| 1. Plato, Lesser Hippias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 268 |
| 2. Empedocles, Fragments, 167 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 3. Plautus, Curculio, 288 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 268 |
| 4. Plautus, Poenulus, 1121, 975 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 262 |
| 5. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 53 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 6. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
7. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 11, 33, 7, 32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43| 32. provinciam tenuistis a praedonibus liberam liberam om. H per hosce annos? quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit? quem socium defendistis? cui praesidio classibus vestris fuistis? quam multas existimatis insulas esse desertas, quam multas aut multas audistis aut p metu relictas aut a praedonibus captas urbis esse sociorum? sed quid ego longinqua commemoro? fuit hoc quondam, fuit proprium fuit proprium proprium H populi Romani longe a domo bellare et propugnaculis imperi sociorum fortunas, non sua tecta defendere. sociis ego vestris ego vestris H : ego nostris Et : vestris ego dp mare per hosce hosce Hb y : hos Et annos clausum fuisse dicam, cum exercitus vestri numquam Brundisio Brundisio H : a Brundisio cett. ( cf. §35) nisi hieme summa hieme summa HE : summa hieme cett. transmiserint? qui ad vos ab exteris nationibus venirent, captos querar, cum legati populi Romani redempti sint? mercatoribus mare tutum mare tutum H : tutum mare cett. non fuisse dicam, cum duodecim secures in praedonum potestatem pervenerint? | |
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| 8. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
9. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31| 12. idemque postea, cum innumerabilis multitudo bonorum de Capitolio supplex ad eum sordidata venisset, cumque adulescentes nobilissimi cunctique equites Romani se ad lenonis impudicissimi pedes abiecissent, quo vultu cincinnatus ganeo non solum civium lacrimas verum etiam patriae preces repudiavit! neque eo contentus fuit, sed etiam in contionem escendit escendit P : descendit B ς t : ascendit GHb ς s ε eaque dixit quae, si eius vir Catilina revixisset, dicere non esset ausus, se Nonarum Decembrium quae me consule fuissent clivique Capitolini poenas ab equitibus Romanis esse repetiturum. neque solum id dixit, sed quos ei commodum fuit compellavit, Lucium Lucium P rell. praeter s (L.) vero Lamiam Lamiam ε s : iam PHGc all. , equitem Romanum, praestanti dignitate hominem et saluti meae pro familiaritate, rei publicae pro fortunis suis amicissimum, consul imperiosus exire ex ex ε ( prob. Zielinski ): om. rell. urbe iussit. et cum vos vestem mutandam censuissetis cunctique mutassetis atque idem omnes boni iam ante fecissent, ille unguentis oblitus cum toga praetexta, quam omnes praetores aedilesque tum abiecerant, inrisit squalorem vestrum et luctum gratissimae civitatis, fecitque, quod nemo umquam tyrannus, ut quo minus cum (quom) ante quo minus add. J. S. Reid occulte vestrum malum gemeretis nihil diceret nihil diceret codd. : nihil terreret Reid : nihil se intercedere ediceret Madv. : nihil diceret esse quod obstaret Lahmann : num nihil diceret impedire? ne aperte ... ediceret s. l. P2 : om. Madv. Cf. Sest. xiv: Planc. § 87 edictoque suo non luctum patribus conscriptis sed indicia luctus ademerint : in Pis. § 18 maerorem relinquis, maeroris aufers insignia , ne aperte incommoda patriae lugeretis ediceret. | |
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| 10. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.18.44, 5.14, 8.27, 13.13.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 36, 45, 46, 268, 269 |
| 11. Cicero, Orator, 56-60, 55 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 248 |
| 12. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.132 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42 |
| 13. Varro, Menippeae, 313 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 43 |
| 14. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 15. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 16. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 218 |
17. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.23, 3.127, 3.167, 3.220, 3.222 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46, 108, 247, 248, 268| 1.23. repetamque non ab incunabulis nostrae veteris puerilisque doctrinae quendam ordinem praeceptorum, sed ea, quae quondam accepi in nostrorum hominum eloquentissimorum et omni dignitate principum disputatione esse versata; non quo illa contemnam, quae Graeci dicendi artifices et doctores reliquerunt, sed cum illa pateant in promptuque sint omnibus, neque ea interpretatione mea aut ornatius explicari aut planius exprimi possint, dabis hanc veniam, mi frater, ut opinor, ut eorum, quibus summa dicendi laus a nostris hominibus concessa est, auctoritatem Graecis anteponam. 3.127. ex quibus Elius Hippias, cum Olympiam venisset maxima illa quinquennali celebritate ludorum, gloriatus est cuncta paene audiente Graecia nihil esse ulla in arte rerum omnium quod ipse nesciret; nec solum has artis, quibus liberales doctrinae atque ingenuae continerentur, geometriam, musicam, litterarum cognitionem et poetarum atque illa, quae de naturis rerum, quae de hominum moribus, quae de rebus publicis dicerentur, se tenere sed anulum, quem haberet, pallium, quo amictus, soccos, quibus indutus esset, se sua manu confecisse. 3.167. Sumpta re simili verba illius rei propria deinceps in rem aliam, ut dixi, transferuntur. Est hoc magnum ornamentum orationis, in quo obscuritas fugienda est; etenim hoc fere genere fiunt ea, quae dicuntur aenigmata; non est autem in verbo modus hic, sed in oratione, id est, in continuatione verborum. Ne illa quidem traductio atque immutatio in verbo quandam fabricationem habet sed in oratione : Africa terribili tremit horrida terra tumultu; pro Afris est sumpta Africa, neque factum est verbum, ut "mare saxifragis undis"; neque translatum, ut "mollitur mare"; sed ordi causa proprium proprio commutatum: desine, Roma, tuos hostis et testes sunt campi magni Gravis est modus in ornatu orationis et saepe sumendus; ex quo genere haec sunt, Martem belli esse communem, Cererem pro frugibus, Liberum appellare pro vino, Neptunum pro mari, curiam pro senatu, campum pro comitiis, togam pro pace, arma ac tela pro bello; 3.220. Omnis autem hos motus subsequi debet gestus, non hic verba exprimens scaenicus, sed universam rem et sententiam non demonstratione, sed significatione declarans, laterum inflexione hac forti ac virili, non ab scaena et histrionibus, sed ab armis aut etiam a palaestra; manus autem minus arguta, digitis subsequens verba, non exprimens; bracchium procerius proiectum quasi quoddam telum orationis; supplosio pedis in contentionibus aut incipiendis aut finiendis. 3.222. Qua re oculorum est magna moderatio; nam oris non est nimium mutanda species, ne aut ad ineptias aut ad pravitatem aliquam deferamur; oculi sunt, quorum tum intentione, tum remissione, tum coniectu, tum hilaritate motus animorum significemus apte cum genere ipso orationis; est enim actio quasi sermo corporis, quo magis menti congruens esse debet; oculos autem natura nobis, ut equo aut leoni saetas, caudam, auris, ad motus animorum declarandos dedit, | |
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18. Cicero, On Duties, 1.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46| 1.77. Illud autem optimum est, in quod invadi solere ab improbis et invidis audio: Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi. Ut enim alios omittam, nobis rem publicam gubertibus nonne togae arma cesserunt? neque enim periculum in re publica fuit gravius umquam nec maius otium. Ita consiliis diligentiaque nostra celeriter de manibus audacissimorum civium delapsa arma ipsa ceciderunt. | 1.77. The whole truth, however, is in this verse, against which, I am told, the malicious and envious are wont to rail: "Yield, ye arms, to the toga; to civic praises, ye laurels." Not to mention other instances, did not arms yield to the toga, when I was at the helm of state? For never was the republic in more serious peril, never was peace more profound. Thus, as the result of my counsels and my vigilance, their weapons slipped suddenly from the hands of the most desperate traitors â dropped to the ground of their own accord! What achievement in war, then, was ever so great? |
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| 19. Cicero, In Pisonem, 29.72, 30.73, 38.92-38.93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 45, 46, 108 |
| 20. Cicero, On Laws, 2.23.59, 2.25.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42 |
| 21. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.34.94 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46 |
| 22. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, 253 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25 |
23. Polybius, Histories, 6.53-6.54, 6.53.7, 6.56.9, 30.18.3-30.18.7, 31.21.3, 32.2.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27, 29, 30, 37, 38, 270| 6.53.7. οὗτοι δὲ προσαναλαμβάνουσιν ἐσθῆτας, ἐὰν μὲν ὕπατος ἢ στρατηγὸς ᾖ γεγονώς, περιπορφύρους, ἐὰν δὲ τιμητής, πορφυρᾶς, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ τεθριαμβευκὼς ἤ τι τοιοῦτον κατειργασμένος, διαχρύσους. 6.56.9. ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. 30.18.3. ὅς γε πρῶτον μέν, πρεσβευτῶν παραγεγονότων Ῥωμαϊκῶν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξυρημένος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ πιλίον ἔχων λευκὸν καὶ τήβενναν καὶ καλικίους ἀπήντα τούτοις, καὶ καθόλου τοιαύτῃ διασκευῇ κεχρημένος οἵαν ἔχουσιν οἱ προσφάτως ἠλευθερωμένοι παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, οὓς καλοῦσι λιβέρτους· 30.18.4. καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τοὺς πρεσβευτάς "ὁρᾶτʼ" ἔφη "τὸν ὑμέτερον λίβερτον ἐμέ, πάντα βουλόμενον χαρίζεσθαι καὶ μιμεῖσθαι τὰ παρʼ ὑμῖν." ἧς ἀγεννεστέραν φωνὴν οὐ ῥᾴδιον εὑρεῖν. 30.18.5. τότε δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον γενόμενος τὴν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, στὰς κατὰ τὸ θύρετρον ἀντίος τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ καθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας ἀμφοτέρας προσεκύνησε τὸν οὐδὸν καὶ τοὺς καθημένους, ἐπιφθεγξάμενος "χαίρετε, θεοὶ σωτῆρεσ", ὑπερβολὴν οὐ καταλιπὼν ἀνανδρίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ γυναικισμοῦ καὶ κολακείας οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων. 30.18.6. ἀκόλουθα δὲ τούτοις καὶ κατὰ τὴν κοινολογίαν εἰσελθὼν ἐπετελέσατο, περὶ ὧν καὶ τὸ γράφειν ἀπρεπὲς ἦν. 30.18.7. φανεὶς δὲ τελέως εὐκαταφρόνητος ἀπόκρισιν ἔλαβε διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο φιλάνθρωπον. 31.21.3. ἅτε τῶν ὑπαίθρων κρατῶν διὰ τὸ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους αἰεὶ μὲν ἀλλοτρίους ὑπάρχειν τῆς ἐν τῇ γῇ χρείας, τότε δὲ καὶ τελέως ἐκτεθηλύνθαι διὰ τὴν πολυχρόνιον εἰρήνην· 32.2.3. ὅμως δὲ προσεδέξατο καὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς καὶ τὸν στέφανον· τούς γε μὴν ἀγομένους ἀνθρώπους οὐ προσεδέξατο. | 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 6.53.7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar. 6.54. 1. Besides, he who makes the oration over the man about to be buried, when he has finished speaking of him recounts the successes and exploits of the rest whose images are present, beginning with the most ancient.,2. By this means, by this constant renewal of the good report of brave men, the celebrity of those who performed noble deeds is rendered immortal, while at the same time the fame of those who did good service to their country becomes known to the people and a heritage for future generations.,3. But the most important result is that young men are thus inspired to endure every suffering for public welfare in the hope of winning the glory that attends on brave men.,4. What I say is confirmed by the facts. For many Romans have voluntarily engaged in single combat in order to decide a battle, not a few have faced certain death, some in war to save the lives of the rest, and others in peace to save the republic.,5. Some even when in office have put their own sons to death contrary to every law or custom, setting a higher value on the interest of their country than on the ties of nature that bound them to their nearest and dearest.,6. Many such stories about many men are related in Roman history, but one told of a certain person will suffice for the present as an example and as a confirmation of what I say. 6.56.9. My own opinion at least is that they have adopted this course for the sake of the common people. 30.18.3. In the first place when some Roman legates had come to his court, he went to meet them with his head shorn, and wearing a white hat and toga and shoes, exactly the costume worn at Rome by slaves recently manumitted or "liberti" as the Romans call them. 30.18.4. "In me," he said, "you see your libertus who wishes to endear to himself and imitate everything Roman"; a phrase as humiliating as one can conceive. 30.18.5. And now, on entering the senate-house he stood in the doorway facing the members and putting both his hands on the ground bowed his head to the ground in adoration of the threshold and the seated senators, with the words, "Hail, ye saviour gods," making it impossible for anyone after him to surpass him in unmanliness, womanishness, and servility. 30.18.6. And on entering he conducted himself during his interview in a similar manner, doing things that it were unbecoming even to mention. 30.18.7. As he showed himself to be utterly contemptible, he received a kind answer for this very reason. 31.21.3. He easily made himself master of the open country as he could command it, owing to the Carthaginians, who had always been poor soldiers, having latterly become completely enervated in consequence of the long peace. 32.2.3. They did not, however, take over the men who were in custody. |
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| 24. Livy, Per., 105, 74 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 25. Propertius, Elegies, 3.4.1-3.4.6, 4.11.33-4.11.35, 4.11.61-4.11.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 26, 27, 44, 236 |
26. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.31-1.32, 3.129-3.135 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41, 289| 1.31. Este procul, vittae tenues, insigne pudoris, 1.32. rend= 3.129. Vos quoque nec caris aures onerate lapillis, 3.130. rend= 3.131. Nec prodite graves insuto vestibus auro, 3.132. rend= 3.133. Munditiis capimur: non sint sine lege capilli: 3.134. rend= 3.135. Nec genus ornatus unum est: quod quamque decebit | |
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| 27. Livy, History, 4.25.13, 5.41, 9.7, 21.62, 24.16, 24.32, 29.3, 29.36, 30.15, 30.45, 33.23, 34.7.1-34.7.3, 44.16, 45.44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 42, 43, 221 |
| 28. Sallust, Historiae, 2.59 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45 |
| 29. Horace, Sermones, 1.6.24-1.6.29 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27 |
| 30. Horace, Odes, 1.12.53-1.12.56 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 236 |
31. Ovid, Tristia, 2.247-2.252 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41| 2.247. este procul, vittae tenues, insigne pudoris, 2.248. quaeque tegis medios instita longa pedes! 2.249. nil nisi legitimum concessitque furta canemus, 2.250. inque meo nullum carmine crimen erit. 2.251. ecquid ab hac omnes rigide summovimus Arte, 2.252. quas stola contingi vittaque sumpta vetat? | |
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32. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.24, 5.35.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25, 42 | 4.24. 4.24. 1. Now that I have come to this part of my narrative, I think it necessary to give an account of the customs which at that time prevailed among the Romans with regard to slaves, in order that no one may accuse either the king who first undertook to make citizens of those who had been slaves, or the Romans who accepted the law, of recklessly abandoning their noble traditions.,2. The Romans acquired their slaves by the most just means; for they either purchased them from the state at an auction as part of the spoils, or the general permitted the soldiers to keep the prisoners they had taken together with the rest of the booty, or else they bought them of those who had obtained possession of them by these same means.,3. So that neither Tullius, who established this custom, nor those who received and maintained thought they were doing anything dishonourable or detrimental to the public interest, if those who had lost both their country and their liberty in war and had proved loyal to those who had enslaved them, or to those who had purchased them from these, had both those blessings restored to them by their masters.,4. Most of these slaves obtained their liberty as a free gift because of meritorious conduct, and this was the best kind of discharge from their masters; but a few paid a ransom raised by lawful and honest labour. This, however, is not the case in our day, but things have come to such a state of confusion and the noble traditions of the Roman commonwealth have become so debased and sullied, that some who have made a fortune by robbery, housebreaking, prostitution and every other base means, purchase their freedom with the money so acquired and straightway are Romans.,5. Others, who have been confidants and accomplices of their masters in poisonings, receive from them this favour as their reward. Some are freed in order that, when they have received the monthly allowance of corn given by the public or some other largesse distributed by the men in power to the poor among the citizens, they may bring it to those who granted them their freedom. And others owe their freedom to the levity of their masters and to their vain thirst for popularity.,6. I, at any rate, know of some who have allowed all their slaves to be freed after their death, in order that they might be called good men when they were dead and that many people might follow their biers wearing their liberty-caps; indeed, some of those taking part in these processions, as one might have heard from those who knew, have been malefactors just out of jail, who had committed crimes deserving of a thousand deaths. Most people, nevertheless, as they look upon these stains that can scarce be washed away from the city, are grieved and condemn the custom, looking upon it as unseemly that a domit city which aspires to rule the whole world should make such men citizens.,7. One might justly condemn many other customs also which were wisely devised by the ancients but are shamefully abused by the men of toâday. Yet, for my part, I do not believe that this law ought to be abolished, lest as a result some greater evil should break out to the detriment of the public; but I do say that it ought to be amended, as far as possible, and that great reproaches and disgraces hard to be wiped out should not be permitted entrance into the body politic.,8. And I could wish that the censors, preferably, or, if that may not be, then the consuls, would take upon themselves the care of this matter, since it requires the control of some it magistracy, and that they would make inquiries about the persons who are freed each year â who they are and for what reason they have been freed and how â just as they inquire into the lives of the knights and senators; after which they should enroll in the tribes such of them as they find worthy to be citizens and allow them to remain in the city, but should expel from the city the foul and corrupt herd under the specious pretence of sending them out as a colony. These are the things, then, which as the subject required it, I thought it both necessary and just to say to those who censure the customs of the Romans. 5.35.1. After the departure of the Tyrrhenians the Roman senate voted to send to Porsena a throne of ivory, a sceptre, a crown of gold, and a triumphal robe, which had been the insignia of the kings. And to Mucius, who had resolved to die for his country and was looked upon as the chief instrument in putting an end to the war, they voted that a portion of the public land beyond the Tiber should be given (just as previously in the case of Horatius, who had fought in front of the bridge), as much, namely, as he could plough round in one day; and this place even to my day is called the Mucian Meadows. These were the rewards they gave to the men. |
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| 33. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 36.16.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
34. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 4.1, 7.3.7, 9.5.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42| 7.3.7. dixit Latro, ut nihil mutaret uoces, sed diceret: “mori uolui taedio abdicationum et infelicitatis adsiduae, cum in hoc tantum sordes ponerem, ut cum maiore tormento positas resumerem, et absolutio mihi uni non finis esset periculi set initium,” incipit praeter coniecturam et illa prima uulgaris in eiusmodi controuersiis et pertrita quaestio incurrere, an uenenum habere in mortem suam liceat. ALBVCIVS illo colore pro adulescente dixit, non fuisse uenenum. Cum putarem, inquit, odio me esse patri meo, uolui experiri adfectum eius, quomodo mentionem mortis meae ferret: itaque palam et ita, ut interueniret pater, tenui. FVSCVS ARELLIVS eodem colore usus est sed aliter; non dixit: experiri patrem uolui, sed: | |
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| 35. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 36. Plutarch, Sulla, 24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25 |
37. Plutarch, Pompey, 24.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 29| 24.6. πλεῖστα δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἐνυβρίσαντες, ἔτι καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς αὐτῶν ἀναβαίνοντες ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐληΐζοντο καὶ τὰς ἐγγὺς ἐπαύλεις ἐξέκοπτον. ἥρπασαν δέ ποτε καὶ στρατηγοὺς δύο Σεξτίλιον καὶ Βελλῖνον ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις, καὶ τούς ὑπηρέτας ἅμα καὶ ῥαβδοφόρους ᾤχοντο σὺν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις ἔχοντες. ἥλω δὲ καὶ θυγάτηρ Ἀντωνίου, θριαμβικοῦ ἀνδρός, εἰς ἀγρὸν βαδίζουσα, καὶ πολλῶν χρημάτων ἀπελυτρώθη. | 24.6. |
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| 38. Martial, Epigrams, 1.49.31-1.49.36, 2.18, 2.53, 2.57, 2.68, 2.74, 2.85, 3.4.6, 3.30, 3.36, 3.36.9, 3.46, 3.46.1, 4.26, 4.28, 4.66.3, 5.8, 5.14, 5.22-5.23, 5.25, 5.27, 5.35, 5.38, 5.41, 6.48, 7.2.7-7.2.8, 7.10.11, 7.86, 8.28, 9.49, 9.49.1-9.49.8, 9.57, 9.100, 10.10, 10.15, 10.47.1-10.47.5, 10.51.5-10.51.6, 10.73-10.74, 10.82.2, 10.96, 11.24, 12.18.1-12.18.6, 12.18.17-12.18.18, 12.36, 12.68, 14.124-14.125, 14.141-14.142 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 111, 112, 219 |
| 39. Plutarch, Cicero, 30-31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 31 |
| 40. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 44.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 41. Mela, De Chorographia, 1.41-1.42, 2.59 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46, 263, 268 |
| 42. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 58 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 43. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 58 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
44. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 71.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 268 | 71.2. For that the philosopher should in every situation be superior to all others, it seems to me they are right in demanding â unless they mean that he must not only know all the crafts but also, in accordance with the rules of the craft, produce everything better than the craftsmen, both building houses and making boats and working as a smith and weaving and farming. For example, Hippias of Elis claimed to be the wisest of the Greeks, for both at the Olympic Games and at the other national gatherings of the Greeks he produced poems of every style and speeches which he had composed of divers kinds, but he also displayed other products of his â his ring, his oil-flask and strigil, his mantle, and his girdle â boasting that he had made them all himself, displaying them to the Greeks as a kind of firstfruits of his wisdom. |
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| 45. Juvenal, Satires, 1.95-1.96, 1.119-1.120, 1.127-1.130, 1.132-1.134, 3.126-3.130, 3.132, 3.171-3.172, 3.177-3.179, 5.52-5.69, 5.76-5.77, 5.125-5.127, 5.156-5.165, 7.141-7.145, 11.203-11.204 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 39, 96, 98, 101, 102, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111 |
| 46. Martial, Epigrams, 1.49.31-1.49.36, 2.18, 2.53, 2.57, 2.68, 2.74, 2.85, 3.4.6, 3.30, 3.36, 3.36.9, 3.46, 3.46.1, 4.26, 4.28, 4.66.3, 5.8, 5.14, 5.22-5.23, 5.25, 5.27, 5.35, 5.38, 5.41, 6.48, 7.2.7-7.2.8, 7.10.11, 7.86, 8.28, 9.49, 9.49.1-9.49.8, 9.57, 9.100, 10.10, 10.15, 10.47.1-10.47.5, 10.51.5-10.51.6, 10.73-10.74, 10.82.2, 10.96, 11.24, 12.18.1-12.18.6, 12.18.17-12.18.18, 12.36, 12.68, 14.124-14.125, 14.141-14.142 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 111, 112, 219 |
| 47. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 39 |
| 48. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.112, 7.34.120, 33.8, 33.10, 33.18, 37.65-37.75, 37.121 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 108, 236, 268 |
| 49. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, a b c d\n0 11.3.143 11.3.143 11 3 \n1 11.3.19 11.3.19 11 3 \n2 12.10.35 12.10.35 12 10\n3 12.10.34 12.10.34 12 10\n4 12.10.33 12.10.33 12 10\n5 12.10.32 12.10.32 12 10\n6 12.10.31 12.10.31 12 10\n7 12.10.30 12.10.30 12 10\n8 12.11.21 12.11.21 12 11\n9 12.10.36 12.10.36 12 10\n10 11.3.128 11.3.128 11 3 \n11 10.1.105 10.1.105 10 1 \n12 2.5.10 2.5.10 2 5 \n13 1.11.2 1.11.2 1 11\n14 1.11.1 1.11.1 1 11\n15 1.10.31 1.10.31 1 10\n16 1.8.9 1.8.9 1 8 \n17 12.10.29 12.10.29 12 10\n18 12.10.28 12.10.28 12 10\n19 12.10.27 12.10.27 12 10\n20 12.10.37 12.10.37 12 10\n21 7.2.24 7.2.24 7 2 \n22 12.10.39 12.10.39 12 10\n23 12.10.38 12.10.38 12 10\n24 2.5.12 2.5.12 2 5 \n25 5.9.14 5.9.14 5 9 \n26 5.12.17 5.12.17 5 12\n27 5.12.18 5.12.18 5 12\n28 5.12.19 5.12.19 5 12\n29 5.12.20 5.12.20 5 12\n30 5.12.21 5.12.21 5 12\n31 11.3.144 11.3.144 11 3 \n32 11.3.145 11.3.145 11 3 \n33 11.3.146 11.3.146 11 3 \n34 11.3.147 11.3.147 11 3 \n35 11.3.142 11.3.142 11 3 \n36 11.3.141 11.3.141 11 3 \n37 5.12.22 5.12.22 5 12\n38 5.12.23 5.12.23 5 12\n39 8. 8. 8 \n40 8.3.6 8.3.6 8 3 \n41 9.4.142 9.4.142 9 4 \n42 11.3.137 11.3.137 11 3 \n43 11.3.138 11.3.138 11 3 \n44 11.3.139 11.3.139 11 3 \n45 11.3.140 11.3.140 11 3 \n46 11.1.3 11.1.3 11 1 \n47 11.3.149 11.3.149 11 3 \n48 11.3.148 11.3.148 11 3 \n49 11.3.156 11.3.156 11 3 \n50 11.3.160 11.3.160 11 3 \n51 11.3.161 11.3.161 11 3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 41, 45, 94, 249 |
| 50. Suetonius, Tiberius, 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 22 |
| 51. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 6-7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 46, 96 |
| 52. Suetonius, Nero, 32.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32, 36, 45 |
| 53. Tacitus, Histories, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 97 |
| 54. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.54, 2.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43, 44 |
| 55. Suetonius, Iulius, 45.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45 |
| 56. Suetonius, Domitianus, 14.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42 |
| 57. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 3.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 268 |
| 58. Suetonius, Claudius, 15.2, 21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 22, 35, 108, 222 |
| 59. Suetonius, Caligula, 52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 22, 34, 36, 37, 45 |
