that the possessions which each of us already had when we entered into the treaty of friendship must remain the peculiar and inalienable property of each, but that in the case of all that we may come to possess through war when taking the field together, from the time we made this treaty, each shall have his share.,3. For this arrangement will neither afford our allies any just excuses for anger, as being wronged, nor cause the populace any fear of appearing to prefer their own interests to their good name. As to the appointment of the men proposed by Appius to delimit the public land, I quite agree with him. For this will afford us great frankness in dealing with the plebeians, since they are now displeased on both accounts â because they themselves reap no benefit from the public possessions and because some of us enjoy them contrary to justice. But if they see them restored to the public and the revenues therefrom applied to the necessary uses of the commonwealth, they will not suppose that it makes any difference to them whether it is the land or its produce that they share.,4. I need not mention, of course, that some of the poor are more delighted with the losses of others than with their own advantages. However, I do not regard the entering of these two provisions in the decree as enough; but we ought in my opinion to gain the goodwill of the populace and relieve them by another moderate favour also, one which I shall presently name, after I have first shown you the reason, or rather the necessity, for our doing this also. 8.75. 1. "You are aware, no doubt, of the words spoken by the tribune in the assembly when he asked one of the consuls, Verginius here, what his opinion was concerning the allotment of the land, whether he consented to divide the public possessions among the citizens but not among the allies, or would not consent that even we should receive a share of what belongs to us all in common. And Verginius admitted that he was not attempting to hinder the allotting of the land so far as it related to us Romans, if this seemed best to everybody. This concession not only caused the tribunes to espouse our cause, but also rendered the populace more reasonable.,2. What has come over us, then, that we are now to change our mind about what we then conceded? Or what advantage shall we gain by pursuing our noble and excellent principles of government, principles worthy of our supremacy, if we cannot persuade those who are to make use of them? But we shall not persuade them, and this not one of you fails to know. For, of all who fail to get what they want, those will feel the harshest resentment who are cheated of their hopes and are not getting what has been agreed upon. Surely the politician whose principle it is to please will run off with them again, and after that not one even of the tribunes will stand by us.,3. Hear, therefore, what I advise you to do, and the amendment I add to the motion of Appius; but do not rise up or create any disturbance before you have heard all I have to say. After you have appointed commissioners, whether ten or whatever number, to inspect the land and fix its boundaries, empower them to determine which and how great a part of it should be held in common and, by being let for five years, increase the revenues of the treasury, and again, how great a part and which should be divided among our plebeians. And whatever land they appoint to be allotted you should allot after determining whether it shall be distributed among all the citizens, or among those who have no land as yet, or among those who have the lowest property rating, or in whatever manner you shall think proper. As regards the men who are to fix the bounds of the land and the decree you will publish concerning its division and everything else that is necessary, I advise, since the present consuls have but a short time to continue in office, that their successors shall carry out these purposes in such manner as they think will be for the best.,4. For not only do matters of such moment require no little time, but the present consuls, who are at variance, can hardly be expected to show greater insight in discovering what is advantageous than their successors, if, as we hope, the latter shall be harmonious. For delay is in many cases a useful thing and anything but dangerous, and time brings about many changes in a single day; furthermore, the absence of dissension among those who preside over the public business is the cause of all the blessings enjoyed by states. As for me, this is the opinion I have to express; but if anyone has anything better to propose, let him speak." 8.76. 1. When Sempronius had ended, there was much applause from those present, and not one of the senators who were asked their opinion after him expressed any different view. Thereupon the decree of the senate was drawn up to this effect: that the ten oldest ex-consuls should be appointed to determine the boundaries of the public land and to declare how much of it ought to be let and how much divided among the people;,2. that those enjoying the rights of citizens and the allies, in case they later acquired more land by a joint campaign, should each have their allotted share, according to the treaties; and that the appointment of the decemvirs, the distribution of the allotments, and everything else that was necessary should be carried out by the incoming consuls. When this decree was laid before the populace, it not only put a stop to the demagoguery of Cassius, but also prevented the sedition that was being rekindled by the orator from going any farther. 8.77. 1. The following year, at the beginning of the seventy-fourth Olympiad (the one at which Astylus of Syracuse won the foot-race), when Leostratus was archon at Athens, and Quintus Fabius and Servius Cornelius had succeeded to the consulship, two patricians, young indeed in years, but the most distinguished of their body because of the prestige of their ancestors, men of great influence both on account of their bands of supporters and because of their wealth, and, for young men, inferior to none of mature age for their ability in civil affairs, namely, Caeso Fabius, brother of the then consul, and Lucius Valerius Publicola, brother to the man who overthrew the kings, being quaestors at the same time and therefore having authority to assemble the populace, denounced before them Spurius Cassius, the consul of the preceding year, who had dared to propose the laws concerning the distribution of land, charging him with having aimed at tyranny; and appointing a day, they summoned him to make his defence before the populace.,2. When a very large crowd has assembled upon the day appointed, the two quaestors called the multitude together in assembly, and recounting all his overt actions, showed that they were calculated for no good purpose. First, in the case of the Latins, who would have been content with being accounted worthy of a common citizenship with the Romans, esteeming it a great piece of good luck to get even so much, he had as consul not only bestowed on them the citizenship they asked for, but had furthermore caused a vote to be passed that they should be given also the third part of the spoils of war on the occasion of any joint campaign. Again, in the case of the Hernicans, who, having been subdued in war, ought to have been content not to be punished by the loss of some part of their territory, he had made them friends instead of subjects, and citizens instead of tributaries, and had ordered that they should receive the second third of any land and booty that the Romans might acquire from any source.,3. Thus the spoils were to be divided into three portions, the subjects of the Romans and aliens receiving two of them and the natives and domit race the third part. They pointed out that as a result of this procedure one or the other of two most absurd situations would come about in case they should choose to honour any other nation, in return for many great services, by granting the same privileges with which they had honoured not only the Latins, but also the Hernicans, who had never done them the least service. For, as there would be but one third left for them, they would either have no part to bestow upon their benefactors or, if they granted them the like favour, they would have nothing for themselves. 8.78. 1. Besides this they went on to relate that Cassius, in proposing to give to the people the common possessions of the state without a decree of the senate or the consent of his colleague, had intended to get the law passed by force â a law that was inexpedient and unjust, not for this reason alone, that, though the senate ought to have considered the measure first, and, in case they approved of it, it ought to have been a joint concession on the part of all the authorities, he was making it the favour of one man,,2. but also for the further reason â the most outrageous of all â that, though it was in name a grant of the public land to the citizens, it was in reality a deprivation, since the Romans, who had acquired it, were to receive but one third, while the Hernicans and the Latins, who had no claim to it at all, would get the other two thirds. They further charged that even when the tribunes opposed him and asked him to strike out the part of the law granting equal shares to the aliens, he had paid no heed to them, but continued to act in opposition to the tribunes, to his colleague, to the senate, and to all who consulted the best interests of the commonwealth.,3. After they had enumerated these charges and named as witnesses to their truth the whole body of the citizens, they then at length proceeded to present the secret evidences of his having aimed at tyranny, showing that the Latins and the Hernicans had contributed money to him and provided themselves with arms, and that the most daring young men from their cities were resorting to him, making secret plans, and serving him in many other ways besides. And to prove the truth of these charges they produced many witnesses, both residents of Rome and others from the cities in alliance with her, persons who were neither mean nor obscure.,4. In these the populace put confidence; and without either being moved now by the speech which the man delivered â a speech which he had prepared with much care, â or yielding to compassion when his three young sons contributed much to his appeal for sympathy and many others, both relations and friends, joined in bewailing his fate, or paying any regard to his exploits in war, by which he had attained to the greatest honour, they condemned him.,5. Indeed, they were so exasperated at the name of tyranny that they did not moderate their resentment even in the degree of his punishment, but sentenced him to death. For they were afraid that if a man who was the ablest general of his time should be driven from his country into exile, he might follow the example of Marcius in dividing his own people and uniting their enemies, and bring a relentless war upon his country. This being the outcome of his trial, the quaestors led him to the top of the precipice that overlooks the Forum and in the presence of all the citizens hurled him down from the rock. For this was the traditional punishment at that time among the Romans for those who were condemned to death. 8.79. 1. Such is the more probable of the accounts that have been handed down concerning this man; but I must not omit the less probable version, since this also has been believed by many and is recorded in histories of good authority. It is said, then, by some that while the plan of Cassius to make himself tyrant was as yet concealed from all the world, his father was the first to suspect him, and that after making the strictest inquiry into the matter he went to the senate; then, ordering his son to appear, he became both informer and accuser, and when the senate also had condemned him, he took him home and put him to death.,2. The harsh and inexorable anger of fathers against their offending sons, particularly among the Romans of that time, does not permit us to reject even this account. For earlier Brutus, who expelled the kings, condemned both his sons to die in accordance with the law concerning malefactors, and they were beheaded because they were believed to have been helping to bring about the restoration of the kings. And at a later time Manlius, when he was commander in the Gallic war and his son distinguished himself in battle, honoured him, indeed, for his bravery with the crowns given for superior valour, but at the same time accused him of disobedience in not staying in the fort in which he was posted but leaving it, contrary to the command of his general, in order to take part in the struggle; and he put him to death as a deserter.,3. And many other fathers, some for greater and others for lesser faults, have shown neither mercy nor compassion to their sons. For this reason I do not feel, as I said, that this account should be rejected as improbable. But the following considerations, which are arguments of no small weight and are not lacking in probability, draw me in the other direction and lead me to agree with the first tradition. In the first place, after the death of Cassius his house was razed to the ground and to this day its site remains vacant, except for that part of it on which the state afterwards built the temple of Tellus, which stands in the street leading to the Carinae; and again, his goods were confiscated by the state, which dedicated first-offerings for them in various temples, especially the bronze statues to Ceres, which by their inscriptions show of whose possessions they are the first-offerings.,4. But if his father had been at once the informer, the accuser and the executioner of his son, neither his house would have been razed nor his estate confiscated. For the Romans have no property of their own while their fathers are still living, but fathers are permitted to dispose both of the goods and the persons of their sons as they wish. Consequently the state would surely never have seen fit, because of the crimes of the son, to take away and confiscate the estate of his father who had given information of his plan to set up a tyranny. For these reasons, therefore, I agree rather with the former of the two accounts; but I have given both, to the end that my readers may adopt whichever one they please. 8.80. 1. When the attempt was made by some to put to death the sons of Cassius also, the senators looked upon the custom as cruel and harmful; and having assembled, they voted that the penalty should be remitted in the case of the boys and that they should live in complete security, being punished by neither banishment, disfranchisement, nor any other misfortune. And from that time this custom has become established among the Romans and is observed down to our day, that the sons shall be exempt from all punishment for any crimes committed by their fathers, whether they happen to be the sons of tyrants, of parricides, or of traitors â treason being among the Romans the greatest crime.,2. And those who attempted to abolish this custom in our times, after the end of the Marsic and civil wars, and took away from the sons of fathers who had been proscribed under Sulla the privilege of standing for the magistracies held by their fathers and of being members of the senate as long as their own domination lasted, were regarded as having done a thing deserving both the indignation of men and the vengeance of the gods. Accordingly, in the course of time a justifiable retribution dogged their steps as the avenger of their crimes, by which the perpetrators were reduced from the greatest height of glory they had once enjoyed to the lowest depths, and not even their posterity, except of the female line, now survives;,3. but the custom was restored to its original status by the man who brought about their destruction. Among some of the Greeks, however, this is not the practice, but certain of them think it proper to put to death the sons of tyrants together with their fathers; and others punish them with perpetual banishment, as if Nature would not permit virtuous sons to be the offspring of wicked fathers or evil sons of good fathers. But concerning these matters, I leave to the consideration of anyone who is so minded the question whether the practice prevalent among the Greeks is better or the custom of the Romans is superior; and I now return to the events that followed. |
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54. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.36-2.40 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septuagint, legend of the composition of, in christian sources of the roman east •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 84, 86, 87 | 2.36. They judged this place to be the most suitable of all the spots in the neighbourhood for them to enjoy quiet and tranquillity in, so that they might associate with the laws alone in their minds; and there they remained, and having taken the sacred scriptures, they lifted up them and their hands also to heaven, entreating of God that they might not fail in their object. And he assented to their prayers, that the greater part, or indeed the universal race of mankind might be benefited, by using these philosophical and entirely beautiful commandments for the correction of their lives. 2.37. Therefore, being settled in a secret place, and nothing even being present with them except the elements of nature, the earth, the water, the air, and the heaven, concerning the creation of which they were going in the first place to explain the sacred account; for the account of the creation of the world is the beginning of the law; they, like men inspired, prophesied, not one saying one thing and another another, but every one of them employed the self-same nouns and verbs, as if some unseen prompter had suggested all their language to them. 2.38. And yet who is there who does not know that every language, and the Greek language above all others, is rich in a variety of words, and that it is possible to vary a sentence and to paraphrase the same idea, so as to set it forth in a great variety of manners, adapting many different forms of expression to it at different times. But this, they say, did not happen at all in the case of this translation of the law, but that, in every case, exactly corresponding Greek words were employed to translate literally the appropriate Chaldaic words, being adapted with exceeding propriety to the matters which were to be explained; 2.39. for just as I suppose the things which are proved in geometry and logic do not admit any variety of explanation, but the proposition which was set forth from the beginning remains unaltered, in like manner I conceive did these men find words precisely and literally corresponding to the things, which words were alone, or in the greatest possible degree, destined to explain with clearness and force the matters which it was desired to reveal. 2.40. And there is a very evident proof of this; for if Chaldaeans were to learn the Greek language, and if Greeks were to learn Chaldaean, and if each were to meet with those scriptures in both languages, namely, the Chaldaic and the translated version, they would admire and reverence them both as sisters, or rather as one and the same both in their facts and in their language; considering these translators not mere interpreters but hierophants and prophets to whom it had been granted it their honest and guileless minds to go along with the most pure spirit of Moses. |
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| 55. Livy, History, 2.41, 26.19.5-26.19.7, 27.37.7, 27.37.11-27.37.15 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •germanicus caesar, tours the east •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156, 245; Rutledge (2012) 87 |
| 56. Propertius, Elegies, 2.13.19-2.13.26 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156 |
| 57. Sallust, Iugurtha, 18.1-18.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •numidians, and the near east Found in books: Gruen (2011) 273 |
| 58. Horace, Odes, 3.29.13-3.29.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 83 |
| 59. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 164 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east pediment, birth of athena on Found in books: Simon (2021) 229 |
| 60. Catullus, Poems, 37.1-37.2, 37.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 83 |
| 61. Plutarch, Theseus, 18, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 276 |
62. Plutarch, Sulla, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50| 38.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν μνημεῖον ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεώς ἐστι τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμά φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπογραψάμενον καταλιπεῖν, οὗ κεφάλαιόν ἐστιν ὡς οὔτε τῶν φίλων τις αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν οὔτε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακῶς ὑπερεβάλετο. | 38.4. |
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63. Plutarch, Sertorius, 9.4-9.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •numidians, and the near east Found in books: Gruen (2011) 274| 9.4. Τιγγῖται δὲ μυθολογοῦσιν Ἀνταίου τελευτήσαντος τὴν γυναῖκα Τίγγην Ἡρακλεῖ συνελθεῖν, Σόφακα δʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν γενόμενον βασιλεῦσαι τῆς χώρας καὶ πόλιν ἐπώνυμον τῆς μητρὸς ἀποδεῖξαι, Σόφακος δὲ παῖδα γενέσθαι Διόδωρον, ᾧ πολλὰ τῶν Λιβυκῶν ἐθνῶν ὑπή· κουσεν Ἑλληνικὸν ἔχοντι στράτευμα τῶν αὐτόθι κατῳκισμένων ὑφʼ Ἡρακλέους Ὀλβιανῶν καὶ Μυκηναίων. 9.5. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἀνακείσθω τῇ Ἰόβα χάριτι, τοῦ πάντων ἱστορικωτάτου βασιλέων· ἐκείνου γὰρ ἱστοροῦσι τοὺς προγόνους Διοδώρου καὶ Σόφακος ἀπογόνους εἶναι. Σερτώριος δὲ πάντων ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος τοὺς δεηθέντας αὐτοῦ καὶ πιστεύσαντας οὐκ ἠδίκησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ χρήματα καὶ πόλεις καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτοῖς, ὅσα καλῶς εἶχε δεξάμενος διδόντων. | 9.4. 9.5. |