60. Tacitus, Annals, 2.33, 2.59, 3.2, 4.26, 13.30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 26, 32, 42, 43, 45| 2.33. Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordi- nibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem. 2.59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in vulgus grata usurpavit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis aemulatione, quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello, accepimus. Tiberius cultu habituque eius lenibus verbis perstricto, acerrime increpuit quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. nam Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentis exercitus insedisset. 3.2. Miserat duas praetorias cohortis Caesar, addito ut magistratus Calabriae Apulique et Campani suprema erga memoriam filii sui munera fungerentur. igitur tribunorum centurionumque umeris cineres portabantur; praecedebant incompta signa, versi fasces; atque ubi colonias transgrederentur, atrata plebes, trabeati equites pro opibus loci vestem odores aliaque funerum sollemnia cremabant. etiam quorum diversa oppida, tamen obvii et victimas atque aras dis Manibus statuentes lacrimis et conclamationibus dolorem testabantur. Drusus Tarracinam progressus est cum Claudio fratre liberisque Germanici, qui in urbe fuerant. consules M. Valerius et M. Aurelius (iam enim magistratum occeperant) et senatus ac magna pars populi viam complevere, disiecti et ut cuique libitum flentes; aberat quippe adulatio, gnaris omnibus laetam Tiberio Germanici mortem male dissimulari. 3.2. Eodem anno Tacfarinas, quem priore aestate pulsum a Camillo memoravi, bellum in Africa renovat, vagis primum populationibus et ob pernicitatem inultis, dein vicos excindere, trahere gravis praedas; postremo haud procul Pagyda flumine cohortem Romanam circumsedit. praeerat castello Decrius impiger manu, exercitus militia et illam obsidionem flagitii ratus. is cohortatus milites, ut copiam pugnae in aperto faceret aciem pro castris instruit. primoque impetu pulsa cohorte promptus inter tela occursat fugientibus, increpat signiferos quod inconditis aut desertoribus miles Romanus terga daret; simul exceptat vulnera et quamquam transfosso oculo adversum os in hostem intendit neque proelium omisit donec desertus suis caderet. 4.26. Dolabellae petenti abnuit triumphalia Tiberius, Seiano tribuens, ne Blaesi avunculi eius laus obsolesceret. sed neque Blaesus ideo inlustrior et huic negatus honor gloriam intendit: quippe minore exercitu insignis captivos, caedem ducis bellique confecti famam deportarat. sequebantur et Garamantum legati, raro in urbe visi, quos Tacfarinate caeso perculsa gens set culpae nescia ad satis facien- dum populo Romano miserat. cognitis dehinc Ptolemaei per id bellum studiis repetitus ex vetusto more honos missusque e senatoribus qui scipionem eburnum, togam pictam, antiqua patrum munera, daret regemque et socium atque amicum appellaret. | 2.33. At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:â "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so â unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." â With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. 3.2. The Caesar had sent two cohorts of his Guard; with further orders that the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Campania should render the last offices to the memory of his son. And so his ashes were borne on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions: before him the standards went unadorned, the Axes reversed; while, at every colony they passed, the commons in black and the knights in official purple burned raiment, perfumes, and other of the customary funeral tributes, in proportion to the resources of the district. Even the inhabitants of outlying towns met the procession, devoted their victims and altars to the departed spirit, and attested their grief with tears and cries. Drusus came up to Tarracina, with Germanicus' brother Claudius and the children who had been left in the capital. The consuls, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Aurelius (who had already begun their magistracy), the senate, and a considerable part of the people, filled the road, standing in scattered parties and weeping as they pleased: for of adulation there was none, since all men knew that Tiberius was with difficulty dissembling his joy at the death of Germanicus. 4.26. The request of Dolabella for triumphal distinctions was rejected by Tiberius: a tribute to Sejanus, whose uncle Blaesus might otherwise have found his glories growing dim. But the step brought no added fame to Blaesus, and the denial of the honour heightened the reputation of Dolabella, who, with a weaker army, had credited himself with prisoners of note, a general slain, and a war concluded. He was attended also â a rare spectacle in the capital â by a number of Garamantian deputies, whom the tribesmen, awed by the fate of Tacfarinas and conscious of their delinquencies, had sent to offer satisfaction to the Roman people. Then, as the campaign had demonstrated Ptolemy's good-will, an old-fashioned distinction was revived, and a member of the senate was despatched to present him with the traditional bounty of the Fathers, an ivory sceptre with the embroidered robe, and to greet him by the style of king, ally, and friend. 13.30. In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of malversation in his province of Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed at Ravenna, had by his debauchery and ferocity tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting the blood from his arteries; though, from the unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had been thought incapable of the firmness of committing suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession of emperors. |
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| 61. Statius, Thebais, 4.270 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 236 |
| 62. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 22-23, 93 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 63. Suetonius, Augustus, 40.3-40.5, 44.2, 86.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 32, 33, 45, 108 |
| 64. Silius Italicus, Punica, 2.361, 2.426 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 236, 270 |
| 65. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, a b c d\n0 11.3.143 11.3.143 11 3 \n1 12.10.34 12.10.34 12 10\n2 12.10.33 12.10.33 12 10\n3 12.10.32 12.10.32 12 10\n4 12.10.31 12.10.31 12 10\n5 12.10.30 12.10.30 12 10\n6 12.11.21 12.11.21 12 11\n7 12.10.29 12.10.29 12 10\n8 12.10.36 12.10.36 12 10\n9 12.10.35 12.10.35 12 10\n10 11.3.128 11.3.128 11 3 \n11 11.3.19 11.3.19 11 3 \n12 10.1.105 10.1.105 10 1 \n13 1.11.2 1.11.2 1 11\n14 1.11.1 1.11.1 1 11\n15 1.10.31 1.10.31 1 10\n16 1.8.9 1.8.9 1 8 \n17 2.5.10 2.5.10 2 5 \n18 12.10.28 12.10.28 12 10\n19 12.10.27 12.10.27 12 10\n20 12.10.37 12.10.37 12 10\n21 7.2.24 7.2.24 7 2 \n22 12.10.38 12.10.38 12 10\n23 12.10.39 12.10.39 12 10\n24 2.5.12 2.5.12 2 5 \n25 5.9.14 5.9.14 5 9 \n26 5.12.17 5.12.17 5 12\n27 5.12.18 5.12.18 5 12\n28 5.12.19 5.12.19 5 12\n29 5.12.20 5.12.20 5 12\n30 5.12.21 5.12.21 5 12\n31 11.3.144 11.3.144 11 3 \n32 11.3.145 11.3.145 11 3 \n33 11.3.146 11.3.146 11 3 \n34 11.3.147 11.3.147 11 3 \n35 11.3.142 11.3.142 11 3 \n36 11.3.141 11.3.141 11 3 \n37 5.12.22 5.12.22 5 12\n38 5.12.23 5.12.23 5 12\n39 8. 8. 8 \n40 8.3.6 8.3.6 8 3 \n41 9.4.142 9.4.142 9 4 \n42 11.1.3 11.1.3 11 1 \n43 11.3.137 11.3.137 11 3 \n44 11.3.138 11.3.138 11 3 \n45 11.3.139 11.3.139 11 3 \n46 11.3.140 11.3.140 11 3 \n47 11.3.149 11.3.149 11 3 \n48 11.3.148 11.3.148 11 3 \n49 11.3.156 11.3.156 11 3 \n50 11.3.160 11.3.160 11 3 \n51 11.3.161 11.3.161 11 3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 41, 45, 94, 249 |
| 66. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 114.4-114.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45 |
| 67. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.24.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 261, 262 |
| 68. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 6.33.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109 |
| 69. Statius, Siluae, 1.4.11, 4.1.40-4.1.41, 5.2.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 43, 236, 259 |
70. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.6, 1.20-1.21, 1.23-1.24, 2.2, 2.7-2.9, 2.19, 2.23, 2.28, 2.30, 3.1-3.11, 3.15, 3.27, 4.9, 7.5-7.6, 7.8-7.9, 8.24, 8.27, 9.10-9.31, 9.35, 9.39-9.41, 10.1-10.12, 10.31-10.32, 11.15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 240, 241, 242, 250, 252, 253, 255, 290 | 11.15. “O my friend Lucius, after the enduring so many labors and escaping so many tempests of fortune, you have at length come to the port and haven of rest and mercy. Your noble linage, your dignity, your education, or any thing else did not avail you. But you have endured so many servile pleasures due to the folly of youth. Thusly you have had an unpleasant reward for your excessive curiosity. But however the blindness of Fortune has tormented you in various dangers, so it is now that, unbeknownst to her, you have come to this present felicity. Let Fortune go and fume with fury in another place. Let her find some other matter on which to execute her cruelty. Fortune has no power against those who serve and honor our goddess. What good did it do her that you endured thieves, savage beasts, great servitude, dangerous waits, long journeys, and fear of death every day? Know that now you are safe and under the protection of her who, by her clear light, brightens the other gods. Wherefore rejoice and take a countece appropriate to your white garment. Follow the parade of this devout and honorable procession so that those who do not worship the goddess may see and acknowledge their error. Behold Lucius, you are delivered from so great miseries by the providence of the goddess Isis. Rejoice therefore and triumph in the victory over fortune. And so that you may live more safe and sure, make yourself one of this holy order. Dedicate your mind to our religion and take upon yourself the voluntary yoke of ministry. And when you begin to serve and honor the goddess, then you shall feel the fruit of your liberty.” |
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| 71. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 291 |
| 72. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25 |
73. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 27, 26 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 291 | 26. They who draw men to idols, then, are the aforesaid demons, who are eager for the blood of the sacrifices, and lick them; but the gods that please the multitude, and whose names are given to the images, were men, as may be learned from their history. And that it is the demons who act under their names, is proved by the nature of their operations. For some castrate, as Rhea; others wound and slaughter, as Artemis; the Tauric goddess puts all strangers to death. I pass over those who lacerate with knives and scourges of bones, and shall not attempt to describe all the kinds of demons; for it is not the part of a god to incite to things against nature. But when the demon plots against a man, He first inflicts some hurt upon his mind. But God, being perfectly good, is eternally doing good. That, moreover, those who exert the power are not the same as those to whom the statues are erected, very strong evidence is afforded by Troas and Parium. The one has statues of Neryllinus, a man of our own times; and Parium of Alexander and Proteus: both the sepulchre and the statue of Alexander are still in the forum. The other statues of Neryllinus, then, are a public ornament, if indeed a city can be adorned by such objects as these; but one of them is supposed to utter oracles and to heal the sick, and on this account the people of the Troad offer sacrifices to this statue, and overlay it with gold, and hang chaplets upon it. But of the statues of Alexander and Proteus (the latter, you are aware, threw himself into the fire near Olympia), that of Proteus is likewise said to utter oracles; and to that of Alexander - Wretched Paris, though in form so fair, You slave of woman - sacrifices are offered and festivals are held at the public cost, as to a god who can hear. Is it, then, Neryllinus, and Proteus, and Alexander who exert these energies in connection with the statues, or is it the nature of the matter itself? But the matter is brass. And what can brass do of itself, which may be made again into a different form, as Amasis treated the footpan, as told by Herodotus? And Neryllinus, and Proteus, and Alexander, what good are they to the sick? For what the image is said now to effect, it effected when Neryllinus was alive and sick. |