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64. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.11, 1.14-1.16, 9.4-9.7, 10.14, 11.27, 13.3, 15.10, 16.17, 16.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 86, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 166| 1.11. ἐδηλώθη γάρ μοι περὶ ὑμῶν, ἀδελφοί μου, ὑπὸ τῶν Χλόης ὅτι ἔριδες ἐν ὑμῖν εἰσίν. 1.14. εὐχαριστῶ ὅτι οὐδένα ὑμῶν ἐβάπτισα εἰ μὴ Κρίσπον καὶ Γαῖον, 1.15. ἵνα μή τις εἴπῃ ὅτι εἰς τὸ ἐμὸν ὄνομα ἐβαπτίσθητε· ἐβάπτισα δὲ καὶ τὸν Στεφανᾶ οἶκον· 1.16. λοιπὸν οὐκ οἶδα εἴ τινα ἄλλον ἐβάπτισα. 9.4. μὴ οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν φαγεῖν καὶ πεῖν; 9.5. μὴ οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν ἀδελφὴν γυναῖκα περιάγειν, ὡς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἀπόστολοι καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ τοῦ κυρίου καὶ Κηφᾶς; 9.6. ἢ μόνος ἐγὼ καὶ Βαρνάβας οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν μὴ ἐργάζεσθαι; 9.7. τίς στρατεύεται ἰδίοις ὀψωνίοις ποτέ; τίς φυτεύει ἀμπελῶνα καὶ τὸν καρπὸν αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἐσθίει; [ἢ] τίς ποιμαίνει ποίμνην καὶ ἐκ τοῦ γάλακτος τῆς ποίμνης οὐκ ἐσθίει; 10.14. Διόπερ, ἀγαπητοί μου, φεύγετε ἀπὸ τῆς εἰδωλολατρίας. 11.27. ὥστε ὃς ἂν ἐσθίῃ τὸν ἄρτον ἢ πίνῃ τὸ ποτήριον τοῦ κυρίου ἀναξίως, ἔνοχος ἔσται τοῦ σώματος καὶ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ κυρίου. 13.3. κἂν ψωμίσω πάντα τὰ ὑπάρχοντά μου, κἂν παραδῶ τὸ σῶμά μου, ἵνα καυχήσωμαι, ἀγάπην δὲ μὴ ἔχω, οὐδὲν ὠφελοῦμαι. 15.10. χάριτι δὲ θεοῦ εἰμὶ ὅ εἰμι, καὶ ἡ χάρις αὐτοῦ ἡ εἰς ἐμὲ οὐ κενὴ ἐγενήθη, ἀλλὰ περισσότερον αὐτῶν πάντων ἐκοπίασα, οὐκ ἐγὼ δὲ ἀλλὰ ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ σὺν ἐμοί. 16.17. χαίρω δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ παρουσίᾳ Στεφανᾶ καὶ Φορτουνάτου καὶ Ἀχαϊκοῦ, ὅτι τὸ ὑμέτερον ὑστέρημα οὗτοι ἀνεπλήρωσαν, 16.19. Ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς αἱ ἐκκλησίαι τῆς Ἀσίας. ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς ἐν κυρίῳ πολλὰ Ἀκύλας καὶ Πρίσκα σὺν τῇ κατʼ οἶκον αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίᾳ. | 1.11. For it has been reported to me concerning you, mybrothers, by those who are from Chloe's household, that there arecontentions among you. 1.14. I thank God that Ibaptized none of you, except Crispus and Gaius, 1.15. o that no oneshould say that I had baptized you into my own name. 1.16. (I alsobaptized the household of Stephanas; besides them, I don't know whetherI baptized any other.) 9.4. Have we no right to eat and to drink? 9.5. Have we noright to take along a wife who is a believer, even as the rest of theapostles, and the brothers of the Lord, and Cephas? 9.6. Or have onlyBarnabas and I no right to not work? 9.7. What soldier ever serves athis own expense? Who plants a vineyard, and doesn't eat of its fruit?Or who feeds a flock, and doesn't drink from the flock's milk? 10.14. Therefore, my beloved, flee fromidolatry. 11.27. Therefore whoever eats this bread or drinks the Lord's cup i unworthy manner will be guilty of the body and the blood of theLord. 13.3. If I dole out all my goods tofeed the poor, and if I give my body to be burned, but don't have love,it profits me nothing. 15.10. But by the grace of God I amwhat I am. His grace which was bestowed on me was not futile, but Iworked more than all of them; yet not I, but the grace of God which waswith me. 16.17. I rejoice at the coming of Stephanas, Fortunatus, and Achaicus;for that which was lacking on your part, they supplied. 16.19. The assemblies of Asia greet you. Aquila and Priscilla greetyou much in the Lord, together with the assembly that is in theirhouse. |
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65. New Testament, 1 Peter, 2.13-2.15, 2.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 15| 2.13. Ὑποτάγητε πάσῃ ἀνθρωπίνῃ κτίσει διὰ τὸν κύριον· 2.14. εἴτε βασιλεῖ ὡς ὑπερέχοντι, εἴτε ἡγεμόσιν ὡς διʼ αὐτοῦ πεμπομένοις εἰς ἐκδίκησιν κακοποιῶν ἔπαινον δὲ ἀγαθοποιῶν· ?̔ 2.15. ὅτι οὕτως ἐστὶν τὸ θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, ἀγαθοποιοῦντας φιμοῖν τὴν τῶν ἀφρόνων ἀνθρώπων ἀγνωσίαν·̓ 2.17. πάντας τιμήσατε, τὴν ἀδελφότητα ἀγαπᾶτε,τὸν θεὸν φοβεῖσθε, τὸν βασιλέατιμᾶτε. | 2.13. Therefore subject yourselves to every ordice of man for the Lord's sake: whether to the king, as supreme; 2.14. or to governors, as sent by him for vengeance on evil-doers and for praise to those who do well. 2.15. For this is the will of God, that by well-doing you should put to silence the ignorance of foolish men: 2.17. Honor all men. Love the brotherhood. Fear God. Honor the king. |
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| 66. Martial, Epigrams, 3.48, 4.64, 5.22, 5.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east •east, the •gladiators, in the west, east Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 538; Jenkyns (2013) 83; Lampe (2003) 46 |
| 67. Martial, Epigrams, 3.48, 4.64, 5.22, 5.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east •east, the •gladiators, in the west, east Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 538; Jenkyns (2013) 83; Lampe (2003) 46 |
| 68. Appian, Civil Wars, 3.6-3.8, 4.52, 4.57-4.58, 4.62, 4.64, 4.74, 4.81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brutus, and cassius in the east Found in books: Udoh (2006) 102, 103, 104 |
| 69. Suetonius, Titus, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
70. Tacitus, Annals, 1.54, 1.76, 2.42-2.43, 2.47, 2.53-2.54, 2.83, 3.23, 4.13, 12.58, 12.62-12.63 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gladiators, in the west, east •germanicus, sent to the east by tiberius •germanicus caesar, tours the east •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 538; Jenkyns (2013) 50; Rutledge (2012) 87; Udoh (2006) 242| 1.54. Idem annus novas caerimonias accepit addito sodalium Augustalium sacerdotio, ut quondam Titus Tatius retinendis Sabinorum sacris sodalis Titios instituerat. sorte ducti e primoribus civitatis unus et viginti: Tiberius Drususque et Claudius et Germanicus adiciuntur. ludos Augustalis tunc primum coeptos turbavit discordia ex certamine histrionum. indulserat ei ludicro Augustus, dum Maecenati obtem- perat effuso in amorem Bathylli; neque ipse abhorrebat talibus studiis, et civile rebatur misceri voluptatibus vulgi. alia Tiberio morum via: sed populum per tot annos molliter habitum nondum audebat ad duriora vertere. 1.76. Eodem anno continuis imbribus auctus Tiberis plana urbis stagnaverat; relabentem secuta est aedificiorum et hominum strages. igitur censuit Asinius Gallus ut libri Sibyllini adirentur. renuit Tiberius, perinde divina humanaque obtegens; sed remedium coercendi fluminis Ateio Capitoni et L. Arruntio mandatum. Achaiam ac Macedoniam onera deprecantis levari in praesens proconsulari imperio tradique Caesari placuit. edendis gladiatoribus, quos Germanici fratris ac suo nomine obtulerat, Drusus praesedit, quamquam vili sanguine nimis gaudens; quod in vulgus formidolosum et pater arguisse dicebatur. cur abstinuerit spectaculo ipse, varie trahebant; alii taedio coetus, quidam tristitia ingenii et metu conparationis, quia Augustus comiter interfuisset. non crediderim ad ostentandam saevitiam movendasque populi offensiones concessam filio materiem, quamquam id quoque dictum est. 2.42. Ceterum Tiberius nomine Germanici trecenos plebi sestertios viritim dedit seque collegam consulatui eius destinavit. nec ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvenem specie honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas arripuit. rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappadocia potiebatur, invisus Tiberio quod eum Rhodi agentem nullo officio coluisset. nec id Archelaus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia florente Gaio Caesare missoque ad res Orientis intuta Tiberii amicitia credebatur. ut versa Caesarum subole imperium adeptus est, elicit Archelaum matris litteris, quae non dissimulatis filii offensionibus clementiam offerebat, si ad precandum veniret. ille ignarus doli vel, si intellegere crederetur, vim metuens in urbem properat; exceptusque immiti a principe et mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae fingebantur sed angore, simul fessus senio et quia regibus aequa, nedum infima insolita sunt, finem vitae sponte an fato implevit. regnum in provinciam redactum est, fructibusque eius levari posse centesimae vectigal professus Caesar ducentesimam in posterum statuit. per idem tempus Antiocho Commagenorum, Philopatore Cilicum regibus defunctis turbabantur nationes, plerisque Romanum, aliis regium imperium cupientibus; et provinciae Syria atque Iudaea, fessae oneribus, deminutionem tributi orabant. 2.43. Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoravi apud patres disseruit, nec posse motum Orientem nisi Germanici sapientia conponi: nam suam aetatem vergere, Drusi nondum satis adolevisse. tunc decreto patrum permissae Germanico provinciae quae mari dividuntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo adisset, quam iis qui sorte aut missu principis obtinerent. sed Tiberius demoverat Syria Creticum Silanum, per adfinitatem conexum Germanico, quia Silani filia Neroni vetustissimo liberorum eius pacta erat, praefeceratque Cn. Pisonem, ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone qui civili bello resurgentis in Africa partis acerrimo ministerio adversus Caesarem iuvit, mox Brutum et Cassium secutus concesso reditu petitione honorum abstinuit, donec ultro ambiretur delatum ab Augusto consulatum accipere. sed praeter paternos spiritus uxoris quoque Plancinae nobilitate et opibus accendebatur; vix Tiberio concedere, liberos eius ut multum infra despectare. nec dubium habebat se delectum qui Syriae imponeretur ad spes Germanici coercendas. credidere quidam data et a Tiberio occulta mandata; et Plancinam haud dubie Augusta monuit aemulatione muliebri Agrippinam insectandi. divisa namque et discors aula erat tacitis in Drusum aut Germanicum studiis. Tiberius ut proprium et sui sanguinis Drusum fovebat: Germanico alienatio patrui amorem apud ceteros auxerat, et quia claritudine materni generis anteibat, avum M. Antonium, avunculum Augustum ferens. contra Druso proavus eques Romanus Pomponius Atticus dedecere Claudiorum imagines videbatur: et coniunx Germanici Agrippina fecunditate ac fama Liviam uxorem Drusi praecellebat. sed fratres egregie concordes et proximorum certaminibus inconcussi. 2.47. Eodem anno duodecim celebres Asiae urbes conlapsae nocturno motu terrae, quo inprovisior graviorque pestis fuit. neque solitum in tali casu effugium subveniebat in aperta prorumpendi, quia diductis terris hauriebantur. sedisse inmensos montis, visa in arduo quae plana fuerint, effulsisse inter ruinam ignis memorant. asperrima in Sardianos lues plurimum in eosdem misericordiae traxit: nam centies sestertium pollicitus Caesar, et quantum aerario aut fisco pendebant in quinquennium remisit. Magnetes a Sipylo proximi damno ac remedio habiti. Temnios, Philadelphenos, Aegeatas, Apollonidenses, quique Mosteni aut Macedones Hyrcani vocantur, et Hierocaesariam, Myrinam, Cymen, Tmolum levari idem in tempus tributis mittique ex senatu placuit, qui praesentia spectaret refoveretque. delectus est M. Ateius e praetoriis, ne consulari obtinente Asiam aemulatio inter pares et ex eo impedimentum oreretur. 2.53. Sequens annus Tiberium tertio, Germanicum iterum consules habuit. sed eum honorem Germanicus iniit apud urbem Achaiae Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram viso fratre Druso in Delmatia agente, Hadriatici ac mox Ionii maris adversam navigationem perpessus. igitur paucos dies insumpsit reficiendae classi; simul sinus Actiaca victoria inclutos et sacratas ab Augusto manubias castraque Antonii cum recordatione maiorum suorum adiit. namque ei, ut memoravi, avunculus Augustus, avus Antonius erant, magnaque illic imago tristium laetorumque. hinc ventum Athenas, foederique sociae et vetustae urbis datum ut uno lictore uteretur. excepere Graeci quaesitissimis honoribus, vetera suorum facta dictaque praeferentes quo plus dignationis adulatio haberet. 2.54. Petita inde Euboea tramisit Lesbum ubi Agrippina novissimo partu Iuliam edidit. tum extrema Asiae Perinthumque ac Byzantium, Thraecias urbes, mox Propontidis angustias et os Ponticum intrat, cupidine veteres locos et fama celebratos noscendi; pariterque provincias internis certaminibus aut magistratuum iniuriis fessas refovebat. atque illum in regressu sacra Samothracum visere nitentem obvii aquilones depulere. igitur adito Ilio quaeque ibi varietate fortunae et nostri origine veneranda, relegit Asiam adpellitque Colophona ut Clarii Apollinis oraculo uteretur. non femina illic, ut apud Delphos, sed certis e familiis et ferme Mileto accitus sacerdos numerum modo consultantium et nomina audit; tum in specum degressus, hausta fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litterarum et carminum edit responsa versibus compositis super rebus quas quis mente concepit. et ferebatur Germanico per ambages, ut mos oraculis, maturum exitum cecinisse. 2.83. Honores ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio validus reperti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circensis eburna effigies praeiret neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis Iuliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco vitam finierat. statuarum locorumve in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magni- tudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit. 3.23. Lepida ludorum diebus qui cognitionem intervene- rant theatrum cum claris feminis ingressa, lamentatione flebili maiores suos ciens ipsumque Pompeium, cuius ea monimenta et adstantes imagines visebantur, tantum misericordiae permovit ut effusi in lacrimas saeva et detestanda Quirinio clamitarent, cuius senectae atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Augusto nurus dederetur. dein tormentis servorum patefacta sunt flagitia itumque in sententiam Rubelli Blandi a quo aqua atque igni arcebatur. huic Drusus adsensit quamquam alii mitius censuissent. mox Scauro, qui filiam ex ea genuerat, datum ne bona publicarentur. tum demum aperuit Tiberius compertum sibi etiam ex P. Quirinii servis veneno eum a Lepida petitum. 4.13. At Tiberius nihil intermissa rerum cura, negotia pro solaciis accipiens, ius civium, preces sociorum tractabat; factaque auctore eo senatus consulta ut civitati Cibyraticae apud Asiam, Aegiensi apud Achaiam, motu terrae labefactis, subveniretur remissione tributi in triennium. et Vibius Serenus pro consule ulterioris Hispaniae de vi publica damnatus ob atrocitatem morum in insulam Amorgum deportatur. Carsidius Sacerdos, reus tamquam frumento hostem Tacfarinatem iuvisset, absolvitur, eiusdemque criminis C. Gracchus. hunc comitem exilii admodum infantem pater Sempronius in insulam Cercinam tulerat. illic adultus inter extorris et liberalium artium nescios, mox per Africam ac Siciliam mutando sordidas merces sustentabatur; neque tamen effugit magnae fortunae pericula. ac ni Aelius Lamia et L. Apronius qui Africam obtinuerant insontem protexissent, claritudine infausti generis et paternis adversis foret abstractus. 12.58. D. Iunio Q. Haterio consulibus sedecim annos natus Nero Octaviam Caesaris filiam in matrimonium accepit. utque studiis honestis et eloquentiae gloria enitesceret, causa Iliensium suscepta Romanum Troia demissum et Iuliae stirpis auctorem Aeneam aliaque haud procul fabulis vetera facunde executus perpetrat, ut Ilienses omni publico munere solverentur. eodem oratore Bononiensi coloniae igni haustae subventum centies sestertii largitione. reddita Rhodiis libertas, adempta saepe aut firmata, prout bellis externis meruerant aut domi seditione deliquerant; tributumque Apamensibus terrae motu convulsis in quinquennium remissum. 12.62. At Byzantii data dicendi copia, cum magnitudinem onerum apud senatum deprecarentur, cuncta repetivere. orsi a foedere, quod nobiscum icerant, qua tempestate bellavimus adversus regem Macedonum, cui ut degeneri Pseudophilippi vocabulum impositum, missas posthac copias in Antiochum Persen Aristonicum et piratico bello adiutum Antonium memorabant, quaeque Sullae aut Lucullo aut Pompeio obtulissent, mox recentia in Caesares merita, quando ea loca insiderent quae transmeantibus terra marique ducibus exercitibusque, simul vehendo commeatu opportuna forent. 12.63. Namque artissimo inter Europam Asiamque divortio Byzantium in extrema Europa posuere Graeci, quibus Pythium Apollinem consulentibus, ubi conderent urbem, redditum oraculum est, quaererent sedem caecorum terris adversam. ea ambage Chalcedonii monstrabantur, quod priores illuc advecti, praevisa locorum utilitate, peiora legissent. quippe Byzantium fertili solo, fecundo mari, quia vis piscium immensa Pontum erumpens et obliquis subter undas saxis exterrita omisso alterius litoris flexu hos ad portus defertur. unde primo quaestuosi et opulenti; post magnitudine onerum urgente finem aut modum orabant, adnitente principe, qui Thraecio Bosporanoque bello recens fessos iuvandosque rettulit. ita tributa in quinquennium remissa. | 1.54. The year also brought a novelty in religious ceremonial, which was enriched by a new college of Augustal priests, on the pattern of the old Titian brotherhood founded by Titus Tatius to safeguard the Sabine rites. Twenty-one members were drawn by lot from the leading Roman houses: Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, and Germanicus were added. The Augustal Games, now first instituted, were marred by a disturbance due to the rivalry of the actors. Augustus had counteced these theatrical exhibitions in complaisance to Maecenas, who had fallen violently in love with Bathyllus. Besides, he had no personal dislike for amusements of this type, and considered it a graceful act to mix in the pleasures of the crowd. The temper of Tiberius had other tendencies, but as yet he lacked the courage to force into the ways of austerity a nation which had been for so many years pampered. 1.76. In the same year, the Tiber, rising under the incessant rains, had flooded the lower levels of the city, and its subsidence was attended by much destruction of buildings and life. Accordingly, Asinius Gallus moved for a reference to the Sibylline Books. Tiberius objected, preferring secrecy as in earth so in heaven: still, the task of coercing the stream was entrusted to Ateius Capito and Lucius Arruntius. Since Achaia and Macedonia protested against the heavy taxation, it was decided to relieve them of their proconsular government for the time being and transfer them to the emperor. A show of gladiators, given in the name of his brother Germanicus, was presided over by Drusus, who took an extravagant pleasure in the shedding of blood however vile â a trait so alarming to the populace that it was said to have been censured by his father. Tiberius' own absence from the exhibition was variously explained. Some ascribed it to his impatience of a crowd; others, to his native morosity and his dread of comparisons; for Augustus had been a good-humoured spectator. I should be slow to believe that he deliberately furnished his son with an occasion for exposing his brutality and arousing the disgust of the nation; yet even this was suggested. 2.42. For the rest, Tiberius, in the name of Germanicus, made a distribution to the populace of three hundred sesterces a man: as his colleague in the consulship he nominated himself. All this, however, won him no credit for genuine affection, and he decided to remove the youth under a show of honour; some of the pretexts he fabricated, others he accepted as chance offered. For fifty years King Archelaus had been in possession of Cappadocia; to Tiberius a hated man, since he had offered him none of the usual attentions during his stay in Rhodes. The omission was due not to insolence, but to advice from the intimates of Augustus; for, as Gaius Caesar was then in his heyday and had been despatched to settle affairs in the East, the friendship of Tiberius was believed unsafe. When, through the extinction of the Caesarian line, Tiberius attained the empire, he lured Archelaus from Cappadocia by a letter of his mother; who, without dissembling the resentment of her son, offered clemency, if he came to make his petition. Unsuspicious of treachery, or apprehending force, should he be supposed alive to it, he hurried to the capital, was received by an unrelenting sovereign, and shortly afterwards was impeached in the senate. Broken, not by the charges, which were fictitious, but by torturing anxiety, combined with the weariness of age and the fact that to princes even equality â to say nothing of humiliation â is an unfamiliar thing, he ended his days whether deliberately or in the course of nature. His kingdom was converted into a province; and the emperor, announcing that its revenues made feasible a reduction of the one per cent sale-tax, fixed it for the future at one half of this amount. â About the same time, the death of the two kings, Antiochus of Commagene and Philopator of Cilicia, disturbed the peace of their countries, where the majority of men desired a Roman governor, and the minority a monarch. The provinces, too, of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their burdens, were pressing for a diminution of the tribute. 2.43. These circumstances, then, and the events in Armenia, which I mentioned above, were discussed by Tiberius before the senate. "The commotion in the East," he added, "could only be settled by the wisdom of Germanicus: for his own years were trending to their autumn, and those of Drusus were as yet scarcely mature." There followed a decree of the Fathers, delegating to Germanicus the provinces beyond the sea, with powers overriding, in all regions he might visit, those of the local governors holding office by allotment or imperial nomination. Tiberius, however, had removed Creticus Silanus from Syria â he was a marriage connection of Germanicus, whose eldest son, Nero, was plighted to his daughter â and had given the appointment to Gnaeus Piso, a man of ungoverned passions and constitutional insubordinacy. For there was a strain of wild arrogance in the blood â a strain derived from his father Piso; who in the Civil War lent strenuous aid against Caesar to the republican party during its resurrection in Africa, then followed the fortunes of Brutus and Cassius, and, on the annulment of his exile, refused to become a suitor for office, until approached with a special request to accept a consulate proffered by Augustus. But, apart from the paternal temper, Piso's brain was fired by the lineage and wealth of his wife Plancina: to Tiberius he accorded a grudging precedence; upon his children he looked down as far beneath him. Nor did he entertain a doubt that he had been selected for the governorship of Syria in order to repress the ambitions of Germanicus. The belief has been held that he did in fact receive private instructions from Tiberius; and Plancina, beyond question, had advice from the ex-empress, bent with feminine jealousy upon persecuting Agrippina. For the court was split and torn by unspoken preferences for Germanicus or for Drusus. Tiberius leaned to the latter as his own issue and blood of his blood. Germanicus, owing to the estrangement of his uncle, had risen in the esteem of the world; and he had a further advantage in the distinction of his mother's family, among whom he could point to Mark Antony for a grandfather and to Augustus for a great-uncle. On the other hand, the plain Roman knight, Pomponius Atticus, who was great-grandfather to Drusus, seemed to reflect no credit upon the ancestral effigies of the Claudian house; while both in fecundity and in fair fame Agrippina, the consort of Germanicus, ranked higher than Drusus' helpmeet, Livia. The brothers, however, maintained a singular uimity, unshaken by the contentions of their kith and kin. 2.47. In the same year, twelve important cities of Asia collapsed in an earthquake, the time being night, so that the havoc was the less foreseen and the more devastating. Even the usual resource in these catastrophes, a rush to open ground, was unavailing, as the fugitives were swallowed up in yawning chasms. Accounts are given of huge mountains sinking, of former plains seen heaved aloft, of fires flashing out amid the ruin. As the disaster fell heaviest on the Sardians, it brought them the largest measure of sympathy, the Caesar promising ten million sesterces, and remitting for five years their payments to the national and imperial exchequers. The Magnesians of Sipylus were ranked second in the extent of their losses and their indemnity. In the case of the Temnians, Philadelphenes, Aegeates, Apollonideans, the soâcalled Mostenians and Hyrcanian Macedonians, and the cities of Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cyme, and Tmolus, it was decided to exempt them from tribute for the same term and to send a senatorial commissioner to view the state of affairs and administer relief. Since Asia was held by a consular governor, an ex-praetor â Marcus Ateius â was selected, so as to avoid the difficulties which might arise from the jealousy of two officials of similar standing. 2.53. The following year found Tiberius consul for a third time; Germanicus, for a second. The latter, however, entered upon that office in the Achaian town of Nicopolis, which he had reached by skirting the Illyrian coast after a visit to his brother Drusus, then resident in Dalmatia: the passage had been stormy both in the Adriatic and, later, in the Ionian Sea. He spent a few days, therefore, in refitting the fleet; while at the same time, evoking the memory of his ancestors, he viewed the gulf immortalized by the victory of Actium, together with the spoils which Augustus had consecrated, and the camp of Antony. For Augustus, as I have said, was his great-uncle, Antony his grandfather; and before his eyes lay the whole great picture of disaster and of triumph. â He next arrived at Athens; where, in deference to our treaty with an allied and time-honoured city, he made use of one lictor alone. The Greeks received him with most elaborate compliments, and, in order to temper adulation with dignity, paraded the ancient doings and sayings of their countrymen. 2.54. From Athens he visited Euboea, and crossed over to Lesbos; where Agrippina, in her last confinement, gave birth to Julia. Entering the outskirts of Asia, and the Thracian towns of Perinthus and Byzantium, he then struck through the straits of the Bosphorus and the mouth of the Euxine, eager to make the acquaintance of those ancient and storied regions, though simultaneously he brought relief to provinces outworn by internecine feud or official tyranny. On the return journey, he made an effort to visit the Samothracian Mysteries, but was met by northerly winds, and failed to make the shore. So, after an excursion to Troy and those venerable remains which attest the mutability of fortune and the origin of Rome, he skirted the Asian coast once more, and anchored off Colophon, in order to consult the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. Here it is not a prophetess, as at Delphi, but a male priest, chosen out of a restricted number of families, and in most cases imported from Miletus, who hears the number and the names of the consultants, but no more, then descends into a cavern, swallows a draught of water from a mysterious spring, and â though ignorant generally of writing and of metre â delivers his response in set verses dealing with the subject each inquirer had in mind. Rumour said that he had predicted to Germanicus his hastening fate, though in the equivocal terms which oracles affect. 2.83. Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the soâcalled "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. 3.23. In the course of the Games, which had interrupted the trial, Lepida entered the theatre with a number of women of rank; and there, weeping, wailing, invoking her ancestors and Pompey himself, whom that edifice commemorated, whose statues were standing before their eyes, she excited so much sympathy that the crowd burst into tears, with a fierce and ominous outcry against Quirinius, to whose doting years, barren bed, and petty family they were betraying a woman once destined for the bride of Lucius Caesar and the daughter-inâlaw of the deified Augustus. Then, with the torture of her slaves, came the revelation of her crimes; and the motion of Rubellius Blandus, who pressed for her formal outlawry, was carried. Drusus sided with him, though others had proposed more lenient measures. Later, as a concession to Scaurus, who had a son by her, it was decided not to confiscate her property. And now at last Tiberius disclosed that he had ascertained from Quirinius' own slaves that Lepida had attempted their master's life by poison. 4.13. Meanwhile Tiberius had in no way relaxed his attention to public business, but, accepting work as a consolation, was dealing with judicial cases at Rome and petitions from the provinces. On his proposal, senatorial resolutions were passed to relieve the towns of Cibyra in Asia and Aegium in Achaia, both damaged by earthquake, by remitting their tribute for three years. Vibius Serenus, too, the proconsul of Further Spain, was condemned on a charge of public violence, and deported, as the result of his savage character, to the island of Amorgus. Carsidius Sacerdos, accused of supplying grain to a public enemy in the person of Tacfarinas, was acquitted; and the same charge failed against Gaius Gracchus. Gracchus had been taken in earliest infancy by his father Sempronius to share his banishment in the company of landless men, destitute of all liberal achievements; later, he eked out a livelihood by mean trading transactions in Africa and Sicily: yet even so he failed to escape the hazards reserved for rank and fortune. Indeed, had not Aelius Lamia and Lucius Apronius, former governors of Africa, come to the rescue of his innocence, he would have been swept to ruin by the fame of his calamitous house and the disasters of his father. 12.58. In the consulate of Decimus Junius and Quintus Haterius, Nero, at the age of sixteen, received in marriage the emperor's daughter Octavia. Desirous to shine by his liberal accomplishments and by a character for eloquence, he took up the cause of Ilium, enlarged with grace on the Trojan descent of the Roman nation; on Aeneas, the progenitor of the Julian line; on other traditions not too far removed from fable; and secured the release of the community from all public obligations. By his advocacy, again, the colony of Bononia, which had been destroyed by fire, was assisted with a grant of ten million sesterces; the Rhodians recovered their liberties, so often forfeited or confirmed as the balance varied between their military services abroad or their seditious offences at home; and Apamea, which had suffered from an earthquake shock, was relieved from its tribute for the next five years. 12.62. On the other hand, the Byzantians, who had been granted an audience and were protesting in the senate against the oppressiveness of their burdens, reviewed their entire history. Starting from the treaty concluded with ourselves at the date of our war against the king of Macedonia whose doubtful birth earned him the name of pseudo-Philip, they mentioned the forces they had sent against Antiochus, Perseus and Aristonicus; their assistance to Antonius in the Pirate War; their offers of help at various times to Sulla, Lucullus, and Pompey; then their recent services to the Caesars â services possible because they occupied a district conveniently placed for the transit of generals and armies by land or sea, and equally so for the conveyance of supplies. 12.63. For it was upon the extreme verge of Europe, at the narrowest part of the waters which divorce the continent from Asia, that Byzantium was planted by the Greeks; who, on consulting the Pythian Apollo where to found a city, were advised by the oracle to "seek a home opposite the country of the blind." That enigma pointed to the inhabitants of Chalcedon; who had arrived at the place before them, had surveyed in advance the opportunities of the site, and had decided for a worse. For Byzantium is favoured with a fertile soil and with a prolific sea, since huge shoals of fish â alarmed, as they emerge from the Euxine, by shelving rocks under the surface â make from the winding Asiatic coast, and find their way to the harbours opposite. A thriving and wealthy community had thus arisen; but now, under the stress of their ficial burdens, they applied for exemption or an abatement, and were supported by the emperor; who pointed out to the senate that they had been recently exhausted by the Thracian and Bosporan wars and were entitled to relief. Their tribute was therefore remitted for the next five years. |
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| 71. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 7, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 245 |
72. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 1.3, 2.7-2.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 158, 167| 1.3. Καθὼς παρεκάλεσά σε προσμεῖναι ἐν Ἐφέσῳ, πορευόμενος εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ἵνα παραγγείλῃς τισὶν μὴ ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖν 2.7. εἰς ὃ ἐτέθην ἐγὼ κῆρυξ καὶ ἀπόστολος, — ἀλήθειαν λέγω, οὐ ψεύδομαι, — διδάσκαλος ἐθνῶν ἐν πίστει καὶ ἀληθείᾳ. 2.8. Βούλομαι οὖν προσεύχεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ, ἐπαίροντας ὁσίους χεῖρας χωρὶς ὀργῆς καὶ διαλογισμῶν. 2.9. Ὡσαύτως γυναῖκας ἐν καταστολῇ κοσμίῳ μετὰ αἰδοῦς καὶ σωφροσύνης κοσμεῖν ἑαυτάς, μὴ ἐν πλέγμασιν καὶ χρυσίῳ ἢ μαργαρίταις ἢ ἱματισμῷ πολυτελεῖ, | 1.3. As I exhorted you to stay at Ephesus when I was going into Macedonia, that you might charge certain men not to teach a different doctrine, 2.7. to which I was appointed a preacher and an apostle (I am telling the truth in Christ, not lying), a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and truth. 2.8. I desire therefore that the men in every place pray, lifting up holy hands without wrath and doubting. 2.9. In the same way, that women also adorn themselves in decent clothing, with modesty and propriety; not just with braided hair, gold, pearls, or expensive clothing; |
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| 73. Suetonius, Nero, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
| 74. Suetonius, Iulius, 84.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156 |
| 75. Suetonius, Augustus, 93, 97 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
| 76. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
77. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.8.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nostoi traditions, in the east Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240| 2.8.2. ἀπολομένου δὲ Εὐρυσθέως ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον ἦλθον οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι, καὶ πάσας εἷλον τὰς πόλεις. ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ καθόδῳ διαγενομένου φθορὰ 1 -- πᾶσαν Πελοπόννησον κατέσχε, καὶ ταύτην γενέσθαι χρησμὸς διὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἐδήλου· πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ δέοντος αὐτοὺς κατελθεῖν. ὅθεν ἀπολιπόντες Πελοπόννησον ἀνεχώρησαν 2 -- εἰς Μαραθῶνα κἀκεῖ κατῴκουν. Τληπόλεμος οὖν κτείνας οὐχ ἑκὼν Λικύμνιον (τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῦ θεράποντα 3 -- πλήσσοντος ὑπέδραμε) πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς 4 -- ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, φεύγων μετʼ οὐκ ὀλίγων ἧκεν εἰς Ῥόδον, κἀκεῖ κατῴκει. Ὕλλος δὲ τὴν μὲν Ἰόλην κατὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολὰς 5 -- ἔγημε, τὴν δὲ κάθοδον ἐζήτει τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις κατεργάσασθαι. διὸ παραγενόμενος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπυνθάνετο πῶς ἂν κατέλθοιεν. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἔφησε 6 -- περιμείναντας τὸν τρίτον καρπὸν κατέρχεσθαι. νομίσας δὲ Ὕλλος τρίτον καρπὸν λέγεσθαι τὴν τριετίαν, τοσοῦτον περιμείνας χρόνον σὺν τῷ στρατῷ κατῄει τοῦ Ἡρακλέους 7 -- ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον, Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Ὀρέστου βασιλεύοντος Πελοποννησίων. καὶ γενομένης πάλιν μάχης νικῶσι Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ Ἀριστόμαχος θνήσκει. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠνδρώθησαν οἱ Κλεοδαίου 1 -- παῖδες, ἐχρῶντο περὶ καθόδου. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος ὅ τι καὶ τὸ πρότερον, Τήμενος ᾐτιᾶτο λέγων τούτῳ πεισθέντας 2 -- ἀτυχῆσαι. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι· τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον, καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. 3 -- ταῦτα Τήμενος ἀκούσας ἡτοίμαζε τὸν στρατόν, καὶ ναῦς ἐπήξατο 1 -- τῆς Λοκρίδος ἔνθα νῦν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου ὁ τόπος Ναύπακτος λέγεται. ἐκεῖ δʼ ὄντος τοῦ στρατεύματος Ἀριστόδημος κεραυνωθεὶς ἀπέθανε, παῖδας καταλιπὼν ἐξ Ἀργείας τῆς Αὐτεσίωνος διδύμους, Εὐρυσθένη καὶ Προκλέα. | |
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| 78. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 18.7, 77.1, 88.39, 100.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east •east, the Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 83; Lampe (2003) 10, 290 |
| 79. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 12.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 83 |
| 80. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 3.28.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
81. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.180, 1.216-1.222, 1.224-1.225, 1.231, 1.268, 1.280, 2.50, 2.175-2.177, 2.293, 3.54-3.55, 4.130, 4.444-4.452, 4.486, 4.550-4.551 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brutus, and cassius in the east •germanicus, sent to the east by tiberius Found in books: Udoh (2006) 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 242 | 1.180. 9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. 1.216. 10. In the meantime, there was a disturbance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his goodwill to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar’s commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, 1.217. Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus. 1.218. 1. There was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months. Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and everyone betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, 1.219. where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear. 1.220. 2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius’s threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. 1.221. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; 1.222. o he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius’s favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately. 1.224. but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater’s sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was entrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation. 1.225. 4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. 1.231. 7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; 1.268. 9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king’s palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men’s money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. 1.280. 3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship’s lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, 2.50. but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. 2.176. Now when he was apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal from his tribunal (to do as he had bidden them). 2.177. Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 3.54. it was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; 3.55. Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jericho; 4.130. for Titus went from Gischala to Caesarea, and Vespasian from Caesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put garrisons into them, he came back with a great number of the people, who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their preservation. 4.444. And when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus, 4.445. where he seized upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of Bethletephon. 4.446. He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strongholds all about Idumea; 4.447. and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people, 4.448. and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country; 4.449. while he, with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called Neapolis (or Sichem), but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Daesius [Sivan]; 4.450. and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already. 4.451. 2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; 4.452. they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, 4.486. 1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries. 4.550. But in the meantime Vespasian removed from Caesarea, on the fifth day of the month Daesius, [Sivan,] and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. 4.551. So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two toparchies that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives; |
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82. Tacitus, Histories, 4.82, 5.3-5.4, 5.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east •prayer; facing the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 245; Sider (2001) 35 | 4.82. These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides. 5.3. Most authors agree that once during a plague in Egypt which caused bodily disfigurement, King Bocchoris approached the oracle of Ammon and asked for a remedy, whereupon he was told to purge his kingdom and to transport this race into other lands, since it was hateful to the gods. So the Hebrews were searched out and gathered together; then, being abandoned in the desert, while all others lay idle and weeping, one only of the exiles, Moses by name, warned them not to hope for help from gods or men, for they were deserted by both, but to trust to themselves, regarding as a guide sent from heaven the one whose assistance should first give them escape from their present distress. They agreed, and then set out on their journey in utter ignorance, but trusting to chance. Nothing caused them so much distress as scarcity of water, and in fact they had already fallen exhausted over the plain nigh unto death, when a herd of wild asses moved from their pasturage to a rock that was shaded by a grove of trees. Moses followed them, and, conjecturing the truth from the grassy ground, discovered abundant streams of water. This relieved them, and they then marched six days continuously, and on the seventh seized a country, expelling the former inhabitants; there they founded a city and dedicated a temple. 5.4. To establish his influence over this people for all time, Moses introduced new religious practices, quite opposed to those of all other religions. The Jews regard as profane all that we hold sacred; on the other hand, they permit all that we abhor. They dedicated, in a shrine, a statue of that creature whose guidance enabled them to put an end to their wandering and thirst, sacrificing a ram, apparently in derision of Ammon. They likewise offer the ox, because the Egyptians worship Apis. They abstain from pork, in recollection of a plague, for the scab to which this animal is subject once afflicted them. By frequent fasts even now they bear witness to the long hunger with which they were once distressed, and the unleavened Jewish bread is still employed in memory of the haste with which they seized the grain. They say that they first chose to rest on the seventh day because that day ended their toils; but after a time they were led by the charms of indolence to give over the seventh year as well to inactivity. Others say that this is done in honour of Saturn, whether it be that the primitive elements of their religion were given by the Idaeans, who, according to tradition, were expelled with Saturn and became the founders of the Jewish race, or is due to the fact that, of the seven planets that rule the fortunes of mankind, Saturn moves in the highest orbit and has the greatest potency; and that many of the heavenly bodies traverse their paths and courses in multiples of seven. 5.9. The first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot in their temple by right of conquest was Gnaeus Pompey; thereafter it was a matter of common knowledge that there were no representations of the gods within, but that the place was empty and the secret shrine contained nothing. The walls of Jerusalem were razed, but the temple remained standing. Later, in the time of our civil wars, when these eastern provinces had fallen into the hands of Mark Antony, the Parthian prince, Pacorus, seized Judea, but he was slain by Publius Ventidius, and the Parthians were thrown back across the Euphrates: the Jews were subdued by Gaius Sosius. Antony gave the throne to Herod, and Augustus, after his victory, increased his power. After Herod's death, a certain Simon assumed the name of king without waiting for Caesar's decision. He, however, was put to death by Quintilius Varus, governor of Syria; the Jews were repressed; and the kingdom was divided into three parts and given to Herod's sons. Under Tiberius all was quiet. Then, when Caligula ordered the Jews to set up his statue in their temple, they chose rather to resort to arms, but the emperor's death put an end to their uprising. The princes now being dead or reduced to insignificance, Claudius made Judea a province and entrusted it to Roman knights or to freedmen; one of the latter, Antonius Felix, practised every kind of cruelty and lust, wielding the power of king with all the instincts of a slave; he had married Drusilla, the grand-daughter of Cleopatra and Antony, and so was Antony's grandson-inâlaw, while Claudius was Antony's grandson. |
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83. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 1.1, 9.12, 11.7-11.9, 11.21-11.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 71, 86, 159, 163| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ἀπόστολος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ διὰ θελήματος θεοῦ καὶ Τιμόθεος ὁ ἀδελφὸς τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ οὔσῃ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, σὺν τοῖς ἁγίοις πᾶσιν τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ Ἀχαίᾳ· 9.12. ὅτι ἡ διακονία τῆς λειτουργίας ταύτης οὐ μόνον ἐστὶν προσαναπληροῦσα τὰ ὑστερήματα τῶν ἁγίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ περισσεύουσα διὰ πολλῶν εὐχαριστιῶν τῷ θεῷ,— 11.7. Ἢ ἁμαρτίαν ἐποίησα ἐμαυτὸν ταπεινῶν ἵνα ὑμεῖς ὑψωθῆτε, ὅτι δωρεὰν τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγέλιον εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν; 11.8. ἄλλας ἐκκλησίας ἐσύλησα λαβὼν ὀψώνιον πρὸς τὴν ὑμῶν διακονίαν, 11.9. καὶ παρὼν πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ ὑστερηθεὶς οὐ κατενάρκησα οὐθενός· τὸ γὰρ ὑστέρημά μου προσανεπλήρωσαν οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἐλθόντες ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας· καὶ ἐν παντὶ ἀβαρῆ ἐμαυτὸν ὑμῖν ἐτήρησα καὶ τηρήσω. 11.21. κατὰ ἀτιμίαν λέγω, ὡς ὅτι ἡμεῖς ἠσθενήκαμεν· ἐν ᾧ δʼ ἄν τις τολμᾷ, ἐν ἀφροσύνῃ λέγω, τολμῶ κἀγώ. 11.22. Ἐβραῖοί εἰσιν; κἀγώ. Ἰσραηλεῖταί εἰσιν; κἀγώ. σπέρμα Ἀβραάμ εἰσιν; κἀγώ. διάκονοι Χριστοῦ εἰσίν; | |