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74. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 37.21.3-37.21.4, 38.14.7, 38.16, 39.28.2, 43.43.1-43.43.2, 43.43.4, 48.12.5, 48.18.2, 48.31.3, 49.16.1, 53.26.5, 54.35.5, 56.31.2, 57.13.5, 57.15.1, 59.26.6-59.26.10, 60.6.9, 60.7.4, 63.13.3, 69.18.3, 71.35.4, 72.21.3, 79.11.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 44, 45, 46 | 37.21.3. He did not, however, add any other title to his name, but was satisfied with that of Magnus alone, which, of course, he had gained even before these achievements. Nor did he contrive to receive any other extravagant honour, or even accept such as had been voted him in his absence, except on a single occasion. 37.21.4. These consisted in the privilege of always wearing the laurel wreath at all public games, and arraying himself in the cloak of a general at all of them, as well as in the triumphal garb at the horse-races. They had been granted him chiefly through the coöperation of Caesar, and contrary to the advice of Marcus Cato. 38.14.7. For this reason he vigorously opposed Clodius' measure in every way; in particular, he discarded his senatorial dress and went about in the garb of the knights, paying court meanwhile, as he went the rounds, day and night alike, to all who had any influence, not only of his friends but also of his opponents, and especially to Pompey and even Caesar, inasmuch as the latter concealed his enmity toward him. 38.16. 1. On the basis of these calculations, then, he hoped to win, since he was now unreasonably confident, even as he had before been unduly terrified; and fearing that his withdrawal from the city would seem to have been occasioned by a bad conscience, he listened to Pompey, though he said that he was considerably obliged to Caesar.,2. And thus Cicero, deceived in this wise, was preparing as if for a great victory over his enemies. For, in addition to the grounds for hope already mentioned, the knights assembled on the Capitol and sent envoys in his behalf to the consuls and senate, some from their own number,,3. and also the senators Quintus Hortensius and Gaius Curio. Ninnius, too, in addition to his assistance in other ways urged the populace to change their apparel, as if for a general calamity. And many of the senators also did this, and would not change back until the consuls rebuked them by an edict.,4. The forces of his adversaries were more powerful, however. Clodius would not allow Ninnius to take any action on his behalf, and Gabinius would not grant the knights access to the senate; on the contrary, he drove one of them, who was very insistent, out of the city, and rebuked Hortensius and Curio for having been present in the assembly of the knights and for having undertaken the mission.,5. Moreover, Clodius brought them before the populace, where they were soundly belaboured for their mission by some appointed agents. After this Piso, though he seemed well-disposed towards Cicero and had advised him, on seeing that it was impossible for him to attain safety by any other means, to slip away in time, nevertheless, when the other took offence at this counsel,,6. came before the assembly at the first opportunity (he was too ill most of the time) and to the question of Clodius as to what opinion he held regarding the proposed measure said: "No deed of cruelty or sadness pleases me." Gabinius, too, on being asked the same question, not only failed to praise Cicero but even accused both the knights and the senate. 39.28.2. Thus their strife was stopped for the time being; but when the same disturbance happened again, the senators voted to change their dress, as if for some calamity, in spite of the fact that Cato, when he gained nothing by speaking against the proposed step, rushed out of the gathering and called in any one he met in the market-place (?) in order that no decision might be reached; 43.43.1. Such was his gift to Rome. For himself, he wore the triumphal garb, by decree, at all the games, and was adorned with the laurel crown always and everywhere alike. The excuse that he gave for it was that his forehead was bald; yet he gave occasion for talk by this very circumstance that at that time, though well past youth, he still bestowed attention upon his appearance. 43.43.2. He used to show among all men his pride in rather loose clothing, and the footwear which he used later on was sometimes high and of a reddish colour, after the style of the kings who had once reigned in Alba, for he claimed that he was related to them through Iulus. 43.43.4. Sulla had looked askance at the looseness of his girdle, so much so that he had wished to kill him, and declared to those who begged him off: "Well, I will grant him to you; but be thoroughly on your guard against this ill-girt fellow." And Cicero could not comprehend it, 48.12.5. Both money and soldiers came to them also from Gallia Togata, which had been included by this time in the district of Italy in order that no one else, under the plea of ruling that province, should keep soldiers south of the Alps. 48.18.2. Rufus managed to repel Sextus from Italy, and when Sextus retired to Sicily, undertook to manufacture boats of leather, similar to those used on the ocean. He made a framework of light rods for the interior and stretched over them an uncured ox-hide after the manner of a circular shield. 48.31.3. But a short time before they had brought the two rulers into the city mounted on horses as if at a triumph, had bestowed upon them the triumphal dress just as upon those who celebrated triumphs, had allowed them to view the festivals seated upon their chairs of state, and had espoused to Antony Caesar's sister, Octavia, now that her husband was dead, though she was pregt; 49.16.1. These were the privileges bestowed upon Caesar by the senate. And Caesar on his own responsibility enrolled among the augurs, above the proper number, Valerius Messalla, whom he had previously in the proscriptions condemned to death, made the people of Utica citizens, and gave orders that no one should wear the purple dress except the senators who were acting as magistrates; for some ordinary individuals were already using it. 53.26.5. For this and his other exploits of this period a triumph, as well as the title, was voted to Augustus; but as he did not care to celebrate it, a triumphal arch was erected in the Alps in his honour and he was granted the right always to wear both the crown and the triumphal garb on the first day of the year. After these achievements in the wars Augustus closed the precinct of Janus, which had been opened because of these wars. 54.35.5. He himself delivered the funeral oration there, and Drusus delivered one from the rostra; for the mourning was publicly observed and the senators had changed their dress. Her body was carried in the procession by her sons-inâlaw; but not all the honours voted for her were accepted by Augustus. 56.31.2. The body of Augustus was carried from Nola by the foremost men of each city in succession. When it drew near Rome, the knights took it in charge and conveyed it by night into the city. On the following day there was a meeting of the senate, to which the majority came wearing the equestrian costume, but the magistrates the senatorial garb except for the purple-bordered toga. 57.13.5. Not a few men, also, were wearing a great deal of purple clothing, though this had formerly been forbidden; yet he neither rebuked nor fined any of them, but when a rain came up during a certain festival, he himself put on a dark woollen cloak. After that none of them longer dared assume any different kind of garb. 57.15.1. These were the events of that year. In the consulship of Statilius Taurus and Lucius Libo, Tiberius forbade any man to wear silk clothing and also forbade anyone to use golden vessels except for sacred ceremonies. 59.26.6. because he had bridged so great an expanse of sea; he also impersonated Hercules, Bacchus, Apollo, and all the other divinities, not merely males but also females, often taking the rôle of Juno, Diana, or Venus. Indeed, to match the change of name he would assume all the rest of the attributes that belonged to the various gods, so that he might seem really to resemble them. 59.26.7. Now he would be seen as a woman, holding a wine-bowl and (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" thyrsus, and again he would appear as a man equipped with a club and lion's skin or perhaps a helmet and shield. He would be seen at one time with a smooth chin and later with a full beard. Sometimes he wielded a trident and again he brandished a thunderbolt. Now he would impersonate a maiden equipped for hunting or for war, and a little later would play the married woman. 59.26.8. Thus by varying the style of his dress, and by the use of accessories and wigs, he achieved accuracy inasmuch diverse parts; and he was eager to appear to be anything rather than a human being and an emperor. Once a Gaul, seeing him uttering oracles from a lofty platform in the guise of Jupiter, was moved to laughter, 59.26.9. whereupon Gaius summoned him and inquired, "What do I seem to you to be?" And the other answered (I give his exact words):"A big humbug." Yet the man met with no harm, for he was only a shoemaker. Thus it is, apparently, that persons of such rank as Gaius can bear the frankness of the common herd more easily than that of those who hold high position. 59.26.10. The attire, now, that I have described was what he would assume whenever he pretended to be a god; and suitable supplications, prayers, and sacrifices would then be offered to him. At other times he usually appeared in public in silk or in triumphal dress. 60.6.9. His own name also he carved on the stage (not because he had built it, but because he had dedicated it), but on no other building. Furthermore, he did not wear the triumphal dress throughout the entire festival, though permission to do so had been voted, but appeared in it merely when offering the sacrifice; the rest of the festival he superintended clad in the purple-bordered toga. 60.7.4. But Claudius now set apart for the senators the section which still belongs to them, and he furthermore permitted any members who so desired to sit elsewhere and even appear in citizen's dress. After this he banqueted the senators and their wives, the knights, and also the tribes. 69.18.3. In this connexion the following anecdote is related of Cornelius Fronto, who was the foremost Roman of the time in pleading before the courts. One night he was returning home from dinner very late, and ascertained from a man whose counsel he had promised to be that Turbo was already holding court. Accordingly, just as he was, in his dinner dress, he went into Turbo's court-room and greeted him, not with the morning salutation, Salve, but with the one appropriate to the evening, Vale. |
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75. Tertullian, Apology, 22.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 291| 22.6. sanguinis procuret simulacris imaginibus oblata. | |
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76. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 7.16.10, 7.20.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 246, 255| 7.16.10. ἔτεσι δὲ οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἐτράποντο ἐς ἔλεον Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ συνέδριά τε κατὰ ἔθνος ἀποδιδόασιν ἑκάστοις τὰ ἀρχαῖα καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ κτᾶσθαι, ἀφῆκαν δὲ καὶ ὅσοις ἐπιβεβλήκει Μόμμιος ζημίαν· Βοιωτούς τε γὰρ Ἡρακλεώταις καὶ Εὐβοεῦσι τάλαντα ἑκατὸν καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς Λακεδαιμονίοις διακόσια ἐκέλευσεν ἐκτῖσαι. τούτων μὲν δὴ ἄφεσιν παρὰ Ῥωμαίων εὕροντο Ἕλληνες, ἡγεμὼν δὲ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἀπεστέλλετο· καλοῦσι δὲ οὐχ Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλὰ Ἀχαΐας ἡγεμόνα οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, διότι ἐχειρώσαντο Ἕλληνας διʼ Ἀχαιῶν τότε τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ προεστηκότων. ὁ δὲ πόλεμος ἔσχεν οὗτος τέλος Ἀντιθέου μὲν Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος, Ὀλυμπιάδι δὲ ἑξηκοστῇ πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, ἣν ἐνίκα Διόδωρος Σικυώνιος. 7.20.6. ἔχεται δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, καὶ Ἀπόλλων ἐνταῦθα ἀνάκειται θέας ἄξιος· ἐποιήθη δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ τὸν στρατὸν τῶν Γαλατῶν οἱ Πατρεῖς ἤμυναν Αἰτωλοῖς Ἀχαιῶν μόνοι. κεκόσμηται δὲ καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τὸ Ὠιδεῖον ἀξιολογώτατα τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλήν γε δὴ τοῦ Ἀθήνῃσι· τοῦτο γὰρ μεγέθει τε καὶ ἐς τὴν πᾶσαν ὑπερῆρκε κατασκευήν, ἀνὴρ δὲ Ἀθηναῖος ἐποίησεν Ἡρώδης ἐς μνήμην ἀποθανούσης γυναικός. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀτθίδι συγγραφῇ τὸ ἐς τοῦτο παρείθη τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, ὅτι πρότερον ἔτι ἐξείργαστό μοι τὰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους ἢ ὑπῆρκτο Ἡρώδης τοῦ οἰκοδομήματος. | 7.16.10. A few years later the Romans took pity on Greece , restored the various old racial confederacies, with the right to acquire property in a foreign country, and remitted the fines imposed by Mummius. For he had ordered the Boeotians to pay a hundred talents to the people of Heracleia and Euboea , and the Achaeans to pay two hundred to the Lacedaemonians. Although the Romans granted the Greeks remission of these payments, yet down to my day a Roman governor has been sent to the country. The Romans call him the Governor, not of Greece , but of Achaia , because the cause of the subjection of Greece was the Achaeans, at that time at the head of the Greek nation. With Frazer's reading: “when the Romans subdued Greece , Achaia was at the head, etc.” This war came to an end when Antitheus was archon at Athens , in the hundred and sixtieth Olympiad 140 B.C. , at which Diodorus of Sicyon was victorious. Pausanias seems to have made a mistake, as Corinth was taken in 146 B.C. 7.20.6. Next to the market-place is the Music Hall, where has been dedicated an Apollo well worth seeing. It was made from the spoils taken when alone of the Achaeans the people of Patrae helped the Aetolians against the army of the Gauls. The Music Hall is in every way the finest in Greece , except, of course, the one at Athens . This is unrivalled in size and magnificence, and was built by Herodes, an Athenian,in memory of his dead wife. The reason why I omitted to mention this Music Hall in my history of Attica is that my account of the Athenians was finished before Herodes began the building. |
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| 77. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 1.4.1-1.4.2, 1.9.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 289 |
| 78. Tertullian, On Flight In Persecution, 16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 269 |
| 79. Posidonius Olbiopolitanus, Fragments, 253 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 25 |
| 80. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 489, 528-529, 567, 570, 572, 612, 624, 555 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 245 |
81. Tertullian, On Patience, 7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 269 | 7. Now, however, while we run through the causes of impatience, all the other precepts also will answer in their own places. If our spirit is aroused by the loss of property, it is commonished by the Lord's Scriptures, in almost every place, to a contemning of the world; nor is there any more powerful exhortation to contempt of money submitted (to us), than (the fact) the Lord Himself is found amid no riches. He always justifies the poor, fore-condemns the rich. So He fore-ministered to patience loss, and to opulence contempt (as portion); demonstrating, by means of (His own) repudiation of riches, that hurts done to them also are not to be much regarded. of that, therefore, which we have not the smallest need to seek after, because the Lord did not seek after it either, we ought to endure without heart-sickness the cutting down or taking away. Covetousness, the Spirit of the Lord has through the apostle pronounced a root of all evils. Let us not interpret that covetousness as consisting merely in the concupiscence of what is another's: for even what seems ours is another's; for nothing is ours, since all things are God's, whose are we also ourselves. And so, if, when suffering from a loss, we feel impatiently, grieving for what is lost from what is not our own, we shall be detected as bordering on covetousness: we seek what is another's when we ill brook losing what is another's. He who is greatly stirred with impatience of a loss, does, by giving things earthly the precedence over things heavenly, sin directly against God; for the Spirit, which he has received from the Lord, he greatly shocks for the sake of a worldly matter. Willingly, therefore, let us lose things earthly, let us keep things heavenly. Perish the whole world, so I may make patience my gain! In truth, I know not whether he who has not made up his mind to endure with constancy the loss of somewhat of his, either by theft, or else by force, or else even by carelessness, would himself readily or heartily lay hand on his own property in the cause of almsgiving: for who that endures not at all to be cut by another, himself draws the sword on his own body? Patience in losses is an exercise in bestowing and communicating. Who fears not to lose, finds it not irksome to give. Else how will one, when he has two coats, give the one of them to the naked, Luke 3:11 unless he be a man likewise to offer to one who takes away his coat his cloak as well? How shall we fashion to us friends from mammon, Luke 16:9 if we love it so much as not to put up with its loss? We shall perish together with the lost mammon. Why do we find here, where it is our business to lose? To exhibit impatience at all losses is the Gentiles' business, who give money the precedence perhaps over their soul; for so they do, when, in their cupidities of lucre, they encounter the gainful perils of commerce on the sea; when, for money's sake, even in the forum, there is nothing which damnation (itself) would fear which they hesitate to essay; when they hire themselves for sport and the camp; when, after the manner of wild beasts, they play the bandit along the highway. But us, according to the diversity by which we are distinguished from them, it becomes to lay down not our soul for money, but money for our soul, whether spontaneously in bestowing or patiently in losing. |
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| 82. Tertullian, On The Pallium, 1.1.1-1.1.4, 1.2.1, 1.2.3, 1.3.1, 2.3.3, 2.4.4, 4.1.1, 4.1.3-4.1.4, 4.2.1-4.2.5, 4.3.1-4.3.8, 4.4.1-4.4.3, 4.5.1-4.5.2, 4.8.1-4.8.2, 4.8.4, 4.9.5, 4.10.3, 6.1.3, 6.2.1-6.2.2, 6.2.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 263, 268 |
83. Tertullian, On The Resurrection of The Flesh, 16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 269 | 16. When, however, we attribute to the soul authority, and to the flesh submission, we must see to it that (our opponents) do not turn our position by another argument, by insisting on so placing the flesh in the service of the soul, that it be not (considered as) its servant, lest they should be compelled, if it were so regarded, to admit its companionship (to the soul). For they would argue that servants and companions possess a discretion in discharging the functions of their respective office, and a power over their will in both relations: in short, (they would claim to be) men themselves, and therefore (would expect) to share the credit with their principals, to whom they voluntarily yielded their assistance; whereas the flesh had no discretion, no sentiment in itself, but possessing no power of its own of willing or refusing, it, in fact, appears to stand to the soul in the stead of a vessel as an instrument rather than a servant. The soul alone, therefore, will have to be judged (at the last day) pre-eminently as to how it has employed the vessel of the flesh; the vessel itself, of course, not being amenable to a judicial award: for who condemns the cup if any man has mixed poison in it? Or who sentences the sword to the beasts, if a man has perpetrated with it the atrocities of a brigand? Well, now, we will grant that the flesh is innocent, in so far as bad actions will not be charged upon it: what, then, is there to hinder its being saved on the score of its innocence? For although it is free from all imputation of good works, as it is of evil ones, yet it is more consistent with the divine goodness to deliver the innocent. A beneficent man, indeed, is bound to do so: it suits then the character of the Most Bountiful to bestow even gratuitously such a favour. And yet, as to the cup, I will not take the poisoned one, into which some certain death is injected, but one which has been infected with the breath of a lascivious woman, or of Cybele's priest, or of a gladiator, or of a hangman: then I want to know whether you would pass a milder condemnation on it than on the kisses of such persons? One indeed which is soiled with our own filth, or one which is not mingled to our own mind we are apt to dash to pieces, and then to increase our anger with our servant. As for the sword, which is drunk with the blood of the brigand's victims, who would not banish it entirely from his house, much more from his bed-room, or from his pillow, from the presumption that he would be sure to dream of nothing but the apparitions of the souls which were pursuing and disquieting him for lying down with the blade which shed their own blood? Take, however, the cup which has no reproach on it, and which deserves the credit of a faithful ministration, it will be adorned by its drinking-master with chaplets, or be honoured with a handful of flowers. The sword also which has received honourable stains in war, and has been thus engaged in a better manslaughter, will secure its own praise by consecration. It is quite possible, then, to pass decisive sentences even on vessels and on instruments, that so they too may participate in the merits of their proprietors and employers. Thus much do I say from a desire to meet even this argument, although there is a failure in the example, owing to the diversity in the nature of the objects. For every vessel or every instrument becomes useful from without, consisting as it does of material perfectly extraneous to the substance of the human owner or employer; whereas the flesh, being conceived, formed, and generated along with the soul from its earliest existence in the womb, is mixed up with it likewise in all its operations. For although it is called a vessel by the apostle, such as he enjoins to be treated with honour, 1 Thessalonians 4:4 it is yet designated by the same apostle as the outward man, 2 Corinthians 4:16 - that clay, of course, which at the first was inscribed with the title of a man, not of a cup or a sword, or any paltry vessel. Now it is called a vessel in consideration of its capacity, whereby it receives and contains the soul; but man, from its community of nature, which renders it in all operations a servant and not an instrument. Accordingly, in the judgment it will be held to be a servant (even though it may have no independent discretion of its own), on the ground of its being an integral portion of that which possesses such discretion, and is not a mere chattel. And although the apostle is well aware that the flesh does nothing of itself which is not also imputed to the soul, he yet deems the flesh to be sinful; Romans 8:3 lest it should be supposed to be free from all responsibility by the mere fact of its seeming to be impelled by the soul. So, again, when he is ascribing certain praiseworthy actions to the flesh, he says, Therefore glorify and exalt God in your body, 1 Corinthians 6:20 - being certain that such efforts are actuated by the soul; but still he ascribes them to the flesh, because it is to it that he also promises the recompense. Besides, neither rebuke, (on the one hand), would have been suitable to it, if free from blame; nor, (on the other hand), would exhortation, if it were incapable of glory. Indeed, both rebuke and exhortation would be alike idle towards the flesh, if it were an improper object for that recompence which is certainly received in the resurrection. |
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84. Tertullian, On The Games, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 280 | 8. To follow out my plan in regard to places: the circus is chiefly consecrated to the Sun, whose temple stands in the middle of it, and whose image shines forth from its temple summit; for they have not thought it proper to pay sacred honours underneath a roof to an object they have itself in open space. Those who assert that the first spectacle was exhibited by Circe, and in honour of the Sun her father, as they will have it, maintain also the name of circus was derived from her. Plainly, then, the enchantress did this in the name of the parties whose priestess she was - I mean the demons and spirits of evil. What an aggregation of idolatries you see, accordingly, in the decoration of the place! Every ornament of the circus is a temple by itself. The eggs are regarded as sacred to the Castors, by men who are not ashamed to profess faith in their production from the egg of a swan, which was no other than Jupiter himself. The Dolphins vomit forth in honour of Neptune. Images of Sessia, so called as the goddess of sowing; of Messia, so called as the goddess of reaping; of Tutulina, so called as the fruit-protecting deity - load the pillars. In front of these you have three altars to these three gods - Great, Mighty, Victorious. They reckon these of Samo-Thrace. The huge Obelisk, as Hermeteles affirms, is set up in public to the Sun; its inscription, like its origin, belongs to Egyptian superstition. Cheerless were the demon-gathering without their Mater Magna; and so she presides there over the Euripus. Consus, as we have mentioned, lies hidden under ground at the Murcian Goals. These two sprang from an idol. For they will have it that Murcia is the goddess of love; and to her, at that spot, they have consecrated a temple. See, Christian, how many impure names have taken possession of the circus! You have nothing to do with a sacred place which is teted by such multitudes of diabolic spirits. And speaking of places, this is the suitable occasion for some remarks in anticipation of a point that some will raise. What, then, you say; shall I be in danger of pollution if I go to the circus when the games are not being celebrated? There is no law forbidding the mere places to us. For not only the places for show-gatherings, but even the temples, may be entered without any peril of his religion by the servant of God, if he has only some honest reason for it, unconnected with their proper business and official duties. Why, even the streets and the market-place, and the baths, and the taverns, and our very dwelling-places, are not altogether free from idols. Satan and his angels have filled the whole world. It is not by merely being in the world, however, that we lapse from God, but by touching and tainting ourselves with the world's sins. I shall break with my Maker, that is, by going to the Capitol or the temple of Serapis to sacrifice or adore, as I shall also do by going as a spectator to the circus and the theatre. The places in themselves do not contaminate, but what is done in them; from this even the places themselves, we maintain, become defiled. The polluted things pollute us. It is on this account that we set before you to whom places of the kind are dedicated, that we may prove the things which are done in them to belong to the idol-patrons to whom the very places are sacred. |
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85. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.11, 5.6, 5.6.45, 6.30.4, 7.3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 41, 111, 268 | 4.11. To Cornelius Minicianus. Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus is teaching rhetoric in Sicily? I do not think you can have done, for the news is quite fresh. He is of praetorian rank, and he used at one time to be considered one of our most eloquent pleaders at the bar, but now he has fallen so low that he is an exile instead of being a senator, and a mere teacher of rhetoric instead of being a prominent advocate. Consequently in his opening remarks he exclaimed, sorrowfully and solemnly You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch. His mind was set upon burying alive Cornelia, the chief of the Vestal Virgins, as he thought to make his age memorable by such an example of severity, and, using his authority as pontifex maximus, or rather exercising the cruelty of a tyrant and the wanton caprice of a ruler, he summoned the rest of the pontiffs not to the Palace but to his Villa at Alba. There, with a wickedness just as monstrous as the crime which he pretended to be punishing, he declared her guilty of incest, without summoning her before him and giving her a hearing, though he himself had not only committed incest with his brother's daughter but had even caused her death, for she died of abortion during her widowhood. He immediately despatched some of the pontiffs to see that his victim was buried alive and put to death. Cornelia invoked in turns the aid of Vesta and of the rest of the deities, and amid her many cries this was repeated most frequently Moreover, when Celer, the Roman knight who was accused of having intrigued with Cornelia, was being scourged with rods in the forum, he did nothing but cry out, "What have I done? I have done nothing." Consequently Domitian's evil reputation for cruelty and injustice blazed up on all hands. He fastened upon Licinianus for hiding a freedwoman of Cornelia on one of his farms. Licinianus was advised by his friends who interested themselves on his behalf to take refuge in making a confession and beg for pardon, if he wished to escape being flogged in the forum, and he did so. Herennius Senecio spoke for him in his absence very much in the words of Homer, "Patroclus is fallen;" ** for he said, "Instead of being an advocate, I am the bearer of news You see how careful I am to obey your wishes, as I not only give you the news of the town, but news from abroad, and minutely trace a story from its very beginning. I took for granted that, as you were away from Rome at the time, all you heard of Licinianus was that he had been banished for incest. For rumour only gives one the gist of the matter, not the various stages through which it passes. Surely I deserve that you should return the compliment and write and tell me what is going on in your town and neighbourhood, for something worthy of note is always happening. But say what you will, provided you give me the news in as long a letter as I have written to you. I shall count up not only the pages, but the lines and the syllables. Farewell. 