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84. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 1.16-1.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 159, 166| 1.16. δῴη ἔλεος ὁ κύριος τῷ Ὀνησιφόρου οἴκῳ, ὅτι πολλάκις με ἀνέψυξεν, καὶ τὴν ἅλυσίν μου οὐκ ἐπαισχύνθη· 1.17. ἀλλὰ γενόμενος ἐν Ῥώμῃ σπουδαίως ἐζήτησέν με καὶ εὗρεν· 1.18. — δῴη αὐτῷ ὁ κύριος εὑρεῖν ἔλεος παρὰ κυρίου ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ· — καὶ ὅσα ἐν Ἐφέσῳ διηκόνησεν, βέλτιον σὺ γινώσκεις. | 1.16. May the Lord grant mercy to the house of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain, 1.17. but when he was in Rome, he sought me diligently, and found me 1.18. (the Lord grant to him to find the Lord's mercy in that day); and in how many things he served at Ephesus, you know very well. |
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85. New Testament, Romans, 1.5-1.15, 3.8, 3.31, 6.4, 7.7, 8.15, 8.33, 14.5-14.6, 15.14, 15.22, 15.24, 15.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 441; Lampe (2003) 55, 71, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164| 1.5. διʼ οὗ ἐλάβομεν χάριν καὶ ἀποστολὴν εἰς ὑπακοὴν πίστεως ἐν πᾶσιν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος αὐτοῦ, 1.6. ἐν οἷς ἐστὲ καὶ ὑμεῖς κλητοὶ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, 1.7. πᾶσιν τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἀγαπητοῖς θεοῦ, κλητοῖς ἁγίοις· χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. 1.8. Πρῶτον μὲν εὐχαριστῶ τῷ θεῷ μου διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν, ὅτι ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν καταγγέλλεται ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ. 1.9. μάρτυς γάρ μού ἐστιν ὁ θεός, ᾧ λατρεύω ἐν τῷ πνεύματί μου ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, ὡς ἀδιαλείπτως μνείαν ὑμῶν ποιοῦμαι 1.10. πάντοτε ἐπὶ τῶν προσευχῶν μου, δεόμενος εἴ πως ἤδη ποτὲ εὐοδωθήσομαι ἐν τῷ θελήματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς. 1.11. ἐπιποθῶ γὰρ ἰδεῖν ὑμᾶς, ἵνα τι μεταδῶ χάρισμα ὑμῖν πνευματικὸν εἰς τὸ στηριχθῆναι ὑμᾶς, 1.12. τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν συνπαρακληθῆναι ἐν ὑμῖν διὰ τῆς ἐν ἀλλήλοις πίστεως ὑμῶν τε καὶ ἐμοῦ. 1.13. οὐ θέλω δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀγνοεῖν, ἀδελφοί, ὅτι πολλάκις προεθέμην ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἐκωλύθην ἄχρι τοῦ δεῦρο, ἵνα τινὰ καρπὸν σχῶ καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἔθνεσιν. 1.14. Ἕλλησίν τε καὶ βαρβάροις, σοφοῖς τε καὶ ἀνοήτοις ὀφειλέτης εἰμί· 1.15. οὕτω τὸ κατʼ ἐμὲ πρόθυμον καὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ εὐαγγελίσασθαι. 3.8. καὶ μὴ καθὼς βλασφημούμεθα [καὶ] καθώς φασίν τινες ἡμᾶς λέγειν ὅτι Ποιήσωμεν τὰ κακὰ ἵνα ἔλθῃ τὰ ἀγαθά; ὧν τὸ κρίμα ἔνδικόν ἐστιν. 3.31. νόμον οὖν καταργοῦμεν διὰ τῆς πίστεως; μὴ γένοιτο, ἀλλὰ νόμον ἱστάνομεν. 6.4. συνετάφημεν οὖν αὐτῷ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰς τὸν θάνατον, ἵνα ὥσπερ ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν. 7.7. Τί οὖν ἐροῦμεν; ὁ νόμος ἁμαρτία; μὴ γένοιτο· ἀλλὰ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν οὐκ ἔγνων εἰ μὴ διὰ νόμου, τήν τε γὰρ ἐπιθυμίαν οὐκ ᾔδειν εἰ μὴ ὁ νόμος ἔλεγενΟὐκ ἐπιθυμήσεις· 8.15. οὐ γὰρ ἐλάβετε πνεῦμα δουλείας πάλιν εἰς φόβον, ἀλλὰ ἐλάβετε πνεῦμα υἱοθεσίας, ἐν ᾧ κράζομεν 8.33. τίς ἐγκαλέσει κατὰ ἐκλεκτῶν θεοῦ; δικαιῶν· θεὸς ὁ 14.5. ὃς μὲν [γὰρ] κρίνει ἡμέραν παρʼ ἡμέραν, ὃς δὲ κρίνει πᾶσαν ἡμέραν· ἕκαστος ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ νοῒ πληροφορείσθω· 14.6. ὁ φρονῶν τὴν ἡμέραν κυρίῳ φρονεῖ. καὶ ὁ ἐσθίων κυρίῳ ἐσθίει, εὐχαριστεῖ γὰρ τῷ θεῷ· καὶ ὁ μὴ ἐσθίων κυρίῳ οὐκ ἐσθίει, καὶ εὐχαριστεῖ τῷ θεῷ. 15.14. Πέπεισμαι δέ, ἀδελφοί μου, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐγὼ περὶ ὑμῶν, ὅτι καὶ αὐτοὶ μεστοί ἐστε ἀγαθωσύνης, πεπληρωμένοι πάσης τῆς γνώσεως, δυνάμενοι καὶ ἀλλήλους νουθετεῖν. 15.22. Διὸ καὶ ἐνεκοπτόμην τὰ πολλὰ τοῦ ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς· 15.24. ὡς ἂν πορεύωμαι εἰς τὴν Σπανίαν, ἐλπίζω γὰρ διαπορευόμενος θεάσασθαι ὑμᾶς καὶ ὑφʼ ὑμῶν προπεμφθῆναι ἐκεῖ ἐὰν ὑμῶν πρῶτον ἀπὸ μέρους ἐμπλησθῶ,— 15.30. Παρακαλῶ δὲ ὑμᾶς [, ἀδελφοί,] διὰ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀγάπης τοῦ πνεύματος συναγωνίσασθαί μοι ἐν ταῖς προσευχαῖς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς τὸν θεόν, | 1.5. through whom we received grace and apostleship, for obedience of faith among all the nations, for his name's sake; 1.6. among whom you are also called to belong to Jesus Christ; 1.7. to all who are in Rome, beloved of God, called to be saints: Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. 1.8. First, I thank my God through Jesus Christ for all of you, that your faith is proclaimed throughout the whole world. 1.9. For God is my witness, whom I serve in my spirit in the gospel of his Son, how unceasingly I make mention of you always in my prayers, 1.10. requesting, if by any means now at last I may be prospered by the will of God to come to you. 1.11. For I long to see you, that I may impart to you some spiritual gift, to the end that you may be established; 1.12. that is, that I with you may be encouraged in you, each of us by the other's faith, both yours and mine. 1.13. Now I don't desire to have you unaware, brothers, that I often planned to come to you, and was hindered so far, that I might have some fruit among you also, even as among the rest of the Gentiles. 1.14. I am debtor both to Greeks and to foreigners, both to the wise and to the foolish. 1.15. So, as much as is in me, I am eager to preach the gospel to you also who are in Rome. 3.8. Why not (as we are slanderously reported, and as some affirm that we say), "Let us do evil, that good may come?" Those who say so are justly condemned. 3.31. Do we then nullify the law through faith? May it never be! No, we establish the law. 6.4. We were buried therefore with him through baptism to death, that just like Christ was raised from the dead through the glory of the Father, so we also might walk in newness of life. 7.7. What shall we say then? Is the law sin? May it never be! However, I wouldn't have known sin, except through the law. For I wouldn't have known coveting, unless the law had said, "You shall not covet." 8.15. For you didn't receive the spirit of bondage again to fear, but you received the Spirit of adoption, by whom we cry, "Abba! Father!" 8.33. Who could bring a charge against God's elect? It is God who justifies. 14.5. One man esteems one day as more important. Another esteems every day alike. Let each man be fully assured in his own mind. 14.6. He who observes the day, observes it to the Lord; and he who does not observe the day, to the Lord he does not observe it. He who eats, eats to the Lord, for he gives God thanks. He who doesn't eat, to the Lord he doesn't eat, and gives God thanks. 15.14. I myself am also persuaded about you, my brothers, that you yourselves are full of goodness, filled with all knowledge, able also to admonish others. 15.22. Therefore also I was hindered these many times from coming to you, 15.24. whenever I journey to Spain, I will come to you. For I hope to see you on my journey, and to be helped on my way there by you, if first I may enjoy your company for a while. 15.30. Now I beg you, brothers, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by the love of the Spirit, that you strive together with me in your prayers to God for me, |
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86. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.119-14.120, 14.217-14.227, 14.268-14.270, 14.272-14.276, 14.279-14.280, 14.289, 14.313, 14.321, 14.363-14.364, 14.378, 17.300, 18.60-18.62 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brutus, and cassius in the east •east, the •germanicus, sent to the east by tiberius Found in books: Lampe (2003) 158; Udoh (2006) 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 242 | 14.119. 3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it. 14.120. And as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Taricheae, and presently took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater, 14.217. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219. 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.220. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. 14.221. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.268. 1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; 14.269. to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. 14.270. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus’s government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere. 14.272. and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.273. but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. 14.274. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 14.275. whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. 14.276. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him. 14.279. and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him. 14.280. 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar: 14.289. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there; 14.313. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.” 14.321. and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners. 14.363. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was three hundred talents. 14.364. A great deal of Herod’s money escaped, and principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the city Marissa. 14.378. and as he found that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; 17.300. for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own laws. Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already. 18.60. 2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. 18.61. So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; 18.62. who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition. |
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| 87. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 10 |
88. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 13.1, 21.6, 38.1-38.2, 55.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 86, 167| 13.1. Ταπεινοφρονήσωμεν οὖν, ἀδελφοί, ἀποθέμενοι πᾶσαν ἀλαζονείαν καὶ τῦφος καὶ ἀφροσύνην καὶ ὀργάς, καὶ ποιήσωμεν τὸ γεγραμμένον, λέγει γὰρ Jer, 9, 23-24; I Sam 2, 10; I Cor. 1, 31; II Cor. 10, 17 τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον: Μὴ καυχάσθω ὁ σοφὸς ἐν τῇ σοφίᾳ αὐτοῦ μηδὲ ὁ ἰσχυρὸς ἐν τῇ ἰσχύϊ αὐτοῦ μηδὲ ὁ πλούσιος ἐν τῷ πλούτῳ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ̓ ἡ ὁ καυχώμενος ἐν κυρίῳ καυχάσθω, τοῦ ἐκζητεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ ποιεῖν κρίμα καὶ δικαιοσύνην: μάλιστα μεμνημένοι τῶν λόγων τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ, οὓς ἐλάλησεν διδάσκων ἐπιείκειαν καὶ μακροθυμίαν. Matt. 5, 7; 6, 14. 15; 7, 1. 2. 12; Luke 6, 31. 36-38 21.6. τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, οὗ τὸ αἷμα ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἐδόθη, ἐντραπῶμεν, τοὺς προηγουμένους ἡμῶν αἰδεσθῶμεν, τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους τιμήσωμεν, τοὺς νέους παιδεύσωμεν τὴν παιδείαν τοῦ φόβου τοῦ θεοῦ, τὰς γυναῖκας ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ ἀγαθὸν διορθωσώμεθα. 38.1. Σωζέσθω οὖν ἡμῶν ὅλον τὸ σῶμα ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, καὶ ὑποτασσέσθω ἕκαστος τῷ πλησίον αὐτοῦ, καθὼς ἐτέθη ἐν τῷ χαρίσματι αὐτοῦ. 38.2. ὁ ἰσχυρὸς τημελείτω A has mh thtmmeleitw. This is perhaps a corruption of mh\ a)thmelei/tw "not neglect," shich may be the true reading. τὸν ἀσθενῆ, ὁ δὲ ἀσθενὴς ἐντρεπέσθω τὸν ἰσχυρόν: ὁ πλούσιος ἐπιχορηγείτω τῷ πτωχῷ, ὁ δὲ πτωχὸς εὐχαριστείτω τῷ θεῷ, ὅτι ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ, δἰ οὗ ἀναπληρωθῇ αὐτοῦ τὸ ὑστέρημα: ὁ σοφὸς ἐνδεικνύσθω τὴν σοφίαν αὐτοῦ μὴ ἐν λόγοις, ἀλλ̓ ἐν ἔργοις ἀγαθοῖς: ὁ ταπεινοφρονῶν μὴ ἑαυτῷ μαρτυρείτω, ἀλλ̓ ἐάτω ὑφ̓ ἑτέρου ἑαυτὸν μαρτυρεῖσθαι: ὁ ἁγνὸς ἐν τῇ σαρκὶ A reads (??) mh/ preceded by a lacuna (the vellum has been asay). It is suggested that h)/tw should be supplied, giving the meaning "Let him sho is pure in the flesh, be so, and not," etc. μὴ ἀλαζονευέσθω, γινώσκων ὅτι ἕτερός ἐστιν ὁ ἐπιχορηγῶν αὐτῷ τὴν ἐγκράτειαν. 55.2. ἐπιστάμεθα πολλοὺς ἐν ἡμῖν παραδεδωκότας ἑαυτοὺς εἰς δεσμά, ὅπως ἑτέρους λυτρώσονται: πολλοὶ ἑαυτοὺς παρέδωκαν εἰς δουλείαν. καὶ λαβόντες τὰς τιμὰς αὐτῶν ἑτέρους ἐψώμισαν. | |
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89. New Testament, Luke, 9.1, 16.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aramaic, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east •east, the Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 75; Lampe (2003) 86| 9.1. Συνκαλεσάμενος δὲ τοὺς δώδεκα ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς δύναμιν καὶ ἐξουσίαν ἐπὶ πάντα τὰ δαιμόνια καὶ νόσους θεραπεύειν, 16.21. καὶ ἐπιθυμῶν χορτασθῆναι ἀπὸ τῶν πιπτόντων ἀπὸ τῆς τραπέζης τοῦ πλουσίου· ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ κύνες ἐρχόμενοι ἐπέλειχον τὰ ἕλκη αὐτοῦ. | 9.1. He called the twelve together, and gave them power and authority over all demons, and to cure diseases. 16.21. and desiring to be fed with the crumbs that fell from the rich man's table. Yes, even the dogs came and licked his sores. |
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90. New Testament, Acts, 2.10, 16.13-16.14, 17.7-17.9, 18.2, 18.18-18.21, 18.24-18.27, 19.1, 19.9, 19.22, 19.29, 27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 441; Brodd and Reed (2011) 8; Lampe (2003) 46, 158, 159, 166, 167, 168| 2.10. Φρυγίαν τε καὶ Παμφυλίαν, Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὰ μέρη τῆς Λιβύης τῆς κατὰ Κυρήνην, καὶ οἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι, 16.13. τῇ τε ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων ἐξήλθομεν ἔξω τῆς πύλης παρὰ ποταμὸν οὗ ἐνομίζομεν προσευχὴν εἶναι, καὶ καθίσαντες ἐλαλοῦμεν ταῖς συνελθούσαις γυναιξίν. 16.14. καί τις γυνὴ ὀνόματι Λυδία, πορφυρόπωλις πόλεως Θυατείρων σεβομένη τὸν θεόν, ἤκουεν, ἧς ὁ κύριος διήνοιξεν τὴν καρδίαν προσέχειν τοῖς λαλουμένοις ὑπὸ Παύλου. 17.7. οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 17.8. ἐτάραξαν δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας ἀκούοντας ταῦτα, 17.9. καὶ λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανὸν παρὰ τοῦ Ἰάσονος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἀπέλυσαν αὐτούς. 18.2. καὶ εὑρών τινα Ἰουδαῖον ὀνόματι Ἀκύλαν, Ποντικὸν τῷ γένει, προσφάτως ἐληλυθότα ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ Πρίσκιλλαν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ διατεταχέναι Κλαύδιον χωρίζεσθαι πάντας τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, προσῆλθεν αὐτοῖς, 18.18. Ὁ δὲ Παῦλος ἔτι προσμείνας ἡμέρας ἱκανὰς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἀποταξάμενος ἐξέπλει εἰς τὴν Συρίαν, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Πρίσκιλλα καὶ Ἀκύλας, κειράμενος ἐν Κενχρεαῖς τὴν κεφαλήν, εἶχεν γὰρ εὐχήν. 18.19. κατήντησαν δὲ εἰς Ἔφεσον, κἀκείνους κατέλιπεν αὐτοῦ, αὐτὸς δὲ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν διελέξατο τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις. 18.20. ἐρωτώντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πλείονα χρόνον μεῖναι οὐκ ἐπένευσεν, 18.21. ἀλλὰ ἀποταξάμενος καὶ εἰπών Πάλιν ἀνακάμψω πρὸς ὑμᾶς τοῦ θεοῦ θέλοντος ἀνήχθη ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐφέσου, 18.24. Ἰουδαῖος δέ τις Ἀπολλὼς ὀνόματι, Ἀλεξανδρεὺς τῷ γένει, ἀνὴρ λόγιος, κατήντησεν εἰς Ἔφεσον, δυνατὸς ὢν ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς. 18.25. οὗτος ἦν κατηχημένος τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ κυρίου, καὶ ζέων τῷ πνεύματι ἐλάλει καὶ ἐδίδασκεν ἀκριβῶς τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐπιστάμενος μόνον τὸ βάπτισμα Ἰωάνου. 18.26. οὗτός τε ἤρξατο παρρησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ· ἀκούσαντες δὲ αὐτοῦ Πρίσκιλλα καὶ Ἀκύλας προσελάβοντο αὐτὸν καὶ ἀκριβέστερον αὐτῷ ἐξέθεντο τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ. 18.27. βουλομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ διελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἀχαίαν προτρεψάμενοι οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἔγραψαν τοῖς μαθηταῖς ἀποδέξασθαι αὐτόν· ὃς παραγενόμενος συνεβάλετο πολὺ τοῖς πεπιστευκόσιν διὰ τῆς χάριτος· 19.1. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ τὸν Ἀπολλὼ εἶναι ἐν Κορίνθῳ Παῦλον διελθόντα τὰ ἀνωτερικὰ μέρη ἐλθεῖν εἰς Ἔφεσον καὶ εὑρεῖν τινὰς μαθητάς, 19.9. ὡς δέ τινες ἐσκληρύνοντο καὶ ἠπείθουν κακολογοῦντες τὴν ὁδὸν ἐνώπιον τοῦ πλήθους, ἀποστὰς ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ἀφώρισεν τοὺς μαθητάς, καθʼ ἡμέραν διαλεγόμενος ἐν τῇ σχολῇ Τυράννου . 19.22. ἀποστείλας δὲ εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν δύο τῶν διακονούντων αὐτῷ, Τιμόθεον καὶ Ἔραστον, αὐτὸς ἐπέσχεν χρόνον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν. 19.29. καὶ ἐπλήσθη ἡ πόλις τῆς συγχύσεως, ὥρμησάν τε ὁμοθυμαδὸν εἰς τὸ θέατρον συναρπάσαντες Γαῖον καὶ Ἀρίσταρχον Μακεδόνας, συνεκδήμους Παύλου. 27.9. Ἱκανοῦ δὲ χρόνου διαγενομένου καὶ ὄντος ἤδη ἐπισφαλοῦς τοῦ πλοὸς διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν νηστείαν ἤδη παρεληλυθέναι, παρῄνει ὁ Παῦλος λέγων αὐτοῖς | 2.10. Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, the parts of Libya around Cyrene, visitors from Rome, both Jews and proselytes, 16.13. On the Sabbath day we went forth outside of the city by a riverside, where we supposed there was a place of prayer, and we sat down, and spoke to the women who had come together. 16.14. A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul. 17.7. whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 17.8. The multitude and the rulers of the city were troubled when they heard these things. 17.9. When they had taken security from Jason and the rest, they let them go. 18.2. He found a certain Jew named Aquila, a man of Pontus by race, who had recently come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart from Rome. He came to them, 18.18. Paul, having stayed after this yet many days, took his leave of the brothers, and sailed from there for Syria, with Priscilla and Aquila with him. He shaved his head in Cenchreae, for he had a vow. 18.19. He came to Ephesus, and he left them there; but he himself entered into the synagogue, and reasoned with the Jews. 18.20. When they asked him to stay with them a longer time, he declined; 18.21. but taking his leave of them, and saying, "I must by all means keep this coming feast in Jerusalem, but I will return again to you if God wills," he set sail from Ephesus. 18.24. Now a certain Jew named Apollos, an Alexandrian by race, an eloquent man, came to Ephesus. He was mighty in the Scriptures. 18.25. This man had been instructed in the way of the Lord; and being fervent in spirit, he spoke and taught accurately the things concerning Jesus, although he knew only the baptism of John. 18.26. He began to speak boldly in the synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him aside, and explained to him the way of God more accurately. 18.27. When he had determined to pass over into Achaia, the brothers encouraged him, and wrote to the disciples to receive him. When he had come, he helped them much, who had believed through grace; 19.1. It happened that, while Apollos was at Corinth, Paul, having passed through the upper country, came to Ephesus, and found certain disciples. 19.9. But when some were hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way before the multitude, he departed from them, and separated the disciples, reasoning daily in the school of Tyrannus. 19.22. Having sent into Macedonia two of those who ministered to him, Timothy and Erastus, he himself stayed in Asia for a while. 19.29. The whole city was filled with confusion, and they rushed with one accord into the theater, having seized Gaius and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companions in travel. 27.9. When much time was spent, and the voyage was now dangerous, because the Fast had now already gone by, Paul admonished them, |
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91. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 24.3, 29.1-29.2, 54.3-54.6, 58.4, 75.3-75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 3, 83, 156, 250| 24.3. ἡ γὰρ Ἀσία πᾶσα, καθάπερ ἡ Σοφόκλειος ἐκείνη πόλις, ὁμοῦ μὲν θυμιαμάτων ἔγεμεν, ὁμοῦ δὲ παιάνων τε καὶ στεναγμάτων. εἰς γοῦν Ἔφεσον εἰσιόντος αὐτοῦ γυναῖκες μὲν εἰς Βάκχας, ἄνδρες δὲ καὶ παῖδες εἰς Σατύρους καὶ Πᾶνας ἡγοῦντο διεσκευασμένοι, κιττοῦ δὲ καὶ θύρσων καὶ ψαλτηρίων καὶ συρίγγων καὶ αὐλῶν ἡ πόλις ἦν πλέα, Διόνυσον αὐτὸν ἀνακαλουμένων χαριδότην καὶ μειλίχιον. 29.1. ἡ δὲ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν κολακείαν οὐχ, ὥσπερ ὁ Πλάτων φησί, τετραχῆ, πολλαχῆ δὲ διελοῦσα, καὶ σπουδῆς ἁπτομένῳ καὶ παιδιᾶς ἀεί τινα καινὴν ἡδονὴν ἐπιφέρουσα καὶ χάριν, διεπαιδαγώγει τὸν Ἀντώνιον οὔτε νυκτὸς οὔτε ἡμέρας ἀνιεῖσα. καὶ γὰρ συνεκύβευε καὶ συνέπινε καὶ συνεθήρευε καὶ γυμναζόμενον ἐν ὅπλοις ἐθεᾶτο, καὶ νύκτωρ προσισταμένῳ θύραις καὶ θυρίσι δημοτῶν καὶ σκώπτοντι τοὺς ἔνδον συνεπλανᾶτο καὶ συνήλυε θεραπαινιδίου στολὴν λαμβάνουσα καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος οὕτως ἐπειρᾶτο σκευάζειν ἑαυτόν. 29.2. ὅθεν ἀεὶ σκωμμάτων, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ πληγῶν ἀπολαύσας ἐπανήρχετο· τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις ἦν δι’ ὑπονοίας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσέχαιρον αὐτοῦ τῇ βωμολοχίᾳ καὶ συνέπαιζον οὐκ ἀρρύθμως οὐδὲ ἀμούσως οἱ Ἀλεξανδρεῖς, ἀγαπῶντες καὶ λέγοντες ὡς τῷ τραγικῷ πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους χρῆται προσώπῳ, τῷ δὲ κωμικῷ πρὸς αὐτούς. 54.3. ἐμισήθη δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν διανέμησιν ἣν ἐποιήσατο τοῖς τέκνοις ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, τραγικὴν καὶ ὑπερήφανον καὶ μισορρώμαιον φανεῖσαν. ἐμπλήσας γὰρ ὄχλου τὸ γυμνάσιον καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ βήματος ἀργυροῦ δύο θρόνους χρυσοῦς, τὸν μὲν ἑαυτῷ, τὸν δὲ Κλεοπάτρᾳ, καὶ τοῖς παισὶν ἑτέρους ταπεινοτέρους, 54.4. πρῶτον μὲν ἀπέφηνε Κλεοπάτραν βασίλισσαν Αἰγύπτου καὶ Κύπρου καὶ Λιβύης καὶ κοίλης Συρίας, συμβασιλεύοντος αὐτῇ Καισαρίωνος, ὃς ἐκ Καίσαρος ἐδόκει τοῦ προτέρου γεγονέναι Κλεοπάτραν ἔγκυον καταλιπόντος· δεύτερον δὲ τοὺς ἐξ αὑτοῦ καὶ Κλεοπάτρας υἱοὺς βασιλεῖς βασιλέων ἀναγορεύσας Ἀλεξάνδρῳ μὲν Ἀρμενίαν ἀπένειμε καὶ Μηδίαν καὶ τὰ Πάρθων, ὅταν ὑπαγάγηται, Πτολεμαίῳ δὲ Φοινίκην καὶ Συρίαν καὶ Κιλικίαν. 54.5. ἅμα δὲ καὶ προήγαγε τῶν παίδων Ἀλέξανδρον μὲν ἐσθῆτι Μηδικῇ τιάραν καὶ κίταριν ὀρθὴν ἐχούσῃ, Πτολεμαῖον δὲ κρηπῖσι καὶ χλανίδι καὶ καυσίᾳ διαδηματοφόρῳ κεκοσμημένον. αὕτη γὰρ ἦν σκευὴ τῶν ἀπʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου βασιλέων, ἐκείνη δὲ Μήδων καὶ Ἀρμενίων. 54.6. ἀσπασαμένων δὲ τῶν παίδων τοὺς γονεῖς, τὸν μὲν Ἀρμενίων φυλακὴ περιΐστατο, τὸν δὲ Μακεδόνων. Κλεοπάτρα μὲν γὰρ καὶ τότε καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον εἰς πλῆθος ἐξιοῦσα στολὴν ἱερὰν Ἴσιδος ἐλάμβανε καὶ νέα Ἶσις ἐχρημάτιζε. 58.4. ἀλλόκοτον γὰρ ἔδοξεν εἶναι καὶ δεινόν, εὐθύνας τινὰ διδόναι ζῶντα περὶ ὧν ἐβουλήθη γενέσθαι μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν. ἐπεφύετο δὲ τῶν γεγραμμένων μάλιστα τῷ περὶ τῆς ταφῆς. ἐκέλευε γὰρ αὑτοῦ τὸ σῶμα, κἂν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τελευτήσῃ, δι’ ἀγορᾶς πομπευθὲν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ὡς Κλεοπάτραν ἀποσταλῆναι. 75.3. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτὶ λέγεται, μεσούσης σχεδόν, ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ καὶ κατηφείᾳ τῆς πόλεως διὰ φόβον καὶ προσδοκίαν τοῦ μέλλοντος οὔσης, αἰφνίδιον ὀργάνων τε παντοδαπῶν ἐμμελεῖς τινας φωνὰς ἀκουσθῆναι καὶ βοὴν ὄχλου μετὰ εὐασμῶν καὶ πηδήσεων σατυρικῶν, ὥσπερ θιάσου τινὸς οὐκ ἀθορύβως ἐξελαύνοντος· 75.4. εἶναι δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν ὁμοῦ τι διὰ τῆς πόλεως μέσης ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔξω τὴν τετραμμένην πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ ταύτῃ τὸν θόρυβον ἐκπεσεῖν πλεῖστον γενόμενον. ἐδόκει δὲ τοῖς ἀναλογιζομένοις τὸ σημεῖον ἀπολείπειν ὁ θεὸς Ἀντώνιον, ᾧ μάλιστα συνεξομοιῶν καὶ συνοικειῶν ἑαυτὸν διετέλεσεν. | 24.3. 29.1. 29.2. 54.3. 54.4. 54.5. 54.6. 58.4. 75.3. 75.4. |
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| 92. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 10 |
93. New Testament, Mark, 3.15, 6.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aramaic, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 75| 3.15. καὶ ἔχειν ἐξουσίαν ἐκβάλλειν τὰ δαιμόνια· 6.7. Καὶ προσκαλεῖται τοὺς δώδεκα, καὶ ἤρξατο αὐτοὺς ἀποστέλλειν δύο δύο, καὶ ἐδίδου αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν τῶν πνευμάτων τῶν ἀκαθάρτων, | 3.15. and to have authority to heal sicknesses and to cast out demons: 6.7. He called to himself the twelve, and began to send them out two by two; and he gave them authority over the unclean spirits. |
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| 94. Appian, Roman History, 3.66, 3.77, 4.34, 4.52, 4.58, 4.60-4.62, 4.70, 4.73-4.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brutus, and cassius in the east Found in books: Udoh (2006) 100, 103, 104, 107 |
95. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 17.5-17.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 83| 17.5. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸ διά γραμμάτων τοῖς φίλοις ὁμιλεῖν Καίσαρα πρῶτον μηχανήσασθαι, τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔντευξιν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπειγόντων τοῦ καιροῦ διά τε πλῆθος ἀσχολιῶν καὶ τῆς πόλεως τὸ μέγεθος μὴ περιμένοντος. τῆς δὲ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν εὐκολίας κἀκεῖνο ποιοῦνται σημεῖον, ὅτι τοῦ δειπνίζοντος αὐτὸν ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ ξένου Οὐαλλερίου Λέοντος παραθέντος ἀσπάραγον καὶ μύρον ἀντʼ ἐλαίου καταχέαντος, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφελῶς ἔφαγε, τοῖς δὲ φίλοις δυσχεραίνουσιν ἐπέπληξεν. 17.6. ἢρκει γὰρ, ἔφη, τὸ μὴ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἀπαρέσκουσιν ὁ δὲ τὴν τοιαύτην ἀγροικίαν ἐξελέγχων αὐτός ἐστιν ἄγροικος. ἐν ὁδῷ δέ ποτε συνελασθεὶς ὑπὸ χειμῶνος εἰς ἔπαυλιν ἀνθρώπου πένητος, ὡς οὐδὲν εὗρε πλέον οἰκήματος ἑνὸς γλίσχρως ἕνα δέξασθαι δυναμένου, πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπών ὡς τῶν μὲν ἐντίμων παραχωρητέον εἴη τοῖς κρατίστοις, τῶν δὲ ἀναγκαίων τοῖς ἀσθενεστάτοις, Ὄππιον ἐκέλευσεν ἀναπαύσασθαι· αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὑπὸ τῷ προστεγίῳ τῆς θύρας ἐκάθευδεν. | 17.5. 17.6. |
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96. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.3, 19.3, 29.1-29.2, 30.2, 32.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east •brutus, and cassius in the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50; Udoh (2006) 102, 104| 9.3. βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων τοῦ Φαύστου καὶ οἰκείων ἐπεξιέναι καὶ δικάζεσθαι Πομπήϊος ἐκώλυσε, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ταὐτὸ τοὺς παῖδας ἀμφοτέρους ἀνέκρινε περὶ τοῦ πράγματος. 19.3. καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν Ἀντώνιος εἱστία παραλαβών, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ὥς τις εἶχε πρὸς ἕκαστον ἢ συνηθείας ἢ φιλοφροσύνης. 29.1. ἐβούλετο μὲν οὖν ἴσον ἔχειν τιμῆς καὶ παρέχειν ὁ Κάσσιος, ἔφθανε δʼ ὁ Βροῦτος ὡς τὰ πολλὰ φοιτῶν πρὸς αὐτόν ἡλικίᾳ τε προὔχοντα καὶ σώματι πονεῖν ὁμοίως μὴ δυναμένῳ χρώμενον. 29.2. ἦν δὲδόξα Κάσσιον μὲν εἶναι δεινὸν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, ὀργῇ δὲ τραχὺν καὶ φόβῳ μᾶλλον ἄρχοντα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς συνήθεις ὑγρότερον τῷγελοίῳ καὶ φιλοσκώπτην· 30.2. οὐκ εἴων μὲν οὖν τὸν Κάσσιον οἱ φίλοι διδόναι, λέγοντες ὡς οὐ δίκαιον, ἃ σὺ φειδόμενος διαφυλάττεις Καὶ φθόνῳ συνάγεις, ἐκεῖνον λαβόντα δημαγωγεῖν Καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς στρατιώταις· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ τρίτον μέρος ἁπάντων. 32.2. αἱ δʼἀνδρῶν τε καὶ πατέρων ἐπιφανῶν οὖσαι διηγούμεναι τὸν Βροῦτον, ὡς ἀνὴρ εἴη σωφρονέστατος καὶ δικαιότατος, ἔπεισαν εἶξαι καὶ παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν. | 9.3. 19.3. 29.1. 29.2. 30.2. 32.2. |
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97. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 8.7-8.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 250| 8.7. ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν ἀφιδρυμάτων νομοθετήματα παντάπασιν ἀδελφὰ τῶν Πυθαγόρου δογμάτων, οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνος αἰσθητὸν ἢ παθητόν, ἀόρατον δὲ καὶ ἄκτιστον ἄκτιστον Sintenis 1 with AC, followed by Bekker: ἀκήρατον ( unmixed ). καὶ νοητὸν ὑπελάμβανεν εἶναι τὸ πρῶτον, οὗτός τε διεκώλυσεν ἀνθρωποειδῆ καὶ ζῳόμορφον εἰκόνα θεοῦ Ῥωμαίους νομίζειν. οὐδʼ ἦν παρʼ αὑτοῖς οὔτε γραπτὸν οὔτε πλαστὸν εἶδος θεοῦ πρότερον, 8.8. ἀλλʼ ἐν ἑκατὸν ἑβδομήκοντα τοῖς πρώτοις ἔτεσι ναοὺς μὲν οἰκοδομού μεν οι καὶ καλιάδας ἱερὰς ἱστῶντες, ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐδὲν ἔμμορφον ποιούμενοι διετέλουν, ὡς οὔτε ὅσιον ἀφομοιοῦν τὰ βελτίονα τοῖς χείροσιν οὔτε ἐφάπτεσθαι θεοῦ δυνατὸν ἄλλως ἢ νοήσει, κομιδῆ δὲ καὶ τὰ τῶν θυσιῶν ἔχεται τῆς Πυθαγορικῆς ἁγιστείας· ἀναίμακτοι γάρ ἦσαν αἵ γε πολλαί, διʼ ἀλφίτου καὶ σπονδῆς καὶ τῶν εὐτελεστάτων πεποιημέναι. | 8.7. Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity, 8.7. Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity, 8.8. but while for the first hundred and seventy years they were continually building temples and establishing sacred shrines, they made no statues in bodily form for them, convinced that it was impious to liken higher things to lower, and that it was impossible to apprehend Deity except by the intellect. Their sacrifices, too, were altogether appropriate to the Pythagorean worship; for most of them involved no bloodshed, but were made with flour, drink-offerings, and the least costly gifts. |
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98. New Testament, Matthew, 10.1, 10.5-10.8, 13.24, 19.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aramaic, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east •apatheia, freedom from, eradication of, emotion (; search for apatheia attacked by lactantius, jerome, augustine in latin, western, church, but flourishes in east, and restored in west by cassian •east, the Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 75; Lampe (2003) 86; Sorabji (2000) 397| 10.1. Καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τοὺς δώδεκα μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν πνευμάτων ἀκαθάρτων ὥστε ἐκβάλλειν αὐτὰ καὶ θεραπεύειν πᾶσαν νόσον καὶ πᾶσαν μαλακίαν. 10.5. Τούτους τοὺς δώδεκα ἀπέστειλεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς παραγγείλας αὐτοῖς λέγων Εἰς ὁδὸν ἐθνῶν μὴ ἀπέλθητε, καὶ εἰς πόλιν Σαμαρειτῶν μὴ εἰσέλθητε· 10.6. πορεύεσθε δὲ μᾶλλον πρὸς τὰ πρόβατα τὰ ἀπολωλότα οἴκου Ἰσραήλ. 10.7. πορευόμενοι δὲ κηρύσσετε λέγοντες ὅτι Ἤγγικεν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν. 10.8. ἀσθενοῦντας θεραπεύετε, νεκροὺς ἐγείρετε, λεπροὺς καθαρίζετε, δαιμόνια ἐκβάλλετε· δωρεὰν ἐλάβετε, δωρεὰν δότε. 13.24. Ἄλλην παραβολὴν παρέθηκεν αὐτοῖς λέγων Ὡμοιώθη ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν ἀνθρώπῳ σπείραντι καλὸν σπέρμα ἐν τῷ ἀγρῷ αὐτοῦ. 19.21. ἔφη αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς Εἰ θέλεις τέλειος εἶναι, ὕπαγε πώλησόν σου τὰ ὑπάρχοντα καὶ δὸς [τοῖς] πτωχοῖς, καὶ ἕξεις θησαυρὸν ἐν οὐρανοῖς, καὶ δεῦρο ἀκολούθει μοι. | 10.1. He called to himself his twelve disciples, and gave them authority over unclean spirits, to cast them out, and to heal every disease and every sickness. 10.5. Jesus sent these twelve out, and charged them, saying, "Don't go among the Gentiles, and don't enter into any city of the Samaritans. 10.6. Rather, go to the lost sheep of the house of Israel. 10.7. As you go, preach, saying, 'The Kingdom of Heaven is at hand!' 10.8. Heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, and cast out demons. Freely you received, so freely give. 13.24. He set another parable before them, saying, "The Kingdom of Heaven is like a man who sowed good seed in his field, 19.21. Jesus said to him, "If you want to be perfect, go, sell what you have, and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven; and come, follow me." |
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99. Plutarch, Publicola, 10.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 3| 10.2. καίτοι τί δεῖ λόγῳ μὲν Βροῦτον ἐγκωμιάζειν, ἔργῳ δὲ μιμεῖσθαι Ταρκύνιον, ὑπὸ ῥάβδοις ὁμοῦ πάσαις καὶ πελέκεσι κατιόντα μόνον ἐξ οἰκίας τοσαύτης τὸ μέγεθος ὅσην οὐ καθεῖλε τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως; καὶ γὰρ ὄντως ὁ Οὐαλλέριος ᾤκει τραγικώτερον ὑπὲρ τὴν καλουμένην Οὐελίαν οἰκίαν ἐπικρεμαμένην τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ καθ ο ρ ῶς αν ἐξ ὕψους ἅπαντα, δυσπρόσοδον δὲ πελάσαι καὶ χαλεπὴν ἔξωθεν, ὥστε καταβαίνοντος αὐτοῦ τὸ σχῆμα μετέωρον εἶναι καὶ βασιλικὸν τῆς προπομπῆς τὸν ὄγκον. | 10.2. Yet why should he extol Brutus in words, while in deeds he imitates Tarquin, descending to the forum alone, escorted by all the rods and axes together, from a house no less stately than the royal house which he demolished? For, as a matter of fact, Valerius was living in a very splendid house on the so-called Velia. An eminence of the Palatine hill. It hung high over the forum, commanded a view of all that passed there, and was surrounded by steeps and hard to get at, so that when he came down from it the spectacle was a lofty one, and the pomp of his procession worthy of a king. |
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100. New Testament, Philippians, 2.6, 2.12, 2.25, 3.2, 4.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 15; Lampe (2003) 71, 159, 162| 2.6. ὃς ἐν μορφῇ θεοῦ ὑπάρχων οὐχ ἁρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο τὸ εἶναι ἴσα θεῷ, 2.12. Ὥστε, ἀγαπητοί μου, καθὼς πάντοτε ὑπηκούσατε, μὴ [ὡς] ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ μου μόνον ἀλλὰ νῦν πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐν τῇ ἀπουσίᾳ μου, μετὰ φόβου καὶ τρόμου τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν κατεργάζεσθε, 2.25. ἀναγκαῖον δὲ ἡγησάμην Ἐπαφρόδιτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συνεργὸν καὶ συνστρατιώτην μ́ου, ὑμῶν δὲ ἀπόστολον καὶ λειτουργὸν τῆς χρείας μου, πέμψαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, 3.2. Βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς ἐργάτας, βλέπετε τὴν κατατομήν. 4.18. ἀπέχω δὲ πάντα καὶ περισσεύω· πεπλήρωμαι δεξάμενος παρὰ Ἐπαφροδίτου τὰ παρʼ ὑμῶν,ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας,θυσίαν δεκτήν, εὐάρεστον τῷ θεῷ. | 2.6. who, existing in the form of God, didn't consider it robbery to be equal with God, 2.12. So then, my beloved, even as you have always obeyed, not only in my presence, but now much more in my absence, work out your own salvation with fear and trembling. 2.25. But I counted it necessary to send to you Epaphroditus, my brother, fellow worker, fellow soldier, and your apostle and minister to my need; 3.2. Beware of the dogs, beware of the evil workers, beware of the false circumcision. 4.18. But I have all things, and abound. I am filled, having received from Epaphroditus the things that came from you, a sweet-smelling fragrance, an acceptable and well-pleasing sacrifice to God. |
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101. New Testament, Galatians, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 166| 4.11. φοβοῦμαι ὑμᾶς μή πως εἰκῇ κεκοπίακα εἰς ὑμᾶς. | 4.11. I am afraid for you, that I might havewasted my labor for you. |
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| 102. New Testament, Ephesians, 6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 159 |
103. New Testament, Colossians, 4.7-4.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 159| 4.7. Τὰ κατʼ ἐμὲ πάντα γνωρίσει ὑμῖν Τύχικος ὁ ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφὸς καὶ πιστὸς διάκονος καὶ σύνδουλος ἐν κυρίῳ, 4.8. ὃν ἔπεμψα πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἵνα γνῶτε τὰ περὶ ἡμῶν καὶ παρακαλέσῃ τὰς καρδίας ὑμῶν, 4.9. σὺν Ὀνησίμῳ τῷ πιστῷ καὶ ἀγαπητῷ ἀδελφῷ, ὅς ἐστιν ἐξ ὑμῶν· πάντα ὑμῖν γνωρίσουσιν τὰ ὧδε. 4.10. Ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς Ἀρίσταρχος ὁ συναιχμάλωτός μου, καὶ Μάρκος ὁ ἀνεψιὸς Βαρνάβα,?̔περὶ οὗ ἐλάβετε ἐντολάς, ἐὰν ἔλθῃ πρὸς ὑμᾶς δέξασθε αὐτόν?̓ 4.11. καὶ Ἰησοῦς ὁ λεγόμενος Ἰοῦστος, οἱ ὄντες ἐκ περιτομῆς, οὗτοι μόνοι συνεργοὶ εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ, οἵτινες ἐγενήθησάν μοι παρηγορία. 4.12. ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς Ἐπαφρᾶς ὁ ἐξ ὑμῶν, δοῦλος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, πάντοτε ἀγωνιζόμενος ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐν ταῖς προσευχαῖς, ἵνα σταθῆτε τέλειοι καὶ πεπληροφορημένοι ἐν παντὶ θελήματι τοῦ θεοῦ. 4.13. μαρτυρῶ γὰρ αὐτῷ ὅτι ἔχει πολὺν πόνον ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν ἐν Λαοδικίᾳ καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἱερᾷ Πόλει. 4.14. ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς Λουκᾶς ὁ ἰατρὸς ὁ ἀγαπητὸς καὶ Δημᾶς. | 4.7. All my affairs will be made known to you by Tychicus, the beloved brother, faithful servant, and fellow bondservant in the Lord. 4.8. I am sending him to you for this very purpose, that he may know your circumstances and comfort your hearts, 4.9. together with Onesimus, the faithful and beloved brother, who is one of you. They will make known to you everything that is going on here. 4.10. Aristarchus, my fellow prisoner greets you, and Mark, the cousin of Barnabas (concerning whom you received commandments, "if he comes to you, receive him"), 4.11. and Jesus who is called Justus, who are of the circumcision. These are my only fellow workers for the Kingdom of God, men who have been a comfort to me. 4.12. Epaphras, who is one of you, a servant of Christ, salutes you, always striving for you in his prayers, that you may stand perfect and complete in all the will of God. 4.13. For I testify about him, that he has great zeal for you, and for those in Laodicea, and for those in Hierapolis. 4.14. Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas greet you. |
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| 104. New Testament, Philemon, 12, 23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 159 |
| 105. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.46, 18.22, 36.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •numidians, and the near east •hestia, parthenon, missing from east frieze of •parthenon, east frieze, hestia missing from •parthenon, east frieze, female cult attendants/arrephoroi Found in books: Gruen (2011) 274, 275; Simon (2021) 127 |
| 106. Bardaisan, Book of The Laws of The Countries, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 187 |
107. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 5.19, 46.31.3, 47.16.3-47.16.4, 47.21.1-47.21.2, 47.27, 47.28.3, 47.30.3, 47.30.7, 47.31.3, 47.33.4, 51.16, 52.35, 57.17.7-57.17.8, 63.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006) 103 | 47.31.3. Now when Cassius heard of this, he at first, while Dolabella was still alive, sent Lucius Rufus against them, but later came himself; and finding that they had already surrendered to Rufus without a struggle, he inflicted no severe penalty upon them, except to take away all their money, private and public. |
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| 108. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.28.1, 2.14.5, 3.21.2-3.21.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the •septuagint, legend of the composition of, in christian sources of the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 86, 87; Lampe (2003) 285, 288 |
109. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.7, 1.22.3, 1.24.5-1.24.6, 1.26.5, 1.41.6, 2.7.7, 2.21.1, 2.35.6-2.35.7, 5.26.2, 6.20.9, 6.21.1, 9.27.2-9.27.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east frieze, aphrodite on •parthenon, east frieze, poseidon and apollo sitting together on •parthenon, east frieze, athena on •parthenon, east pediment, birth of athena on •parthenon, east frieze, female cult attendants/arrephoroi •parthenon, east pediment, aphrodite, artemis, and leto •parthenon, east frieze, demeter on •hestia, parthenon, missing from east frieze of •parthenon, east frieze, hestia missing from •germanicus caesar, tours the east Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87; Simon (2021) 98, 100, 227, 229, 276, 278, 361, 367, 378| 1.22.3. Ἀφροδίτην δὲ τὴν Πάνδημον, ἐπεί τε Ἀθηναίους Θησεὺς ἐς μίαν ἤγαγεν ἀπὸ τῶν δήμων πόλιν, αὐτήν τε σέβεσθαι καὶ Πειθὼ κατέστησε· τὰ μὲν δὴ παλαιὰ ἀγάλματα οὐκ ἦν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ, τὰ δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ τεχνιτῶν ἦν οὐ τῶν ἀφανεστάτων. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Γῆς Κουροτρόφου καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν Χλόης· τὰ δὲ ἐς τὰς ἐπωνυμίας ἔστιν αὐτῶν διδαχθῆναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐλθόντα ἐς λόγους. 1.24.5. ὁπόσα ἐν τοῖς καλουμένοις ἀετοῖς κεῖται, πάντα ἐς τὴν Ἀθηνᾶς ἔχει γένεσιν, τὰ δὲ ὄπισθεν ἡ Ποσειδῶνος πρὸς Ἀθηνᾶν ἐστιν ἔρις ὑπὲρ τῆς γῆς· αὐτὸ δὲ ἔκ τε ἐλέφαντος τὸ ἄγαλμα καὶ χρυσοῦ πεποίηται. μέσῳ μὲν οὖν ἐπίκειταί οἱ τῷ κράνει Σφιγγὸς εἰκών—ἃ δὲ ἐς τὴν Σφίγγα λέγεται, γράψω προελθόντος ἐς τὰ Βοιώτιά μοι τοῦ λόγου—, καθʼ ἑκάτερον δὲ τοῦ κράνους γρῦπές εἰσιν ἐπειργασμένοι. 1.24.6. τούτους τοὺς γρῦπας ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν Ἀριστέας ὁ Προκοννήσιος μάχεσθαι περὶ τοῦ χρυσοῦ φησιν Ἀριμασποῖς τοῖς ὑπὲρ Ἰσσηδόνων· τὸν δὲ χρυσόν, ὃν φυλάσσουσιν οἱ γρῦπες, ἀνιέναι τὴν γῆν· εἶναι δὲ Ἀριμασποὺς μὲν ἄνδρας μονοφθάλμους πάντας ἐκ γενετῆς, γρῦπας δὲ θηρία λέουσιν εἰκασμένα, πτερὰ δὲ ἔχειν καὶ στόμα ἀετοῦ. καὶ γρυπῶν μὲν πέρι τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω· 1.26.5. —ἔστι δὲ καὶ οἴκημα Ἐρέχθειον καλούμενον· πρὸ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου Διός ἐστι βωμὸς Ὑπάτου, ἔνθα ἔμψυχον θύουσιν οὐδέν, πέμματα δὲ θέντες οὐδὲν ἔτι οἴνῳ χρήσασθαι νομίζουσιν. ἐσελθοῦσι δέ εἰσι βωμοί, Ποσειδῶνος, ἐφʼ οὗ καὶ Ἐρεχθεῖ θύουσιν ἔκ του μαντεύματος, καὶ ἥρωος Βούτου, τρίτος δὲ Ἡφαίστου· γραφαὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν τοίχων τοῦ γένους εἰσὶ τοῦ Βαυταδῶν καὶ—διπλοῦν γάρ ἐστι τὸ οἴκημα— καὶ ὕδωρ ἐστὶν ἔνδον θαλάσσιον ἐν φρέατι. τοῦτο μὲν θαῦμα οὐ μέγα· καὶ γὰρ ὅσοι μεσόγαιαν οἰκοῦσιν, ἄλλοις τε ἔστι καὶ Καρσὶν Ἀφροδισιεῦσιν· ἀλλὰ τόδε τὸ φρέαρ ἐς συγγραφὴν παρέχεται κυμάτων ἦχον ἐπὶ νότῳ πνεύσαντι. καὶ τριαίνης ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πέτρᾳ σχῆμα· ταῦτα δὲ λέγεται Ποσειδῶνι μαρτύρια ἐς τὴν ἀμφισβήτησιν τῆς χώρας φανῆναι. 1.41.6. φαίνεται δὲ τελευτήσαντος Νίσου καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων Μεγαρεῦσιν ἐφθαρμένων ὑπὸ τοῦτον Ἀλκάθους ἀφικόμενος τὸν καιρὸν ἐξ Ἤλιδος· μαρτύριον δέ μοι· τὸ γὰρ τεῖχος ᾠκοδόμησεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἅτε τοῦ περιβόλου τοῦ ἀρχαίου καθαιρεθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν Κρητῶν. Ἀλκάθου μὲν καὶ τοῦ λέοντος, εἴτε ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι αὐτὸν εἴτε καὶ ἑτέρωθι ἀποκτείνας ναὸν Ἀγροτέρας Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐποίησεν Ἀγραίου, ἐς τοσόνδε ἔστω μνήμη· ἐκ τούτου δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κατιοῦσι Πανδίονός ἐστιν ἡρῷον. καὶ ὅτι μὲν ἐτάφη Πανδίων ἐν Αἰθυίας Ἀθηνᾶς καλουμένῳ σκοπέλῳ, δεδήλωκεν ὁ λόγος ἤδη μοι· τιμὰς δὲ καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει παρὰ Μεγαρέων ἔχει. 2.7.7. ἐς δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐσελθοῦσι Πειθοῦς ἐστιν ἱερὸν οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἄγαλμα ἔχον. Πειθὼ δὲ ἐπὶ λόγῳ τοιῷδε αὐτοῖς κατέστη σέβεσθαι. Ἀπόλλων καὶ Ἄρτεμις ἀποκτείναντες Πύθωνα παρεγένοντο ἐς τὴν Αἰγιάλειαν καθαρσίων ἕνεκα. γενομένου δέ σφισι δείματος, ἔνθα καὶ νῦν Φόβον ὀνομάζουσι τὸ χωρίον, οἱ μὲν ἐς Κρήτην παρὰ Καρμάνορα ἀπετράποντο, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἐν τῇ Αἰγιαλείᾳ νόσος ἐπέλαβε· καὶ σφᾶς ἐκέλευον οἱ μάντεις Ἀπόλλωνα ἱλάσασθαι καὶ Ἄρτεμιν. 2.21.1. κατελθοῦσι δὲ ἐντεῦθεν καὶ τραπεῖσιν αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν ἀγοράν, ἔστι μὲν Κερδοῦς Φορωνέως γυναικὸς μνῆμα, ἔστι δὲ ναὸς Ἀσκληπιοῦ. τὸ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πειθοῦς, Ὑπερμήστρα καὶ τοῦτο ἀνέθηκε νικήσασα τῇ δίκῃ τὸν πατέρα ἣν τοῦ Λυγκέως ἕνεκα ἔφυγε. καὶ Αἰνείου ἐνταῦθα χαλκοῦς ἀνδριάς ἐστι καὶ χωρίον καλούμενον Δέλτα· ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δέ—οὐ γάρ μοι τὰ λεγόμενα ἤρεσκεν—, ἑκὼν παρίημι. 2.35.6. τοῖς δὲ τὴν πομπὴν πέμπουσιν ἕπονται τελείαν ἐξ ἀγέλης βοῦν ἄγοντες διειλημμένην δεσμοῖς τε καὶ ὑβρίζουσαν ἔτι ὑπὸ ἀγριότητος. ἐλάσαντες δὲ πρὸς τὸν ναὸν οἱ μὲν ἔσω φέρεσθαι τὴν βοῦν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνῆκαν ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν, ἕτεροι δὲ ἀναπεπταμένας ἔχοντες τέως τὰς θύρας, ἐπειδὰν τὴν βοῦν ἴδωσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ ναοῦ, προσέθεσαν τὰς θύρας. 2.35.7. τέσσαρες δὲ ἔνδον ὑπολειπόμεναι γρᾶες, αὗται τὴν βοῦν εἰσιν αἱ κατεργαζόμεναι· δρεπάνῳ γὰρ ἥτις ἂν τύχῃ τὴν φάρυγγα ὑπέτεμε τῆς βοός. μετὰ δὲ αἱ θύραι τε ἠνοίχθησαν καὶ προσελαύνουσιν οἷς ἐπιτέτακται βοῦν δὲ δευτέραν καὶ τρίτην ἐπὶ ταύτῃ καὶ ἄλλην τετάρτην. κατεργάζονταί τε δὴ πάσας κατὰ ταὐτὰ αἱ γρᾶες καὶ τόδε ἄλλο πρόσκειται τῇ θυσίᾳ θαῦμα· ἐφʼ ἥντινα γὰρ ἂν πέσῃ τῶν πλευρῶν ἡ πρώτη βοῦς, ἀνάγκη πεσεῖν καὶ πάσας. 5.26.2. τὰ δὲ ἀναθήματα Μικύθου πολλά τε ἀριθμὸν καὶ οὐκ ἐφεξῆς ὄντα εὕρισκον, ἀλλὰ Ἰφίτου μὲν τοῦ Ἠλείου καὶ Ἐκεχειρίας στεφανούσης τὸν Ἴφιτον, τούτων μὲν τῶν εἰκόνων ἔχεται τοσάδε ἀναθήματα τῶν Μικύθου, Ἀμφιτρίτη καὶ Ποσειδῶν τε καὶ Ἑστία· Γλαῦκος δὲ ὁ ποιήσας ἐστὶν Ἀργεῖος. παρὰ δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ μεγάλου τὴν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ πλευρὰν ἀνέθηκεν ἄλλα, Κόρην τὴν Δήμητρος καὶ Ἀφροδίτην Γανυμήδην τε καὶ Ἄρτεμιν, ποιητῶν δὲ Ὅμηρον καὶ Ἡσίοδον, καὶ θεοὺς αὖθις Ἀσκληπιὸν καὶ Ὑγείαν. 6.20.9. ἐπὶ τούτου καθεζομένη τοῦ βωμοῦ θεᾶται γυνὴ τὰ Ὀλύμπια, ἱέρεια Δήμητρος Χαμύνης, τιμὴν ταύτη ν ἄλλοτε ἄλλη ν λαμβάνουσα παρὰ Ἠλείων. παρθένους δὲ οὐκ εἴργουσι θεᾶσθαι. πρὸς δὲ τοῦ σταδίου τῷ πέρατι, ᾗ τοῖς σταδιαδρόμοις ἄφεσις πεποίηται, Ἐνδυμίωνος μνῆμα ἐνταῦθα λόγῳ Ἠλείων ἐστίν. 6.21.1. τὸ δὲ ἕτερον τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου μέρος οὐ χῶμα γῆς ἐστιν, ὄρος δὲ οὐχ ὑψηλόν. ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι τοῦ ὄρους ἱερὸν πεποίηται Δήμητρι ἐπίκλησιν Χαμύνῃ· καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀρχαῖον τὸ ὄνομα ἥγηνται, χανεῖν γὰρ τὴν γῆν ἐνταῦθα τὸ ἅρμα τοῦ Ἅιδου καὶ αὖθις μύσαι· οἱ δὲ Χάμυνον ἄνδρα Πισαῖον Πανταλέοντι ἐναντιούμενον τῷ Ὀμφαλίωνος τυραννοῦντι ἐν Πίσῃ καὶ ἀπόστασιν βουλεύοντι ἀπὸ Ἠλείων, ἀποθανεῖν φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πανταλέοντος καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ Χαμύνου τῆς οὐσίας τῇ Δήμητρι οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸ ἱερόν. 9.27.2. Ἔρωτα δὲ ἄνθρωποι μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ νεώτατον θεῶν εἶναι καὶ Ἀφροδίτης παῖδα ἥγηνται· Λύκιος δὲ Ὠλήν, ὃς καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους τοὺς ἀρχαιοτάτους ἐποίησεν Ἕλλησιν, οὗτος ὁ Ὠλὴν ἐν Εἰλειθυίας ὕμνῳ μητέρα Ἔρωτος τὴν Εἰλείθυιάν φησιν εἶναι. Ὠλῆνος δὲ ὕστερον Πάμφως τε ἔπη καὶ Ὀρφεὺς ἐποίησαν· καί σφισιν ἀμφοτέροις πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἐς Ἔρωτα, ἵνα ἐπὶ τοῖς δρωμένοις Λυκομίδαι καὶ ταῦτα ᾄδωσιν· ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπελεξάμην ἀνδρὶ ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν δᾳδουχοῦντι. καὶ τῶν μὲν οὐ πρόσω ποιήσομαι μνήμην· Ἡσίοδον δὲ ἢ τὸν Ἡσιόδῳ Θεογονίαν ἐσποιήσαντα οἶδα γράψαντα ὡς Χάος πρῶτον, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Γῆ τε καὶ Τάρταρος καὶ Ἔρως γένοιτο· 9.27.3. Σαπφὼ δὲ ἡ Λεσβία πολλά τε καὶ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντα ἀλλήλοις ἐς Ἔρωτα ᾖσε. Θεσπιεῦσι δὲ ὕστερον χαλκοῦν εἰργάσατο Ἔρωτα Λύσιππος , καὶ ἔτι πρότερον τούτου Πραξιτέλης λίθου τοῦ Πεντελῆσι. καὶ ὅσα μὲν εἶχεν ἐς Φρύνην καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ Πραξιτέλει τῆς γυναικὸς σόφισμα, ἑτέρωθι ἤδη μοι δεδήλωται· πρῶτον δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα κινῆσαι τοῦ Ἔρωτος λέγουσι Γάιον δυναστεύσαντα ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κλαυδίου δὲ ὀπίσω Θεσπιεῦσιν ἀποπέμψαντος Νέρωνα αὖθις δεύτερα ἀνάσπαστον ποιῆσαι. 9.27.4. καὶ τὸν μὲν φλὸξ αὐτόθι διέφθειρε· τῶν δὲ ἀσεβησάντων ἐς τὸν θεὸν ὁ μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ στρατιώτῃ διδοὺς ἀεὶ τὸ αὐτὸ σύνθημα μετὰ ὑπούλου χλευασίας ἐς τοσοῦτο προήγαγε θυμοῦ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὥστε σύνθημα διδόντα αὐτὸν διεργάζεται, Νέρωνι δὲ παρὲξ ἢ τὰ ἐς τὴν μητέρα ἐστὶ καὶ ἐς γυναῖκας γαμετὰς ἐναγῆ τε καὶ ἀνέραστα τολμήματα. τὸν δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Ἔρωτα ἐν Θεσπιαῖς ἐποίησεν Ἀθηναῖος Μηνόδωρος , τὸ ἔργον τὸ Πραξιτέλους μιμούμενος. | 1.22.3. When Theseus had united into one state the many Athenian parishes, he established the cults of Aphrodite Pandemos (Common) and of Persuasion. The old statues no longer existed in my time, but those I saw were the work of no inferior artists. There is also a sanctuary of Earth, Nurse of Youth, and of Demeter Chloe (Green). You can learn all about their names by conversing with the priests. 1.24.5. Their ritual, then, is such as I have described. As you enter the temple that they name the Parthenon, all the sculptures you see on what is called the pediment refer to the birth of Athena, those on the rear pediment represent the contest for the land between Athena and Poseidon. The statue itself is made of ivory and gold. On the middle of her helmet is placed a likeness of the Sphinx—the tale of the Sphinx I will give when I come to my description of Boeotia—and on either side of the helmet are griffins in relief. 1.24.6. These griffins, Aristeas An early Greek traveller and writer. of Proconnesus says in his poem, fight for the gold with the Arimaspi beyond the Issedones. The gold which the griffins guard, he says, comes out of the earth; the Arimaspi are men all born with one eye; griffins are beasts like lions, but with the beak and wings of an eagle. I will say no more about the griffins. 1.26.5. There is also a building called the Erechtheum. Before the entrance is an altar of Zeus the Most High, on which they never sacrifice a living creature but offer cakes, not being wont to use any wine either. Inside the entrance are altars, one to Poseidon, on which in obedience to an oracle they sacrifice also to Erechtheus, the second to the hero Butes, and the third to Hephaestus. On the walls are paintings representing members of the clan Butadae; there is also inside—the building is double—sea-water in a cistern. This is no great marvel, for other inland regions have similar wells, in particular Aphrodisias in Caria . But this cistern is remarkable for the noise of waves it sends forth when a south wind blows. On the rock is the outline of a trident. Legend says that these appeared as evidence in support of Poseidon's claim to the land. 1.41.6. It is evident that Alcathous arrived from Elis just at the time when Nisus had died and the Megarians had lost everything. Witness to the truth of my statements the fact that he built the wall afresh from the beginning, the old one round the city having been destroyed by the Cretans. Let so much suffice for Alcathous and for the lion, whether it was on Cithaeron or elsewhere that the killing took place that caused him to make a temple to Artemis Agrotera and Apollo Agraeus. On going down from this sanctuary you see the shrine of the hero Pandion. My narrative has already told how Pandion was buried on what is called the Rock of Athena Aethyia (Gannet). He receives honors from the Megarians in the city as well. 2.7.7. Within the market-place is a sanctuary of Persuasion; this too has no image. The worship of Persuasion was established among them for the following reason. When Apollo and Artemis had killed Pytho they came to Aegialea to obtain purification. Dread coming upon them at the place now named Fear, they turned aside to Carmanor in Crete , and the people of Aegialea were smitten by a plague. When the seers bade them propitiate Apollo and Artemis, 2.21.1. Having descended thence, and having turned again to the market-place, we come to the tomb of Cerdo, the wife of Phoroneus, and to a temple of Asclepius. The sanctuary of Artemis, surnamed Persuasion, is another offering of Hypermnestra after winning the trial to which she was brought by her father because of Lynceus. Here there is also a bronze statue of Aeneas, and a place called Delta. I intentionally do not discuss the origin of the name, because I could not accept the traditional accounts. 2.35.6. Those who form the procession are followed by men leading from the herd a full-grown cow, fastened with ropes, and still untamed and frisky. Having driven the cow to the temple, some loose her from the ropes that she may rush into the sanctuary, others, who hitherto have been holding the doors open, when they see the cow within the temple, close the doors. 2.35.7. Four old women, left behind inside, are they who dispatch the cow. Whichever gets the chance cuts the throat of the cow with a sickle. Afterwards the doors are opened, and those who are appointed drive up a second cow, and a third after that, and yet a fourth. All are dispatched in the same way by the old women, and the sacrifice has yet another strange feature. On whichever of her sides the first cow falls, all the others must fall on the same. 5.26.2. The offerings of Micythus I found were numerous and not together. Next after Iphitus of Elis , and Echecheiria crowning Iphitus, come the following offerings of Micythus: Amphitrite, Poseidon and Hestia; the artist was Glaucus the Argive . circa 460 B.C. Along the left side of the great temple Micythus dedicated other offerings: the Maid, daughter of Demeter, Aphrodite, Ganymedes and Artemis, the poets Homer and Hesiod, then again deities, Asclepius and Health. 6.20.9. seated on this altar a woman looks on at the Olympic games, the priestess of Demeter Chamyne, which office the Eleans bestow from time to time on different women. Maidens are not debarred from looking on at the games. At the end of the stadium, where is the starting-place for the runners, there is, the Eleans say, the tomb of Endymion. 6.21.1. The other side of the course is not a bank of earth but a low hill. At the foot of the hill has been built a sanctuary to Demeter surnamed Chamyne. Some are of opinion that the name is old, signifying that here the earth gaped χανεῖν (chanein). for the chariot of Hades and then closed up μύσαι (mysai). once more. Others say that Chamynus was a man of Pisa who opposed Pantaleon, the son of Omphalion and despot at Pisa, when he plotted to revolt from Elis ; Pantaleon, they say, put him to death, and from his property was built the sanctuary to Demeter. 9.27.2. Most men consider Love to be the youngest of the gods and the son of Aphrodite. But Olen the Lycian, who composed the oldest Greek hymns, says in a hymn to Eileithyia that she was the mother of Love. Later than Olen , both Pamphos and Orpheus wrote hexameter verse, and composed poems on Love, in order that they might be among those sung by the Lycomidae to accompany the ritual. I read them after conversation with a Torchbearer. of these things I will make no further mention. Hesiod, Hes. Th. 116 foll. or he who wrote the Theogony fathered on Hesiod, writes, I know, that Chaos was born first, and after Chaos, Earth, Tartarus and Love. 9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae , but Nero carried it away a second time. 9.27.4. At Rome the image perished by fire. of the pair who sinned against the god, Gaius was killed by a private soldier, just as he was giving the password; he had made the soldier very angry by always giving the same password with a covert sneer. The other, Nero, in addition to his violence to his mother, committed accursed and hateful crimes against his wedded wives. The modern Love at Thespiae was made by the Athenian Menodorus, who copied the work of Praxiteles. |
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| 110. Palestinian Talmud, Megillah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septuagint, legend of the composition of, in christian sources of the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 83 |
| 111. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96-10.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 8 |
| 112. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 47.4-47.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
| 113. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 25.1-25.3, 42.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 285, 288, 290 |
| 114. Tertullian, Apology, 36.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 15 |
115. Justin, First Apology, 55, 60 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sider (2001) 35 | 60. And the physiological discussion concerning the Son of God in the Tim us of Plato, where he says, He placed him crosswise in the universe, he borrowed in like manner from Moses; for in the writings of Moses it is related how at that time, when the Israelites went out of Egypt and were in the wilderness, they fell in with poisonous beasts, both vipers and asps, and every kind of serpent, which slew the people; and that Moses, by the inspiration and influence of God, took brass, and made it into the figure of a cross, and set it in the holy tabernacle, and said to the people, If you look to this figure, and believe, you shall be saved thereby. Numbers 21:8 And when this was done, it is recorded that the serpents died, and it is handed down that the people thus escaped death. Which things Plato reading, and not accurately understanding, and not apprehending that it was the figure of the cross, but taking it to be a placing crosswise, he said that the power next to the first God was placed crosswise in the universe. And as to his speaking of a third, he did this because he read, as we said above, that which was spoken by Moses, that the Spirit of God moved over the waters. For he gives the second place to the Logos which is with God, who he said was placed crosswise in the universe; and the third place to the Spirit who was said to be borne upon the water, saying, And the third around the third. And hear how the Spirit of prophecy signified through Moses that there should be a conflagration. He spoke thus: Everlasting fire shall descend, and shall devour to the pit beneath. Deuteronomy 32:22 It is not, then, that we hold the same opinions as others, but that all speak in imitation of ours. Among us these things can be heard and learned from persons who do not even know the forms of the letters, who are uneducated and barbarous in speech, though wise and believing in mind; some, indeed, even maimed and deprived of eyesight; so that you may understand that these things are not the effect of human wisdom, but are uttered by the power of God. |
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| 116. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 48.71 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation •athens asklepieion, original east stoa Found in books: Renberg (2017) 136, 137 |
| 117. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 3.15.2, 6.16, 6.23 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 3; Lampe (2003) 288 |
| 118. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 9.33 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation Found in books: Renberg (2017) 124 |
| 119. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.17.9, 10.96-10.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 8; Lampe (2003) 165 |
| 120. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 83 |
| 121. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 6.15.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apatheia, freedom from, eradication of, emotion (; search for apatheia attacked by lactantius, jerome, augustine in latin, western, church, but flourishes in east, and restored in west by cassian Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
122. Origen, On First Principles, 3.2.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apatheia, freedom from, eradication of, emotion (; search for apatheia attacked by lactantius, jerome, augustine in latin, western, church, but flourishes in east, and restored in west by cassian Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 | 3.2.2. We, however, who see the reason (of the thing) more clearly, do not hold this opinion, taking into account those (sins) which manifestly originate as a necessary consequence of our bodily constitution. Must we indeed suppose that the devil is the cause of our feeling hunger or thirst? Nobody, I think, will venture to maintain that. If, then, he is not the cause of our feeling hunger and thirst, wherein lies the difference when each individual has attained the age of puberty, and that period has called forth the incentives of the natural heat? It will undoubtedly follow, that as the devil is not the cause of our feeling hunger and thirst, so neither is he the cause of that appetency which naturally arises at the time of maturity, viz., the desire of sexual intercourse. Now it is certain that this cause is not always so set in motion by the devil that we should be obliged to suppose that bodies would nor possess a desire for intercourse of that kind if the devil did not exist. Let us consider, in the next place, if, as we have already shown, food is desired by human beings, not from a suggestion of the devil, but by a kind of natural instinct, whether, if there were no devil, it were possible for human experience to exhibit such restraint in partaking of food as never to exceed the proper limits; i.e., that no one would either take otherwise than the case required, or more than reason would allow; and so it would result that men, observing due measure and moderation in the matter of eating, would never go wrong. I do not think, indeed, that so great moderation could be observed by men (even if there were no instigation by the devil inciting thereto), as that no individual, in partaking of food, would go beyond due limits and restraint, until he had learned to do so from long usage and experience. What, then, is the state of the case? In the matter of eating and drinking it was possible for us to go wrong, even without any incitement from the devil, if we should happen to be either less temperate or less careful (than we ought); and are we to suppose, then, in our appetite for sexual intercourse, or in the restraint of our natural desires, our condition is not something similar? I am of opinion, indeed, that the same course of reasoning must be understood to apply to other natural movements as those of covetousness, or of anger, or of sorrow, or of all those generally which through the vice of intemperance exceed the natural bounds of moderation. There are therefore manifest reasons for holding the opinion, that as in good things the human will is of itself weak to accomplish any good (for it is by divine help that it is brought to perfection in everything); so also, in things of an opposite nature we receive certain initial elements, and, as it were, seeds of sins, from those things which we use agreeably to nature; but when we have indulged them beyond what is proper, and have not resisted the first movements to intemperance, then the hostile power, seizing the occasion of this first transgression, incites and presses us hard in every way, seeking to extend our sins over a wider field, and furnishing us human beings with occasions and beginnings of sins, which these hostile powers spread far and wide, and, if possible, beyond all limits. Thus, when men at first for a little desire money, covetousness begins to grow as the passion increases, and finally the fall into avarice takes place. And after this, when blindness of mind has succeeded passion, and the hostile powers, by their suggestions, hurry on the mind, money is now no longer desired, but stolen, and acquired by force, or even by shedding human blood. Finally, a confirmatory evidence of the fact that vices of such enormity proceed from demons, may be easily seen in this, that those individuals who are oppressed either by immoderate love, or incontrollable anger, or excessive sorrow, do not suffer less than those who are bodily vexed by devils. For it is recorded in certain histories, that some have fallen into madness from a state of love, others from a state of anger, not a few from a state of sorrow, and even from one of excessive joy; which results, I think, from this, that those opposing powers, i.e., those demons, having gained a lodgment in their minds which has been already laid open to them by intemperance, have taken complete possession of their sensitive nature, especially when no feeling of the glory of virtue has aroused them to resistance. |
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| 123. Pseudo-Justinus, Exhortation To The Greeks, None (3rd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 84, 87, 88, 89, 90 |
124. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 167| 22b. ועד כמה עד ארבעין שנין איני והא רבה אורי בשוין,ומכות פרושין וכו' ת"ר שבעה פרושין הן פרוש שיכמי פרוש נקפי פרוש קיזאי פרוש מדוכיא פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה,פרוש שיכמי זה העושה מעשה שכם פרוש נקפי זה המנקיף את רגליו פרוש קיזאי א"ר נחמן בר יצחק זה המקיז דם לכתלים פרוש מדוכיא אמר רבה בר שילא דמשפע כי מדוכיא,פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה הא מעליותא היא אלא דאמר מה חובתי תו ואעשנה,פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה אמרו ליה אביי ורבא לתנא לא תיתני פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב לעולם יעסוק אדם בתורה ובמצות אפי' שלא לשמה שמתוך שלא לשמה בא לשמה,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק דמטמרא מטמרא ודמגליא מגליא בי דינא רבה ליתפרע מהני דחפו גונדי אמר לה ינאי מלכא לדביתיה אל תתיראי מן הפרושין ולא ממי שאינן פרושין אלא מן הצבועין שדומין לפרושין שמעשיהן כמעשה זמרי ומבקשין שכר כפנחס, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ר"ש אומר אין זכות תולה במים המרים ואם אתה אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררין מדהה אתה את המים בפני כל הנשים השותות ומוציא אתה שם רע על הטהורות ששתו שאומרים טמאות הן אלא שתלתה להן זכות רבי אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררים ואינה יולדת ואינה משבחת אלא מתנוונה והולכת לסוף היא מתה באותה מיתה,נטמאת מנחתה עד שלא קדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותפדה ואם משקדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותשרף ואלו שמנחותיהן נשרפות | 22b. b And until when /b is it considered too premature for a scholar to issue halakhic rulings? It is b until forty years. /b The Gemara asks: b Is that so? But didn’t Rabba issue rulings, /b even though he lived for only forty years? The Gemara answers: It is permitted for a scholar who has not studied for so long to issue rulings b when /b his knowledge reaches the level of the foremost scholar in his city and b they are equals. /b ,§ It states in the mishna: b And those who injure /b themselves out of false b abstinence [ i perushin /i ] /b are people who erode the world. b The Sages taught: There are seven /b pseudo- b righteous /b people who erode the world: The b righteous of Shechem, /b the self- b flagellating righteous, /b the b bloodletting righteous, /b the b pestle /b -like b righteous, /b the b righteous /b who say: Tell me b what my obligation /b is b and I will perform it, /b those who are b righteous due to love, /b and those who are b righteous due to fear. /b ,The Gemara explains: The b righteous of Shechem [ i shikhmi /i ]; this is /b one b who performs /b actions comparable to the b action /b of the people of b Shechem, /b who agreed to circumcise themselves for personal gain (see Genesis, chapter 34); so too, he behaves righteously only in order to be honored. The self- b flagellating righteous; this is /b one b who injures his feet, /b as he walks slowly, dragging his feet on the ground in an attempt to appear humble, and injures his feet in the process. The b bloodletting righteous; Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says /b that b this is /b one b who lets blood /b by banging his head b against the walls /b because he walks with his eyes shut, ostensibly out of modesty. The b pestle /b -like b righteous; Rabba bar Sheila says /b that this is one b who /b walks b bent over like /b the b pestle /b of a mortar.,With regard to the b righteous /b one who says: Tell me b what my obligation /b is b and I will perform it, /b the Gemara asks: b Isn’t this virtuous /b behavior, as he desires to be aware of his obligations? b Rather, /b this is referring to one b who says: /b Tell me b what further obligations /b are incumbent b upon me and I will perform them, /b indicating that he fulfills all of his mitzvot perfectly and therefore seeks additional obligations.,The i baraita /i also includes in the list of pseudo-righteous people those who are b righteous due to love /b and those who are b righteous due to fear, /b i.e., one who performs mitzvot due to love of their reward or due to fear of punishment. b Abaye and Rava said to the i tanna /i /b who transmitted this i baraita /i : b Do not teach /b in the i baraita /i : Those who are b righteous due to love /b and those who are b righteous due to fear, as Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: A person should always engage in Torah /b study b and in /b performance of b the mitzvot even if /b he does b not /b do so b for their own sake, as through /b performing them b not for their own sake, /b one b comes /b to perform them b for their own sake. /b , b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: /b That b which is hidden is hidden, and /b that b which is revealed is revealed, /b but in Heaven everything is known, and b the great court /b in Heaven b will exact payment from those who wear the cloak /b of the righteous but are in fact unworthy. The Gemara relates: b King Yannai said to his wife /b before he died: b Do not be afraid of the Pharisees [ i perushin /i ], and neither /b should you fear b from those who are not Pharisees, /b i.e., the Sadducees; b rather, /b beware b of the hypocrites who appear like Pharisees, as their actions are like the act of /b the wicked b Zimri and they request /b a b reward like /b that of the righteous b Pinehas /b (see Numbers, chapter 25)., strong MISHNA: /strong b Rabbi Shimon says: Merit does not delay /b the punishment b of the bitter water /b of a i sota /i , b and if you say /b that b merit does delay /b the punishment b of the water that causes the curse, /b as stated earlier by the Rabbis (20a), b you weaken [ i madhe /i ] /b the power of b the /b bitter b water before all the women who drink /b the water, who will no longer be afraid of it, as they will rely on their merit to save them. b And you defame the untainted women who drank /b the water and survived, b as /b people b say: They are defiled but /b it is their b merit that delayed /b the punishment b for them. Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: Merit delays /b the punishment b of the water that causes the curse, but /b a woman whose punishment is delayed b does not give birth and does not flourish; rather, she progressively deteriorates. Ultimately she dies by the same death /b as a i sota /i who dies immediately.,§ If b the meal-offering /b of the i sota /i b is rendered impure before it has been sanctified in the /b service b vessel, its /b status b is like /b that of b all the /b other b meal-offerings /b that are rendered impure before being sanctified in a service vessel, b and it is redeemed. But if /b it is rendered impure b after it has been sanctified in the /b service b vessel, its /b status b is like /b that of b all the /b other b meal-offerings /b that are rendered impure after being sanctified in a service vessel, b and it is burned. And these are /b the i sota /i women b whose meal-offerings are burned /b if they have already been sanctified in a service vessel: |