5.6. To Domitius Apollinaris. I was charmed with the kind consideration which led you, when you heard that I was about to visit my Tuscan villa in the summer, to advise me not to do so during the season when you consider the district unhealthy. Undoubtedly, the region along the Tuscan coast is trying and dangerous to the health, but my property lies well back from the sea; indeed, it is just under the Apennines, which are the healthiest of our mountain ranges. However, that you may not have the slightest anxiety on my account, let me tell you all about the climatic conditions, the lie of the land, and the charms of my villa. It will be as pleasant reading for you as it is pleasant writing for me. In winter the air is cold and frosty The contour of the district is most beautiful. Picture to yourself an immense amphitheatre, such as only Nature can create, with a wide-spreading plain ringed with hills, and the summits of the hills themselves covered with tall and ancient forests. There is plentiful and varied hunting to be had. Down the mountain slopes there are stretches of timber woods, and among these are rich, deep-soiled hillocks - where if you look for a stone you will have hard work to find one - which are just as fertile as the most level plains, and ripen just as rich harvests, though later in the season. Below these, along the whole hillsides, stretch the vineyards which present an unbroken line far and wide, on the borders and lowest level of which comes a fringe of trees. Then you reach the meadows and the fields - fields which only the most powerful oxen and the stoutest ploughs can turn. The soil is so tough and composed of such thick clods that when it is first broken up it has to be furrowed nine times before it is subdued. The meadows are jewelled with flowers, and produce trefoil and other herbs, always tender and soft, and looking as though they were always fresh. For all parts are well nourished by never-failing streams, and even where there is most water there are no swamps, for the slope of the land drains off into the Tiber all the moisture that it receives and cannot itself absorb. The Tiber runs through the middle of the plain; it is navigable for ships, and all the grain is carried downstream to the city, at least in winter and spring. In summer the volume of water dwindles away, leaving but the name of a great river to the dried-up bed, but in the autumn it recovers its flood. You would be delighted if you could obtain a view of the district from the mountain height, for you would think you were looking not so much at earth and fields as at a beautiful landscape picture of wonderful loveliness. Such is the variety, such the arrangement of the scene, that wherever the eyes fall they are sure to be refreshed. My villa, though it lies at the foot of the hill, enjoys as fine a prospect as though it stood on the summit; the ascent is so gentle and easy, and the gradient so unnoticeable, that you find yourself at the top without feeling that you are ascending. The Apennines lie behind it, but at a considerable distance, and even on a cloudless and still day it gets a breeze from this range, never boisterous and rough, for its strength is broken and lost in the distance it has to travel. Most of the house faces south; in summer it gets the sun from the sixth hour, and in winter considerably earlier, inviting it as it were into the portico, which is broad and long to correspond, and contains a number of apartments and an old-fashioned hall. In front, there is a terrace laid out in different patterns and bounded with an edging of box; then comes a sloping ridge with figures of animals on both sides cut out of the box-trees, while on the level ground stands an acanthus-tree, with leaves so soft that I might almost call them liquid. Round this is a walk bordered by evergreens pressed and trimmed into various shapes; then comes an exercise ground, round like a circus, which surrounds the box-trees that are cut into different forms, and the dwarf shrubs that are kept clipped. Everything is protected by an enclosure, which is hidden and withdrawn from sight by the tiers of box-trees. Beyond is a meadow, as well worth seeing for its natural charm as the features just described are for their artificial beauty, and beyond that there stretches an expanse of fields and a number of other meadows and thickets. At the head of the portico there runs out the dining-room, from the doors of which can be seen the end of the terrace with the meadow and a good expanse of country beyond it, while from the windows the view on the one hand commands one side of the terrace and the part of the villa which juts out, and on the other the grove and foliage of the adjoining riding-school. Almost opposite to the middle of the portico is a summer-house standing back a little, with a small open space in the middle shaded by four plane-trees. Among them is a marble fountain, from which the water plays upon and lightly sprinkles the roots of the plane-trees and the grass plot beneath them. In this summer-house there is a bed-chamber which excludes all light, noise, and sound, and adjoining it is a dining-room for my friends, which faces upon the small court and the other portico, and commands the view enjoyed by the latter. There is another bed-chamber, which is leafy and shaded by the nearest plane-tree and built of marble up to the balcony; above is a picture of a tree with birds perched in the branches equally beautiful with the marble. Here there is a small fountain with a basin around the latter, and the water runs into it from a number of small pipes, which produce a most agreeable sound. In the corner of the portico is a spacious bed-chamber leading out of the dining-room, some of its windows looking out upon the terrace, others upon the meadow, while the windows in front face the fish-pond which lies just beneath them, and is pleasant both to eye and ear, as the water falls from a considerable elevation and glistens white as it is caught in the marble basin. This bed-chamber is beautifully warm even in winter, for it is flooded with an abundance of sunshine. The heating chamber for the bath adjoins it, and on a cloudy day we turn in steam to take the place of the sun's warmth. Next comes a roomy and cheerful undressing room for the bath, from which you pass into a cool chamber containing a large and shady swimming bath. If you prefer more room or warmer water to swim in, there is a pond in the court with a well adjoining it, from which you can make the water colder when you are tired of the warm. Adjoining the cold bath is one of medium warmth, for the sun shines lavishly upon it, but not so much as upon the hot bath which is built farther out. There are three sets of steps leading to it, two exposed to the sun, and the third out of the sun though quite as light. Above the dressing-room is a ball court where various kinds of exercise can be taken, and a number of games can be played at once. Not far from the bath-room is a staircase leading to a covered passage, at the head of which are three rooms, one looking out upon the courtyard with the four plane-trees, the second upon the meadow, and the third upon the vineyards, so each therefore enjoys a different view. At the end of the passage is a bed-chamber constructed out of the passage itself, which looks out upon the riding-course, the vineyards, and the mountains. Connected with it is another bed-chamber open to the sun, and especially so in winter time. Leading out of this is an apartment which adjoins the riding-course of the villa. Such is the appearance and the use to which the front of my house is put. At the side is a raised covered gallery, which seems not so much to look out upon the vineyards as to touch them; in the middle is a dining-room which gets the invigorating breezes from the valleys of the Apennines, while at the other side, through the spacious windows and the folding doors, you seem to be close upon the vineyards again with the gallery between. On the side of the room where there are no windows is a private winding staircase by which the servants bring up the requisites for a meal. At the end of the gallery is a bed-chamber, and the gallery itself affords as pleasant a prospect from there as the vineyards. Underneath runs a sort of subterranean gallery, which in summer time remains perfectly cool, and as it has sufficient air within it, it neither admits any from without nor needs any. Next to both these galleries the portico commences where the dining-room ends, and this is cold before mid-day, and summery when the sun has reached his zenith. This gives the approach to two apartments, one of which contains four beds and the other three, and they are bathed in sunshine or steeped in shadow, according to the position of the sun. But though the arrangements of the house itself are charming, they are far and away surpassed by the riding-course. It is quite open in the centre, and the moment you enter your eye ranges over the whole of it. Around its borders are plane-trees clothed with ivy, and so while the foliage at the top belongs to the trees themselves, that on the lower parts belongs to the ivy, which creeps along the trunk and branches, and spreading across to the neighbouring trees, joins them together. Between the plane-trees are box shrubs, and on the farther side of the shrubs is a ring of laurels which mingle their shade with that of the plane-trees. At the far end, the straight boundary of the riding-course is curved into semi-circular form, which quite changes its appearance. It is enclosed and covered with cypress-trees, the deeper shade of which makes it darker and gloomier than at the sides, but the inner circles - for there are more than one - are quite open to the sunshine. Even roses grow there, and the warmth of the sun is delightful as a change from the cool of the shade. When you come to the end of these various winding alleys, the boundary again runs straight, or should I say boundaries, for there are a number of paths with box shrubs between them. In places there are grass plots intervening, in others box shrubs, which are trimmed to a great variety of patterns, some of them being cut into letters forming my name as owner and that of the gardener. Here and there are small pyramids and apple-trees, and now and then in the midst of all this graceful artificial work you suddenly come upon what looks like a real bit of the country planted there. The intervening space is beautified on both sides with dwarf plane-trees; beyond these is the acanthus-tree that is supple and flexible to the hand, and there are more boxwood figures and names. At the upper end is a couch of white marble covered with a vine, the latter being supported by four small pillars of Carystian marble. Jets of water flow from the couch through small pipes and look as if they were forced out by the weight of persons reclining thereon, and the water is caught in a stone cistern and then retained in a graceful marble basin, regulated by pipes out of sight, so that the basin, while always full, never overflows. The heavier dishes and plates are placed at the side of the basin when I dine there, but the lighter ones, formed into the shapes of little boats and birds, float on the surface and travel round and round. Facing this is a fountain which receives back the water it expels, for the water is thrown up to a considerable height and then falls down again, and the pipes that perform the two processes are connected. Directly opposite the couch is a bed-chamber, and each lends a grace to the other. It is formed of glistening marble, and through the projecting folding doors you pass at once among the foliage, while both from the upper and lower windows you look out upon the same green picture. Within is a little cabinet which seems to belong at once to the same and yet another bed-chamber. This contains a bed and it has windows on every side, yet the shade is so thick outside that very little light enters, for a wonderfully luxuriant vine has climbed up to the roof and covers the whole building. You can fancy you are in a grove as you lie there, only that you do not feel the rain as you do among trees. Here too a fountain rises and immediately loses itself underground. There are a number of marble chairs placed up and down, which are as restful for persons tired with walking as the bed-chamber itself. Near these chairs are little fountains, and throughout the whole riding-course you hear the murmur of tiny streams carried through pipes, which run wherever you please to direct them. These are used to water the shrubs, sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, and at other times all are watered together. I should long since have been afraid of boring you, had I not set out in this letter to take you with me round every corner of my estate. For I am not at all apprehensive that you will find it tedious to read about a place which certainly would not tire you to look at, especially as you can get a little rest whenever you desire, and can sit down, so to speak, by laying down the letter. Moreover, I have been indulging my affection for the place, for I am greatly attached to anything that is mainly the work of my own hands or that someone else has begun and I have taken up. In short - for there is no reason is there? why I should not be frank with you, whether my judgments are sound or unsound - I consider that it is the first duty of a writer to select the title of his work and constantly ask himself what he has begun to write about. He may be sure that so long as he keeps to his subject-matter he will not be tedious, but that he will bore his readers to distraction if he starts dragging in extraneous matter to make weight. Observe the length with which Homer describes the arms of Achilles, and Virgil the arms of Aeneas - yet in both cases the description seems short, because the author only carries out what he intended to. Observe how Aratus hunts up and brings together even the tiniest stars - yet he does not exceed due limits. For his description is not an excursus, but the end and aim of the whole work. It is the same with myself, if I may compare my lowly efforts with their great ones. I have been trying to give you a bird's eye view of the whole of my villa, and if I have introduced no extraneous matter and have never wandered off my subject, it is not the letter containing the description which is to be considered of excessive size, but rather the villa which has been described. However, let me get back to the point I started from, lest I give you an opportunity of justly condemning me by my own law, by not pursuing this digression any farther. I have explained to you why I prefer my Tuscan house to my other places at Tusculum, Tibur and Praeneste. For in addition to all the beauties I have described above, my repose here is more profound and more comfortable, and therefore all the freer from anxiety. There is no necessity to don the toga, no neighbour ever calls to drag me out; everything is placid and quiet; and this peace adds to the healthiness of the place, by giving it, so to speak, a purer sky and a more liquid air. I enjoy better health both in mind and body here than anywhere else, for I exercise the former by study and the latter by hunting. Besides, there is no place where my household keep in better trim, and up to the present I have not lost a single one of all whom I brought with me. I hope Heaven will forgive the boast, and that the gods will continue my happiness to me and preserve this place in all its beauty. Farewell. |