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| 125. Babylonian Talmud, Meilah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aramaic, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 74, 75 |
126. Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 9 | 81b. b Sit properly /b and do not act in a revolting manner. Satan then b said to him: Give me a cup. They gave him a cup. He coughed up his phlegm and spat it into /b the cup. b They berated him /b for acting this way, at which point Satan pretended to b sink /b down b and die. They heard /b people around them b saying: Peleimu killed a man! Peleimu killed a man! /b Peleimu b fled and hid himself in the bathroom. /b Satan b followed him /b and b fell before him. Upon seeing that /b Peleimu b was suffering, he revealed himself to him. /b Satan b said to him: What is the reason that you spoke this way, /b provoking me by saying: An arrow in the eye of Satan? He replied: b But what then should I say? /b Satan b said to him: Let the Master, /b i.e., Peleimu, b say: /b Let b the Merciful One rebuke the Satan. /b ,The Gemara relates: b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Ashi was accustomed to say, whenever he would fall on his face /b in prayer: b May the Merciful One save us from the evil inclination. One day his wife heard him /b saying this prayer. b She said: After all, it has been several years since he has withdrawn from /b engaging in intercourse with b me /b due to his advanced years. b What is the reason that he says this /b prayer, as there is no concern that he will engage in sinful sexual behavior?, b One day, /b while b he was studying in his garden, she adorned herself and repeatedly walked past him. He said: Who are you? She said: I am Ḥaruta, /b a well-known prostitute, b returning from my day /b at work. b He propositioned her. She said to him: Give me that pomegranate from the top of the tree /b as payment. b He leapt up, went, /b and b brought it to her, /b and they engaged in intercourse., b When he came home, his wife was lighting /b a fire in the b oven. He went and sat inside it. She said to him: What is this? He said to her: Such and such an incident /b occurred; he told her that he engaged in intercourse with a prostitute. b She said to him: It was I. He paid no attention to her, /b thinking she was merely trying to comfort him, b until she gave him signs /b that it was indeed she. b He said to her: I, in any event, intended to transgress. /b The Gemara relates: b All the days of that righteous man he would fast /b for the transgression he intended to commit, b until he died by that death /b in his misery.,The Gemara explains the source that one who intended to transgress is punished even though he did not actually sin. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i concerning a husband who nullified the vow of his wife: b “Her husband has made them null; and the Lord will forgive her” /b (Numbers 30:13). b With regard to what /b case b is the verse speaking? /b Why would the woman require forgiveness if her husband has nullified her vow? It is referring b to a woman who vowed /b to b be a nazirite, and her husband heard and nullified her /b vow. b And she did not know that her husband had nullified her /b vow, b and she drank wine and contracted impurity from a corpse, /b violating her presumed vow.,The Gemara relates: b When Rabbi Akiva came to this verse he would cry. He said: And if /b with regard to b one who intended to eat pork, and /b kosher b lamb came up in his hand, /b like this woman who intended to violate her vow but in fact did not, b the Torah /b nevertheless b says: She requires atonement and forgiveness, all the more so /b does b one who intended to eat pork and pork came up in his hand /b require atonement and forgiveness., b In a similar manner, you /b can b say /b that the same lesson can be derived from the verse: b “Though he know it not, yet is he guilty, and shall bear his iniquity” /b (Leviticus 5:17). b When Rabbi Akiva came to this verse he would cry. /b He said: b And if /b with regard to b one who intended to eat /b permitted b fat, and /b forbidden b fat /b mistakenly b came up in his hand, the Torah states: “Though he know it not, yet is he guilty, and shall bear his iniquity,” all the more so /b is this true for b one who intended to eat /b forbidden b fat and /b forbidden b fat came up in his hand. Isi ben Yehuda says /b with regard to the verse b “Though he know it not, yet is he guilty, and shall bear his iniquity”: With regard to this matter all sufferers shall grieve, /b since the verse teaches that one is punished even for sinning unawares.,§ The mishna teaches that b a man may be secluded with his mother. Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav Asi says: A man may be secluded with his sister, and live with his mother or with his daughter /b in a permanent arrangement, without concern. b When he said this before Shmuel, /b the latter b said: It is prohibited to be secluded with all those with whom relations are forbidden by the Torah, and even with an animal, /b as it is prohibited to engage in intercourse with an animal as well., b We learned /b in the mishna: b A man may be secluded with his mother, and with his daughter, and sleep alongside them with bodily contact, and /b this appears to be b a conclusive refutation of /b the statement of b Shmuel. /b The Gemara answers: b Shmuel /b could have b said to you: And according to your reasoning, /b how should one explain b that which is taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b his sister, and his mother-in-law, and all those with whom relations are forbidden, /b including his mother and daughter, b one may be secluded with them only /b in the presence b of witnesses, /b from which it can be inferred: In the presence b of witnesses, yes; without /b the presence b of witnesses, no. /b This i baraita /i supports the opinion of Shmuel that one may not be secluded with his mother or sister., b Rather, /b it b is /b a dispute between b i tanna’im /i /b as to whether one may be secluded with his mother or sister. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Meir said: Be careful with me because of my daughter, /b i.e., make sure I am not left secluded with her. Similarly, b Rabbi Tarfon said: Be careful with me because of my daughter-in-law. A certain student mocked him /b for being wary of the possibility of sinning with his daughter-in-law. b Rabbi Abbahu said in the name of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Gamliel: Not many days passed until that student stumbled /b into sin b with his mother-in-law. /b ,The Gemara stated that according to Shmuel it is prohibited for one to be alone b even with an animal. /b The Gemara relates: b Abaye removed /b the animals b from the entire field /b he was in. b Rav Sheshet transferred /b the animals to the other side b of the fence. Rav Ḥa from Neharde’a happened /b to come b to Rav Kahana in Pum Nahara. He saw that /b he b was sitting and studying, and an animal was standing before him. /b Rav Ḥa b said to him: Doesn’t the Master hold /b that one may not be secluded b even with an animal? /b Rav Kahana b said to him: It /b did b not /b enter b my mind /b that an animal was before me., b Rava says: A man may be secluded with two sisters-in-law and with two rival wives, /b i.e., two women who share a husband; b with a woman and her mother-in-law; /b and b with a woman and her husband’s daughter. /b Since these women typically dislike each other, each fears that the other will publicize her sins, and they will be careful not to transgress. Similarly, a man may be secluded b with a woman and a girl who knows the meaning of sexual intercourse, /b i.e., one who is old enough to understand the nature of intercourse, b but /b is still young enough that b she does not submit herself to intercourse, /b since she does not yet desire it. In such a situation, the woman is concerned that the child will reveal her behavior.,§ The mishna teaches that b when /b one’s children b have grown up, this one sleeps in his garment /b and that one sleeps in her garment, but they may share a bed. The Gemara asks: b And how /b old must a child be to be considered grown up for the purposes of this i halakha /i ? b Rav Adda bar Rav Azza says /b that b Rav Asi says: A girl /b must reach the b age /b of b nine years and one day; a boy /b must reach the b age /b of b twelve years and one day. There are /b those b who say: A girl /b must reach the b age /b of b twelve years and one day; a boy /b must reach the b age /b of b thirteen /b years b and one day. And /b according to b this and that, /b according to both opinions, the girl is considered a child b until /b she has reached the stage of: b “Your breasts were fashioned, and your hair was grown” /b (Ezekiel 16:7), meaning the onset of puberty., b Rafram bar Pappa says /b that b Rav Ḥisda says: They taught /b that a man may sleep in close proximity to his minor daughter b only if she is not ashamed to stand naked before him, but /b if she is b ashamed to stand naked before him, it is prohibited /b for him to sleep close to her, regardless of her age. b What is the reason? /b It is that the b inclination has a hold upon her, /b as otherwise she would not be ashamed.,The Gemara relates: b Rav Aḥa bar Abba arrived at the house of Rav Ḥisda, his son-in-law. He took his daughter’s daughter and placed her on his lap. /b Rav Ḥisda b said to him: Doesn’t the Master think that she /b might already be b betrothed? /b Rav Aḥa b said to him: /b If that is true, b you have transgressed /b the ruling b of Rav, as Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says, and some say /b it was said by b Rabbi Elazar: It is prohibited for a man to betroth his daughter when she is a minor, until she grows up and says: I want /b to marry b so-and-so, /b as otherwise she might reject the designated husband and ultimately sin by committing adultery. Rav Ḥisda replied: b The Master has likewise transgressed /b the words b of Shmuel. As Shmuel says: One may not make use of a woman, /b so how can you hold her on your lap? b He said to him: I hold in accordance with another /b statement b of Shmuel, as Shmuel says: /b |
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| 127. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •septuagint, legend of the composition of, in christian sources of the roman east •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91 |
128. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 9| 81b. תיב שפיר אמר ליה הבו לי כסא יהבו ליה כסא אכמר שדא ביה כיחו נחרו ביה שקא ומית שמעו דהוו קאמרי פלימו קטל גברא פלימו קטל גברא ערק וטשא נפשיה בבית הכסא אזיל בתריה נפל קמיה כי דחזייה דהוה מצטער גלי ליה נפשיה אמר ליה מאי טעמא אמרת הכי ואלא היכי אימא אמר ליה לימא מר רחמנא נגער ביה בשטן,רבי חייא בר אשי הוה רגיל כל עידן דהוה נפל לאפיה הוה אמר הרחמן יצילנו מיצר הרע יומא חד שמעתינהו דביתהו אמרה מכדי הא כמה שני דפריש ליה מינאי מאי טעמא קאמר הכי,יומא חדא הוה קא גריס בגינתיה קשטה נפשה חלפה ותנייה קמיה אמר לה מאן את אמרה אנא חרותא דהדרי מיומא תבעה אמרה ליה אייתי ניהליה להך רומנא דריש צוציתא שוור אזל אתייה ניהלה,כי אתא לביתיה הוה קא שגרא דביתהו תנורא סליק וקא יתיב בגויה אמרה ליה מאי האי אמר לה הכי והכי הוה מעשה אמרה ליה אנא הואי לא אשגח בה עד דיהבה ליה סימני אמר לה אנא מיהא לאיסורא איכווני כל ימיו של אותו צדיק היה מתענה עד שמת באותה מיתה,דתניא (במדבר ל, יג) אישה הפרם וה' יסלח לה במה הכתוב מדבר באשה שנדרה בנזיר ושמע בעלה והפר לה והיא לא ידעה שהפר לה בעלה והיתה שותה יין ומטמאה למתים,רבי עקיבא כי הוה מטי להאי פסוקא הוה בכי אמר ומה מי שנתכוין לאכול בשר חזיר ועלה בידו בשר טלה אמרה תורה צריכה כפרה וסליחה מי שנתכוין לאכול בשר חזיר ועלה בידו בשר חזיר על אחת כמה וכמה,כיוצא בדבר אתה אומר (ויקרא ה, יז) ולא ידע ואשם ונשא עונו כשהיה רבי עקיבא מגיע לפסוק זה היה בוכה ומה מי שנתכוין לאכול שומן ועלה בידו חלב אמרה תורה ולא ידע ואשם ונשא עונו מי שנתכוין לאכול חלב ועלה בידו חלב על אחת כמה וכמה איסי בן יהודה אומר ולא ידע ואשם ונשא עונו על דבר זה ידוו כל הדווים,מתייחד אדם עם אמו אמר רב יהודה אמר רב אסי מתייחד אדם עם אחותו ודר עם אמו ועם בתו כי אמרה קמיה דשמואל אמר אסור להתייחד עם כל עריות שבתורה ואפילו עם בהמה,תנן מתייחד אדם עם אמו ועם בתו וישן עמהם בקירוב בשר ותיובתא דשמואל אמר לך שמואל וליטעמיך הא דתניא אחותו וחמותו ושאר כל עריות שבתורה אין מתייחד עמהם אלא בעדים בעדים אין שלא בעדים לא,אלא תנאי היא דתניא אמר רבי מאיר הזהרו בי מפני בתי אמר רבי טרפון הזהרו בי מפני כלתי ליגלג עליו אותו תלמיד אמר רבי אבהו משום רבי חנינא בן גמליאל לא היו ימים מועטים עד שנכשל אותו תלמיד בחמותו,אפילו עם בהמה אביי מכלליה מכולה דברא רב ששת מעבר ליה מצרא רב חנן מנהרדעא איקלע לרב כהנא לפום נהרא חזייה דיתיב וקא גרס וקיימא בהמה קמיה אמר ליה לא סבר לה מר אפילו עם בהמה אמר ליה לאו אדעתאי,אמר רבא מתייחד אדם עם שתי יבמות ועם שתי צרות עם אשה וחמותה עם אשה ובת בעלה עם אשה ותינוקת שיודעת טעם ביאה ואין מוסרת עצמה לביאה,הגדילו זה ישן בכסותו וכו' וכמה אמר רב אדא בר רב עזא אמר רב אסי תינוקת בת תשע שנים ויום אחד תינוק בן שתים עשרה שנה ויום אחד איכא דאמרי תינוקת בת שתים עשרה שנה ויום אחד תינוק בן שלש עשרה ויום אחד וזה וזה כדי שיהיו (יחזקאל טז, ז) שדים נכונו ושערך צמח,אמר רפרם בר פפא א"ר חסדא לא שנו אלא שאינה בושה לעמוד לפניו ערום אבל בושה לעמוד לפניו ערום אסור מאי טעמא יצר אלבשה,רב אחא בר אבא איקלע לבי רב חסדא חתניה שקליה לבת ברתיה אותבוה בכנפיה אמר ליה לא סבר לה מר דמקדשא אמר ליה עברת לך אדרב דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב ואיתימא רבי אלעזר אסור לאדם שיקדש את בתו כשהיא קטנה עד שתגדיל ותאמר בפלוני אני רוצה מר נמי עבר ליה אדשמואל דאמר שמואל אין משתמשים באשה אמר ליה אנא כאידך דשמואל סבירא לי דאמר שמואל | 81b. b Sit properly /b and do not act in a revolting manner. Satan then b said to him: Give me a cup. They gave him a cup. He coughed up his phlegm and spat it into /b the cup. b They berated him /b for acting this way, at which point Satan pretended to b sink /b down b and die. They heard /b people around them b saying: Peleimu killed a man! Peleimu killed a man! /b Peleimu b fled and hid himself in the bathroom. /b Satan b followed him /b and b fell before him. Upon seeing that /b Peleimu b was suffering, he revealed himself to him. /b Satan b said to him: What is the reason that you spoke this way, /b provoking me by saying: An arrow in the eye of Satan? He replied: b But what then should I say? /b Satan b said to him: Let the Master, /b i.e., Peleimu, b say: /b Let b the Merciful One rebuke the Satan. /b ,The Gemara relates: b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Ashi was accustomed to say, whenever he would fall on his face /b in prayer: b May the Merciful One save us from the evil inclination. One day his wife heard him /b saying this prayer. b She said: After all, it has been several years since he has withdrawn from /b engaging in intercourse with b me /b due to his advanced years. b What is the reason that he says this /b prayer, as there is no concern that he will engage in sinful sexual behavior?, b One day, /b while b he was studying in his garden, she adorned herself and repeatedly walked past him. He said: Who are you? She said: I am Ḥaruta, /b a well-known prostitute, b returning from my day /b at work. b He propositioned her. She said to him: Give me that pomegranate from the top of the tree /b as payment. b He leapt up, went, /b and b brought it to her, /b and they engaged in intercourse., b When he came home, his wife was lighting /b a fire in the b oven. He went and sat inside it. She said to him: What is this? He said to her: Such and such an incident /b occurred; he told her that he engaged in intercourse with a prostitute. b She said to him: It was I. He paid no attention to her, /b thinking she was merely trying to comfort him, b until she gave him signs /b that it was indeed she. b He said to her: I, in any event, intended to transgress. /b The Gemara relates: b All the days of that righteous man he would fast /b for the transgression he intended to commit, b until he died by that death /b in his misery.,The Gemara explains the source that one who intended to transgress is punished even though he did not actually sin. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i concerning a husband who nullified the vow of his wife: b “Her husband has made them null; and the Lord will forgive her” /b (Numbers 30:13). b With regard to what /b case b is the verse speaking? /b Why would the woman require forgiveness if her husband has nullified her vow? It is referring b to a woman who vowed /b to b be a nazirite, and her husband heard and nullified her /b vow. b And she did not know that her husband had nullified her /b vow, b and she drank wine and contracted impurity from a corpse, /b violating her presumed vow.,The Gemara relates: b When Rabbi Akiva came to this verse he would cry. He said: And if /b with regard to b one who intended to eat pork, and /b kosher b lamb came up in his hand, /b like this woman who intended to violate her vow but in fact did not, b the Torah /b nevertheless b says: She requires atonement and forgiveness, all the more so /b does b one who intended to eat pork and pork came up in his hand /b require atonement and forgiveness., b In a similar manner, you /b can b say /b that the same lesson can be derived from the verse: b “Though he know it not, yet is he guilty, and shall bear his iniquity” /b (Leviticus 5:17). b When Rabbi Akiva came to this verse he would cry. /b He said: b And if /b with regard to b one who intended to eat /b permitted b fat, and /b forbidden b fat /b mistakenly b came up in his hand, the Torah states: “Though he know it not, yet is he guilty, and shall bear his iniquity,” all the more so /b is this true for b one who intended to eat /b forbidden b fat and /b forbidden b fat came up in his hand. Isi ben Yehuda says /b with regard to the verse b “Though he know it not, yet is he guilty, and shall bear his iniquity”: With regard to this matter all sufferers shall grieve, /b since the verse teaches that one is punished even for sinning unawares.,§ The mishna teaches that b a man may be secluded with his mother. Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav Asi says: A man may be secluded with his sister, and live with his mother or with his daughter /b in a permanent arrangement, without concern. b When he said this before Shmuel, /b the latter b said: It is prohibited to be secluded with all those with whom relations are forbidden by the Torah, and even with an animal, /b as it is prohibited to engage in intercourse with an animal as well., b We learned /b in the mishna: b A man may be secluded with his mother, and with his daughter, and sleep alongside them with bodily contact, and /b this appears to be b a conclusive refutation of /b the statement of b Shmuel. /b The Gemara answers: b Shmuel /b could have b said to you: And according to your reasoning, /b how should one explain b that which is taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b his sister, and his mother-in-law, and all those with whom relations are forbidden, /b including his mother and daughter, b one may be secluded with them only /b in the presence b of witnesses, /b from which it can be inferred: In the presence b of witnesses, yes; without /b the presence b of witnesses, no. /b This i baraita /i supports the opinion of Shmuel that one may not be secluded with his mother or sister., b Rather, /b it b is /b a dispute between b i tanna’im /i /b as to whether one may be secluded with his mother or sister. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Meir said: Be careful with me because of my daughter, /b i.e., make sure I am not left secluded with her. Similarly, b Rabbi Tarfon said: Be careful with me because of my daughter-in-law. A certain student mocked him /b for being wary of the possibility of sinning with his daughter-in-law. b Rabbi Abbahu said in the name of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Gamliel: Not many days passed until that student stumbled /b into sin b with his mother-in-law. /b ,The Gemara stated that according to Shmuel it is prohibited for one to be alone b even with an animal. /b The Gemara relates: b Abaye removed /b the animals b from the entire field /b he was in. b Rav Sheshet transferred /b the animals to the other side b of the fence. Rav Ḥa from Neharde’a happened /b to come b to Rav Kahana in Pum Nahara. He saw that /b he b was sitting and studying, and an animal was standing before him. /b Rav Ḥa b said to him: Doesn’t the Master hold /b that one may not be secluded b even with an animal? /b Rav Kahana b said to him: It /b did b not /b enter b my mind /b that an animal was before me., b Rava says: A man may be secluded with two sisters-in-law and with two rival wives, /b i.e., two women who share a husband; b with a woman and her mother-in-law; /b and b with a woman and her husband’s daughter. /b Since these women typically dislike each other, each fears that the other will publicize her sins, and they will be careful not to transgress. Similarly, a man may be secluded b with a woman and a girl who knows the meaning of sexual intercourse, /b i.e., one who is old enough to understand the nature of intercourse, b but /b is still young enough that b she does not submit herself to intercourse, /b since she does not yet desire it. In such a situation, the woman is concerned that the child will reveal her behavior.,§ The mishna teaches that b when /b one’s children b have grown up, this one sleeps in his garment /b and that one sleeps in her garment, but they may share a bed. The Gemara asks: b And how /b old must a child be to be considered grown up for the purposes of this i halakha /i ? b Rav Adda bar Rav Azza says /b that b Rav Asi says: A girl /b must reach the b age /b of b nine years and one day; a boy /b must reach the b age /b of b twelve years and one day. There are /b those b who say: A girl /b must reach the b age /b of b twelve years and one day; a boy /b must reach the b age /b of b thirteen /b years b and one day. And /b according to b this and that, /b according to both opinions, the girl is considered a child b until /b she has reached the stage of: b “Your breasts were fashioned, and your hair was grown” /b (Ezekiel 16:7), meaning the onset of puberty., b Rafram bar Pappa says /b that b Rav Ḥisda says: They taught /b that a man may sleep in close proximity to his minor daughter b only if she is not ashamed to stand naked before him, but /b if she is b ashamed to stand naked before him, it is prohibited /b for him to sleep close to her, regardless of her age. b What is the reason? /b It is that the b inclination has a hold upon her, /b as otherwise she would not be ashamed.,The Gemara relates: b Rav Aḥa bar Abba arrived at the house of Rav Ḥisda, his son-in-law. He took his daughter’s daughter and placed her on his lap. /b Rav Ḥisda b said to him: Doesn’t the Master think that she /b might already be b betrothed? /b Rav Aḥa b said to him: /b If that is true, b you have transgressed /b the ruling b of Rav, as Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says, and some say /b it was said by b Rabbi Elazar: It is prohibited for a man to betroth his daughter when she is a minor, until she grows up and says: I want /b to marry b so-and-so, /b as otherwise she might reject the designated husband and ultimately sin by committing adultery. Rav Ḥisda replied: b The Master has likewise transgressed /b the words b of Shmuel. As Shmuel says: One may not make use of a woman, /b so how can you hold her on your lap? b He said to him: I hold in accordance with another /b statement b of Shmuel, as Shmuel says: /b |