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86. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.11, 5.6, 5.6.45, 6.30.4, 7.3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23, 41, 111, 268 | 4.11. To Cornelius Minicianus. Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus is teaching rhetoric in Sicily? I do not think you can have done, for the news is quite fresh. He is of praetorian rank, and he used at one time to be considered one of our most eloquent pleaders at the bar, but now he has fallen so low that he is an exile instead of being a senator, and a mere teacher of rhetoric instead of being a prominent advocate. Consequently in his opening remarks he exclaimed, sorrowfully and solemnly You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch. His mind was set upon burying alive Cornelia, the chief of the Vestal Virgins, as he thought to make his age memorable by such an example of severity, and, using his authority as pontifex maximus, or rather exercising the cruelty of a tyrant and the wanton caprice of a ruler, he summoned the rest of the pontiffs not to the Palace but to his Villa at Alba. There, with a wickedness just as monstrous as the crime which he pretended to be punishing, he declared her guilty of incest, without summoning her before him and giving her a hearing, though he himself had not only committed incest with his brother's daughter but had even caused her death, for she died of abortion during her widowhood. He immediately despatched some of the pontiffs to see that his victim was buried alive and put to death. Cornelia invoked in turns the aid of Vesta and of the rest of the deities, and amid her many cries this was repeated most frequently Moreover, when Celer, the Roman knight who was accused of having intrigued with Cornelia, was being scourged with rods in the forum, he did nothing but cry out, "What have I done? I have done nothing." Consequently Domitian's evil reputation for cruelty and injustice blazed up on all hands. He fastened upon Licinianus for hiding a freedwoman of Cornelia on one of his farms. Licinianus was advised by his friends who interested themselves on his behalf to take refuge in making a confession and beg for pardon, if he wished to escape being flogged in the forum, and he did so. Herennius Senecio spoke for him in his absence very much in the words of Homer, "Patroclus is fallen;" ** for he said, "Instead of being an advocate, I am the bearer of news You see how careful I am to obey your wishes, as I not only give you the news of the town, but news from abroad, and minutely trace a story from its very beginning. I took for granted that, as you were away from Rome at the time, all you heard of Licinianus was that he had been banished for incest. For rumour only gives one the gist of the matter, not the various stages through which it passes. Surely I deserve that you should return the compliment and write and tell me what is going on in your town and neighbourhood, for something worthy of note is always happening. But say what you will, provided you give me the news in as long a letter as I have written to you. I shall count up not only the pages, but the lines and the syllables. Farewell. 5.6. To Domitius Apollinaris. I was charmed with the kind consideration which led you, when you heard that I was about to visit my Tuscan villa in the summer, to advise me not to do so during the season when you consider the district unhealthy. Undoubtedly, the region along the Tuscan coast is trying and dangerous to the health, but my property lies well back from the sea; indeed, it is just under the Apennines, which are the healthiest of our mountain ranges. However, that you may not have the slightest anxiety on my account, let me tell you all about the climatic conditions, the lie of the land, and the charms of my villa. It will be as pleasant reading for you as it is pleasant writing for me. In winter the air is cold and frosty The contour of the district is most beautiful. Picture to yourself an immense amphitheatre, such as only Nature can create, with a wide-spreading plain ringed with hills, and the summits of the hills themselves covered with tall and ancient forests. There is plentiful and varied hunting to be had. Down the mountain slopes there are stretches of timber woods, and among these are rich, deep-soiled hillocks - where if you look for a stone you will have hard work to find one - which are just as fertile as the most level plains, and ripen just as rich harvests, though later in the season. Below these, along the whole hillsides, stretch the vineyards which present an unbroken line far and wide, on the borders and lowest level of which comes a fringe of trees. Then you reach the meadows and the fields - fields which only the most powerful oxen and the stoutest ploughs can turn. The soil is so tough and composed of such thick clods that when it is first broken up it has to be furrowed nine times before it is subdued. The meadows are jewelled with flowers, and produce trefoil and other herbs, always tender and soft, and looking as though they were always fresh. For all parts are well nourished by never-failing streams, and even where there is most water there are no swamps, for the slope of the land drains off into the Tiber all the moisture that it receives and cannot itself absorb. The Tiber runs through the middle of the plain; it is navigable for ships, and all the grain is carried downstream to the city, at least in winter and spring. In summer the volume of water dwindles away, leaving but the name of a great river to the dried-up bed, but in the autumn it recovers its flood. You would be delighted if you could obtain a view of the district from the mountain height, for you would think you were looking not so much at earth and fields as at a beautiful landscape picture of wonderful loveliness. Such is the variety, such the arrangement of the scene, that wherever the eyes fall they are sure to be refreshed. My villa, though it lies at the foot of the hill, enjoys as fine a prospect as though it stood on the summit; the ascent is so gentle and easy, and the gradient so unnoticeable, that you find yourself at the top without feeling that you are ascending. The Apennines lie behind it, but at a considerable distance, and even on a cloudless and still day it gets a breeze from this range, never boisterous and rough, for its strength is broken and lost in the distance it has to travel. Most of the house faces south; in summer it gets the sun from the sixth hour, and in winter considerably earlier, inviting it as it were into the portico, which is broad and long to correspond, and contains a number of apartments and an old-fashioned hall. In front, there is a terrace laid out in different patterns and bounded with an edging of box; then comes a sloping ridge with figures of animals on both sides cut out of the box-trees, while on the level ground stands an acanthus-tree, with leaves so soft that I might almost call them liquid. Round this is a walk bordered by evergreens pressed and trimmed into various shapes; then comes an exercise ground, round like a circus, which surrounds the box-trees that are cut into different forms, and the dwarf shrubs that are kept clipped. Everything is protected by an enclosure, which is hidden and withdrawn from sight by the tiers of box-trees. Beyond is a meadow, as well worth seeing for its natural charm as the features just described are for their artificial beauty, and beyond that there stretches an expanse of fields and a number of other meadows and thickets. At the head of the portico there runs out the dining-room, from the doors of which can be seen the end of the terrace with the meadow and a good expanse of country beyond it, while from the windows the view on the one hand commands one side of the terrace and the part of the villa which juts out, and on the other the grove and foliage of the adjoining riding-school. Almost opposite to the middle of the portico is a summer-house standing back a little, with a small open space in the middle shaded by four plane-trees. Among them is a marble fountain, from which the water plays upon and lightly sprinkles the roots of the plane-trees and the grass plot beneath them. In this summer-house there is a bed-chamber which excludes all light, noise, and sound, and adjoining it is a dining-room for my friends, which faces upon the small court and the other portico, and commands the view enjoyed by the latter. There is another bed-chamber, which is leafy and shaded by the nearest plane-tree and built of marble up to the balcony; above is a picture of a tree with birds perched in the branches equally beautiful with the marble. Here there is a small fountain with a basin around the latter, and the water runs into it from a number of small pipes, which produce a most agreeable sound. In the corner of the portico is a spacious bed-chamber leading out of the dining-room, some of its windows looking out upon the terrace, others upon the meadow, while the windows in front face the fish-pond which lies just beneath them, and is pleasant both to eye and ear, as the water falls from a considerable elevation and glistens white as it is caught in the marble basin. This bed-chamber is beautifully warm even in winter, for it is flooded with an abundance of sunshine. The heating chamber for the bath adjoins it, and on a cloudy day we turn in steam to take the place of the sun's warmth. Next comes a roomy and cheerful undressing room for the bath, from which you pass into a cool chamber containing a large and shady swimming bath. If you prefer more room or warmer water to swim in, there is a pond in the court with a well adjoining it, from which you can make the water colder when you are tired of the warm. Adjoining the cold bath is one of medium warmth, for the sun shines lavishly upon it, but not so much as upon the hot bath which is built farther out. There are three sets of steps leading to it, two exposed to the sun, and the third out of the sun though quite as light. Above the dressing-room is a ball court where various kinds of exercise can be taken, and a number of games can be played at once. Not far from the bath-room is a staircase leading to a covered passage, at the head of which are three rooms, one looking out upon the courtyard with the four plane-trees, the second upon the meadow, and the third upon the vineyards, so each therefore enjoys a different view. At the end of the passage is a bed-chamber constructed out of the passage itself, which looks out upon the riding-course, the vineyards, and the mountains. Connected with it is another bed-chamber open to the sun, and especially so in winter time. Leading out of this is an apartment which adjoins the riding-course of the villa. Such is the appearance and the use to which the front of my house is put. At the side is a raised covered gallery, which seems not so much to look out upon the vineyards as to touch them; in the middle is a dining-room which gets the invigorating breezes from the valleys of the Apennines, while at the other side, through the spacious windows and the folding doors, you seem to be close upon the vineyards again with the gallery between. On the side of the room where there are no windows is a private winding staircase by which the servants bring up the requisites for a meal. At the end of the gallery is a bed-chamber, and the gallery itself affords as pleasant a prospect from there as the vineyards. Underneath runs a sort of subterranean gallery, which in summer time remains perfectly cool, and as it has sufficient air within it, it neither admits any from without nor needs any. Next to both these galleries the portico commences where the dining-room ends, and this is cold before mid-day, and summery when the sun has reached his zenith. This gives the approach to two apartments, one of which contains four beds and the other three, and they are bathed in sunshine or steeped in shadow, according to the position of the sun. But though the arrangements of the house itself are charming, they are far and away surpassed by the riding-course. It is quite open