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| 129. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 187 |
130. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.16.7, 4.29, 5.8.11-5.8.15, 5.13, 5.20, 6.43 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the •septuagint, legend of the composition of, in christian sources of the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 87; Lampe (2003) 143, 285, 288, 290 | 4.16.7. And that he met his death as he had predicted that he would, in consequence of the machinations of Crescens, is stated by Tatian, a man who early in life lectured upon the sciences of the Greeks and won no little fame in them, and who has left a great many monuments of himself in his writings. He records this fact in his work against the Greeks, where he writes as follows: And that most admirable Justin declared with truth that the aforesaid persons were like robbers. 5.8.11. Shortly after he adds:For before the Romans had established their empire, while the Macedonians were still holding Asia, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, being desirous of adorning the library which he had founded in Alexandria with the meritorious writings of all men, requested the people of Jerusalem to have their Scriptures translated into the Greek language. 5.8.12. But, as they were then subject to the Macedonians, they sent to Ptolemy seventy elders, who were the most skilled among them in the Scriptures and in both languages. Thus God accomplished his purpose. 5.8.13. But wishing to try them individually, as he feared lest, by taking counsel together, they might conceal the truth of the Scriptures by their interpretation, he separated them from one another, and commanded all of them to write the same translation. He did this for all the books. 5.8.14. But when they came together in the presence of Ptolemy, and compared their several translations, God was glorified, and the Scriptures were recognized as truly divine. For all of them had rendered the same things in the same words and with the same names from beginning to end, so that the heathen perceived that the Scriptures had been translated by the inspiration of God. 5.8.15. And this was nothing wonderful for God to do, who, in the captivity of the people under Nebuchadnezzar, when the Scriptures had been destroyed, and the Jews had returned to their own country after seventy years, afterwards, in the time of Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, inspired Ezra the priest, of the tribe of Levi, to relate all the words of the former prophets, and to restore to the people the legislation of Moses.Such are the words of Irenaeus. |
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| 131. Cassian, Conferences, 12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apatheia, freedom from, eradication of, emotion (; search for apatheia attacked by lactantius, jerome, augustine in latin, western, church, but flourishes in east, and restored in west by cassian Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
| 132. Ephrem, Hymns On Nativity, 27.1.21-27.1.22 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •church of the east Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020) 45 |
| 133. Epiphanius, Panarion, 46.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 285 |
| 134. Anon., Apostolic Constitutions, 7.48.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •church of the east Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 465 |
| 135. Jerome, Letters, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
| 136. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation •athens asklepieion, original east stoa Found in books: Renberg (2017) 136, 137 |
| 137. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation •athens asklepieion, original east stoa Found in books: Renberg (2017) 136, 137 |
| 138. Jerome, Letters, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
| 139. Jerome, Letters, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
| 140. Jerome, Dialogi Contra Pelagianos (Dialogus Adversus Pelagianos.), None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apatheia, freedom from, eradication of, emotion (; search for apatheia attacked by lactantius, jerome, augustine in latin, western, church, but flourishes in east, and restored in west by cassian Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
| 141. Jerome, Commentaria In Jeremiam, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
| 142. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Keret, Tablet, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan |
| 143. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Kbo, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 43 |
| 144. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Gudea, Cylinder A, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 145. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Etcsl, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 44 |
| 146. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Cth, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 43 |
| 147. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Arm Xxvi/1, 225 Tagged with subjects: •literary and sub-literary works (ancient near east), song of the plowing oxen •literary and sub-literary works (ancient near east), stele of the vultures Found in books: Renberg (2017) 48 |
| 148. Epigraphy, Die Inschriften Von Pergamon, 161 Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation Found in books: Renberg (2017) 138 |
| 149. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Kub, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 150. Gregory of Nazianzus, Gospel of Philip (Nhs, 325 Tagged with subjects: •church of the east Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 465 |
| 151. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Olympian Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •nostoi traditions, in the east Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 |
| 152. John of Nicou, Pg, 48 Tagged with subjects: •numidians, and the near east Found in books: Gruen (2011) 274 |
153. Vergil, Georgics, 3.15 Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50| 3.15. Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. | |
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| 154. Vergil, Eclogues, 7.12 Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
155. Vergil, Aeneis, 4.172 Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 | 4.172. hall first unveil the world. But I will pour |
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| 156. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.7 Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156 |
| 157. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 5.8.2 Tagged with subjects: •germanicus caesar, tours the east Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 |
158. Strabo, Geography, 8.6.14, 9.2.25, 9.2.33, 17.3.7, 17.3.13 Tagged with subjects: •parthenon, east frieze, poseidon and apollo sitting together on •germanicus caesar, tours the east •numidians, and the near east Found in books: Gruen (2011) 274, 275; Rutledge (2012) 87; Simon (2021) 80 | 8.6.14. Troezen is sacred to Poseidon, after whom it was once called Poseidonia. It is situated fifteen stadia above the sea, and it too is an important city. off its harbor, Pogon by name, lies Calauria, an isle with a circuit of about one hundred and thirty stadia. Here was an asylum sacred to Poseidon; and they say that this god made an exchange with Leto, giving her Delos for Calauria, and also with Apollo, giving him Pytho for Taenarum. And Ephorus goes on to tell the oracle: For thee it is the same thing to possess Delos or Calauria, most holy Pytho or windy Taenarum. And there was also a kind of Amphictyonic League connected with this sanctuary, a league of seven cities which shared in the sacrifice; they were Hermion, Epidaurus, Aigina, Athens, Prasieis, Nauplieis, and Orchomenus Minyeius; however, the Argives paid dues for the Nauplians, and the Lacedemonians for the Prasians. The worship of this god was so prevalent among the Greeks that even the Macedonians, whose power already extended as far as the sanctuary, in a way preserved its inviolability, and were afraid to drag away the suppliants who fled for refuge to Calauria; indeed Archias, with soldiers, did not venture to do violence even to Demosthenes, although he had been ordered by Antipater to bring him alive, both him and all the other orators he could find that were under similar charges, but tried to persuade him; he could not persuade him, however, and Demosthenes forestalled him by suiciding with poison. Now Troezen and Pittheus, the sons of Pelops, came originally from Pisatis; and the former left behind him the city which was named after him, and the latter succeeded him and reigned as king. But Anthes, who previously had possession of the place, set sail and founded Halicarnassus; but concerning this I shall speak in my description of Caria and Troy. 9.2.25. The Thespiae of today is by Antimachus spelled Thespeia; for there are many names of places which are used in both ways, both in the singular and in the plural, just as there are many which are used both in the masculine and in the feminine, whereas there are others which are used in either one or the other number only. Thespiae is a city near Mt. Helicon, lying somewhat to the south of it; and both it and Helicon are situated on the Crisaean Gulf. It has a seaport Creusa, also called Creusis. In the Thespian territory, in the part lying towards Helicon, is Ascre, the native city of Hesiod; it is situated on the right of Helicon, on a high and rugged place, and is about forty stadia distant from Thespiae. This city Hesiod himself has satirized in verses which allude to his father, because at an earlier time his father changed his abode to this place from the Aeolian Cyme, saying: And he settled near Helicon in a wretched village, Ascre, which is bad in winter, oppressive in summer, and pleasant at no time. Helicon is contiguous to Phocis in its northerly parts, and to a slight extent also in its westerly parts, in the region of the last harbor belonging to Phocis, the harbor which, from the fact in the case, is called Mychus (inmost depth); for, speaking generally, it is above this harbor of the Crisaean Gulf that Helicon and Ascre, and also Thespiae and its seaport Creusa, are situated. This is also considered the deepest recess of the Crisaean Gulf, and in general of the Corinthian Gulf. The length of the coastline from the harbor Mychus to Creusa is ninety stadia; and the length from Creusa as far as the promontory called Holmiae is one hundred and twenty; and hence Pagae and Oinoe, of which I have already spoken, are situated in the deepest recess of the gulf. Now Helicon, not far distant from Parnassus, rivals it both in height and in circuit; for both are rocky and covered with snow, and their circuit comprises no large extent of territory. Here are the sanctuary of the Muses and Hippu-crene and the cave of the nymphs called the Leibethrides; and from this fact one might infer that those who consecrated Helicon to the Muses were Thracians, the same who dedicated Pieris and Leibethrum and Pimpleia to the same goddesses. The Thracians used to be called Pieres, but, now that they have disappeared, the Macedonians hold these places. It has been said that Thracians once settled in this part of Boeotia, having overpowered the Boeotians, as did also Pelasgians and other barbarians. Now in earlier times Thespiae was well known because of the Eros of Praxiteles, which was sculptured by him and dedicated by Glycera the courtesan (she had received it as a gift from the artist) to the Thespians, since she was a native of the place. Now in earlier times travellers would go up to Thespeia, a city otherwise not worth seeing, to see the Eros; and at present it and Tanagra are the only Boeotian cities that still endure; but of all the rest only ruins and names are left. 9.2.33. Onchestus is where the Amphictyonic Council used to convene, in the territory of Haliartus near Lake Copais and the Teneric Plain; it is situated on a height, is bare of trees, and has a sacred Precinct of Poseidon, which is also bare of trees. But the poets embellish things, calling all sacred precincts sacred groves, even if they are bare of trees. Such, also, is the saying of Pindar concerning Apollo: stirred, he traversed both land and sea, and halted on great lookouts above mountains, and whirled great stones, laying foundations of sacred groves. But Alcaeus is wrong, for just as he perverted the name of the River Cuarius, so he falsified the position of Onchestus, placing it near the extremities of Helicon, although it is at quite a distance from this mountain. 17.3.7. Although the Mauretanians inhabit a country, the greatest part of which is very fertile, yet the people in general continue even to this time to live like nomads. They bestow care to improve their looks by plaiting their hair, trimming their beards, by wearing golden ornaments, cleaning their teeth, and paring their nails; and you would rarely see them touch one another as they walk, lest they should disturb the arrangement of their hair.They fight for the most part on horseback, with a javelin; and ride on the bare back of the horse, with bridles made of rushes. They have also swords. The foot-soldiers present against the enemy, as shields, the skins of elephants. They wear the skins of lions, panthers, and bears, and sleep in them. These tribes, and the Masaesylii next to them, and for the most part the Africans in general, wear the same dress and arms, and resemble one another in other respects; they ride horses which are small, but spirited and tractable, so as to be guided by a switch. They have collars made of cotton or of hair, from which hangs a leading-rein. Some follow, like dogs, without being led.They have a small shield of leather, and small lances with broad heads. Their tunics are loose, with wide borders; their cloak is a skin, as I have said before, which serves also as a breastplate.The Pharusii and Nigretes, who live above these people, near the western Ethiopians, use bows and arrows, like the Ethiopians. They have chariots also, armed with scythes. The Pharusii rarely have any intercourse with the Mauretanians in passing through the desert country, as they carry skins filled with water, fastened under the bellies of their horses. Sometimes, indeed, they come to Cirta, passing through places abounding with marshes and lakes. Some of them are said to live like the Troglodytae, in caves dug in the ground. It is said that rain falls there frequently in summer, but that during the winter drought prevails. Some of the barbarians in that quarter wear the skins of serpents and fishes, and use them as coverings for their beds. Some say that the Mauretanians are Indians, who accompanied Hercules hither. A little before my time, the kings Bogus and Bocchus, allies of the Romans, possessed this country; after their death, Juba succeeded to the kingdom, having received it from Augustus Caesar, in addition to his paternal dominions. He was the son of Juba who fought, in conjunction with Scipio, against divus Caesar. Juba died lately, and was succeeded by his son Ptolemy, whose mother was the daughter of Antony and Cleopatra. 17.3.13. After Tretum follows the territory of the Masylies, and that of the Carthaginians which borders upon it. In the interior is Cirta, the royal residence of Masanasses and his successors. It is a very strong place and well provided with everything, which it principally owes to Micipsa, who established a colony of Greeks in it, and raised it to such importance, that it was capable of sending out 10,000 cavalry and twice as many infantry. Here, besides Cirta, are the two cities Hippo, one of which is situated near Ityca, the other further off near Tretum, both royal residences. Ityca is next to Carthage in extent and importance. On the destruction of Carthage it became a metropolis to the Romans, and the head quarters of their operations in Africa. It is situated in the very bay itself of Carthage, on one of the promontories which form it, of which the one near Ityca is called Apollonium, the other Hermaea. Both cities are in sight of each other. Near Ityca flows the river Bagradas. From Tretum to Carthage are 2,000 stadia, but authors are not agreed upon this distance, nor on the distance (of Carthage) from the Syrtes. |
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| 159. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 31.6 Tagged with subjects: •numidians, and the near east Found in books: Gruen (2011) 275 |
160. Anon., Tanhuma, 18.14 Tagged with subjects: •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 187 | 18.14. "Because Miriam waited an hour for Moses, as it is said: i And his sister stood far off /i (Exod. 2:4), the Holy One, blessed be He, waited for her in the desert, with the clouds of glory, the Levites, and the priests, for seven days as is said; i And the people journeyed not till Miriam was brought in again /i (Num. 12:15). i For he had straightly sworn the children of Israel /i (Exod. 13:19). He had made his brothers swear that they would cause their sons, the children of Israel, to take a vow that they would bring his body out from Egypt. Why did he compel his brothers to vow rather than his own sons? He said to himself: If I impose this vow upon my sons, the Egyptians may not permit them to fulfill it. For if they should tell the Egyptians: “Our father brought his father out of the land,” they may reply: “Your father was a king, and therefore he forced his brothers to promise to do this.”", |
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| 161. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Lugalbanda, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 162. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Stele of The Vultures, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan |
| 163. Benedict, Rule, 11.10 Tagged with subjects: •church of the east Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 465 |
| 164. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.17.25 Tagged with subjects: •germanicus caesar, tours the east Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 |
| 165. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.20 Tagged with subjects: •antony, mark, and the east Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50 |
| 167. Ph., Rhet., None Tagged with subjects: •nostoi traditions, in the east Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 |
| 168. Petronius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •nostoi traditions, in the east Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 |
| 169. Gregory of Nazianzus, Exh. Ad Mon., 32 Tagged with subjects: •nostoi traditions, in the east Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 240 |
| 170. Epigraphy, Ig Iv ,1, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 171. Epigraphy, Cil, 1.698, 2.2004, 2.2008, 6.5, 6.504, 6.507, 6.9035, 6.17171, 6.17577, 6.18908, 6.22874, 6.29104 Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 4; Lampe (2003) 10, 165, 167, 288 |
| 172. Epigraphy, Cij, 1432, 1442-1444, 1449 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011) 204 |
| 173. Epigraphy, Cig, 3920 Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 158 |
| 174. Homeric Hymns, To Athena, 1-2, 6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon (2021) 280 |
| 175. Homeric Hymn, To Hestia, 125 Tagged with subjects: •hestia, parthenon, missing from east frieze of •parthenon, east frieze, hestia missing from •parthenon, east frieze, female cult attendants/arrephoroi Found in books: Simon (2021) 128 |
| 176. Anon., Shahdost of Tirhan, None Tagged with subjects: •septuagint, legend of the composition of, in christian sources of the roman east •syriac, as a medium for cultural transfer between babylonia and the roman east Found in books: Kalmin (2014) 89, 90 |
| 177. Epigraphy, I.Pergamon 2, 264 Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation Found in books: Renberg (2017) 138 |
| 178. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 167, 204-206, 203 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 |
| 179. Epigraphy, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, 594 Tagged with subjects: •east, the Found in books: Lampe (2003) 10 |
| 180. Augustine, On The Catholic And Manichaean Ways of Life, 1.27.53-1.27.54 Tagged with subjects: •apatheia, freedom from, eradication of, emotion (; search for apatheia attacked by lactantius, jerome, augustine in latin, western, church, but flourishes in east, and restored in west by cassian Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 397 |
| 181. Artifact, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, 1377 Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation •athens asklepieion, original east stoa Found in books: Renberg (2017) 137 |
| 182. Artifact, Amph.-Orop. 2), 201 Tagged with subjects: •athens asklepieion, doric east stoa and incubation •athens asklepieion, original east stoa Found in books: Renberg (2017) 137 |
| 183. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Song of The Plowing Oxen ), None Tagged with subjects: •literary and sub-literary works (ancient near east), song of the plowing oxen Found in books: Renberg (2017) 72 |
| 184. Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 Tagged with subjects: •numidians, and the near east Found in books: Gruen (2011) 272, 273, 274, 275, 276 |