in the centre, and the moment you enter your eye ranges over the whole of it. Around its borders are plane-trees clothed with ivy, and so while the foliage at the top belongs to the trees themselves, that on the lower parts belongs to the ivy, which creeps along the trunk and branches, and spreading across to the neighbouring trees, joins them together. Between the plane-trees are box shrubs, and on the farther side of the shrubs is a ring of laurels which mingle their shade with that of the plane-trees. At the far end, the straight boundary of the riding-course is curved into semi-circular form, which quite changes its appearance. It is enclosed and covered with cypress-trees, the deeper shade of which makes it darker and gloomier than at the sides, but the inner circles - for there are more than one - are quite open to the sunshine. Even roses grow there, and the warmth of the sun is delightful as a change from the cool of the shade. When you come to the end of these various winding alleys, the boundary again runs straight, or should I say boundaries, for there are a number of paths with box shrubs between them. In places there are grass plots intervening, in others box shrubs, which are trimmed to a great variety of patterns, some of them being cut into letters forming my name as owner and that of the gardener. Here and there are small pyramids and apple-trees, and now and then in the midst of all this graceful artificial work you suddenly come upon what looks like a real bit of the country planted there. The intervening space is beautified on both sides with dwarf plane-trees; beyond these is the acanthus-tree that is supple and flexible to the hand, and there are more boxwood figures and names. At the upper end is a couch of white marble covered with a vine, the latter being supported by four small pillars of Carystian marble. Jets of water flow from the couch through small pipes and look as if they were forced out by the weight of persons reclining thereon, and the water is caught in a stone cistern and then retained in a graceful marble basin, regulated by pipes out of sight, so that the basin, while always full, never overflows. The heavier dishes and plates are placed at the side of the basin when I dine there, but the lighter ones, formed into the shapes of little boats and birds, float on the surface and travel round and round. Facing this is a fountain which receives back the water it expels, for the water is thrown up to a considerable height and then falls down again, and the pipes that perform the two processes are connected. Directly opposite the couch is a bed-chamber, and each lends a grace to the other. It is formed of glistening marble, and through the projecting folding doors you pass at once among the foliage, while both from the upper and lower windows you look out upon the same green picture. Within is a little cabinet which seems to belong at once to the same and yet another bed-chamber. This contains a bed and it has windows on every side, yet the shade is so thick outside that very little light enters, for a wonderfully luxuriant vine has climbed up to the roof and covers the whole building. You can fancy you are in a grove as you lie there, only that you do not feel the rain as you do among trees. Here too a fountain rises and immediately loses itself underground. There are a number of marble chairs placed up and down, which are as restful for persons tired with walking as the bed-chamber itself. Near these chairs are little fountains, and throughout the whole riding-course you hear the murmur of tiny streams carried through pipes, which run wherever you please to direct them. These are used to water the shrubs, sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, and at other times all are watered together. I should long since have been afraid of boring you, had I not set out in this letter to take you with me round every corner of my estate. For I am not at all apprehensive that you will find it tedious to read about a place which certainly would not tire you to look at, especially as you can get a little rest whenever you desire, and can sit down, so to speak, by laying down the letter. Moreover, I have been indulging my affection for the place, for I am greatly attached to anything that is mainly the work of my own hands or that someone else has begun and I have taken up. In short - for there is no reason is there? why I should not be frank with you, whether my judgments are sound or unsound - I consider that it is the first duty of a writer to select the title of his work and constantly ask himself what he has begun to write about. He may be sure that so long as he keeps to his subject-matter he will not be tedious, but that he will bore his readers to distraction if he starts dragging in extraneous matter to make weight. Observe the length with which Homer describes the arms of Achilles, and Virgil the arms of Aeneas - yet in both cases the description seems short, because the author only carries out what he intended to. Observe how Aratus hunts up and brings together even the tiniest stars - yet he does not exceed due limits. For his description is not an excursus, but the end and aim of the whole work. It is the same with myself, if I may compare my lowly efforts with their great ones. I have been trying to give you a bird's eye view of the whole of my villa, and if I have introduced no extraneous matter and have never wandered off my subject, it is not the letter containing the description which is to be considered of excessive size, but rather the villa which has been described. However, let me get back to the point I started from, lest I give you an opportunity of justly condemning me by my own law, by not pursuing this digression any farther. I have explained to you why I prefer my Tuscan house to my other places at Tusculum, Tibur and Praeneste. For in addition to all the beauties I have described above, my repose here is more profound and more comfortable, and therefore all the freer from anxiety. There is no necessity to don the toga, no neighbour ever calls to drag me out; everything is placid and quiet; and this peace adds to the healthiness of the place, by giving it, so to speak, a purer sky and a more liquid air. I enjoy better health both in mind and body here than anywhere else, for I exercise the former by study and the latter by hunting. Besides, there is no place where my household keep in better trim, and up to the present I have not lost a single one of all whom I brought with me. I hope Heaven will forgive the boast, and that the gods will continue my happiness to me and preserve this place in all its beauty. Farewell. |
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| 87. Tertullian, The Soul'S Testimony, 2.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 264 |
| 88. Apuleius, Apology, 1.1, 4.1, 4.12, 5.1-5.2, 55.10, 55.12, 65.8, 67.5, 72.1, 72.3, 73.2, 76.5, 85.2, 95.5, 96.5-96.6, 98.2, 98.8, 99.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 238, 239, 244, 250, 253, 255 |
| 89. Apuleius, Florida, 8.2, 9.10, 9.13, 9.25-9.27, 16.1, 20.10, 22.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 243, 244, 255, 259, 261, 268 |
90. Origen, Against Celsus, 8.24-8.28 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 291 | 8.24. Let us now see on what grounds Celsus urges us to make use of the idol offerings and the public sacrifices in the public feasts. His words are, If these idols are nothing, what harm will there be in taking part in the feast? On the other hand, if they are demons, it is certain that they too are God's creatures, and that we must believe in them, sacrifice to them according to the laws, and pray to them that they may be propitious. In reference to this statement, it would be profitable for us to take up and clearly explain the whole passage of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, in which Paul treats of offerings to idols. The apostle draws from the fact that an idol is nothing in the world, the consequence that it is injurious to use things offered to idols; and he shows to those who have ears to hear on such subjects, that he who partakes of things offered to idols is worse than a murderer, for he destroys his own brethren, for whom Christ died. And further, he maintains that the sacrifices are made to demons; and from that he proceeds to show that those who join the table of demons become associated with the demons; and he concludes that a man cannot both be a partaker of the table of the Lord and of the table of demons. But since it would require a whole treatise to set forth fully all that is contained on this subject in the Epistle to the Corinthians, we shall content ourselves with this brief statement of the argument; for it will be evident to any one who carefully considers what has been said, that even if idols are nothing, nevertheless it is an awful thing to join in idol festivals. And even supposing that there are such beings as demons to whom the sacrifices are offered, it has been clearly shown that we are forbidden to take part in these festivals, when we know the difference between the table of the Lord and the table of demons. And knowing this, we endeavour as much as we can to be always partakers of the Lord's table, and beware to the utmost of joining at any time the table of demons. 8.25. Celsus says that the demons belong to God, and are therefore to be believed, to be sacrificed to according to laws, and to be prayed to that they may be propitious. Those who are disposed to learn, must know that the word of God nowhere says of evil things that they belong to God, for it judges them unworthy of such a Lord. Accordingly, it is not all men who bear the name of men of God, but only those who are worthy of God - such as Moses and Elias, and any others who are so called, or such as resemble those who are so called in Scripture. In the same way, all angels are not said to be angels of God, but only those that are blessed: those that have fallen away into sin are called angels of the devil, just as bad men are called men of sin, sons of perdition, or sons of iniquity. Since, then, among men some are good and others bad, and the former are said to be God's and the latter the devil's, so among angels some are angels of God, and others angels of the devil. But among demons there is no such distinction, for all are said to be wicked. We do not therefore hesitate to say that Celsus is false when he says, If they are demons, it is evident that they must also belong to God. He must either show that this distinction of good and bad among angels and men has no foundation, or else that a similar distinction may be shown to hold among demons. If that is impossible, it is plain that demons do not belong to God; for their prince is not God, but, as holy Scripture says, Beelzebub. 8.26. And we are not to believe in demons, although Celsus urges us to do so; but if we are to obey God, we must die, or endure anything, sooner than obey demons. In the same way, we are not to propitiate demons; for it is impossible to propitiate beings that are wicked and that seek the injury of men. Besides, what are the laws in accordance with which Celsus would have us propitiate the demons? For if he means laws enacted in states, he must show that they are in agreement with the divine laws. But if that cannot be done, as the laws of many states are quite inconsistent with each other, these laws, therefore, must of necessity either be no laws at all in the proper sense of the word, or else the enactments of wicked men; and these we must not obey, for we must obey God rather than men. Away, then, with this counsel, which Celsus gives us, to offer prayer to demons: it is not to be listened to for a moment; for our duty is to pray to the Most High God alone, and to the Only-begotten, the First-born of the whole creation, and to ask Him as our High Priest to present the prayers which ascend to Him from us, to His God and our God, to His Father and the Father of those who direct their lives according to His word. And as we would have no desire to enjoy the favour of those men who wish us to follow their wicked lives, and who give us their favour only on condition that we choose nothing opposed to their wishes, because their favour would make us enemies of God, who cannot be pleased with those who have such men for their friends - in the same way those who are acquainted with the nature, the purposes, and the wickedness of demons, can never wish to obtain their favour. 8.27. And Christians have nothing to fear, even if demons should not be well-disposed to them; for they are protected by the Supreme God, who is well pleased with their piety, and who sets His divine angels to watch over those who are worthy of such guardianship, so that they can suffer nothing from demons. He who by his piety possesses the favour of the Most High, who has accepted the guidance of Jesus, the Angel of the great counsel, being well contented with the favour of God through Christ Jesus, may say with confidence that he has nothing to suffer from the whole host of demons. The Lord is my light and my salvation; whom shall I fear? The Lord is the strength of my life; of whom shall I be afraid? Though an host should encamp against me, my heart shall not fear. So much, then, in reply to those statements of Celsus: If they are demons, they too evidently belong to God, and they are to be believed, to be sacrificed to according to the laws, and prayers are to be offered to them that they may be propitious. 8.28. We shall now proceed to the next statement of Celsus, and examine it with care: If in obedience to the traditions of their fathers they abstain from such victims, they must also abstain from all animal food, in accordance with the opinions of Pythagoras, who thus showed his respect for the soul and its bodily organs. But if, as they say, they abstain that they may not eat along with demons, I admire their wisdom, in having at length discovered, that whenever they eat they eat with demons, although they only refuse to do so when they are looking upon a slain victim; for when they eat bread, or drink wine, or taste fruits, do they not receive these things, as well as the water they drink and the air they breathe, from certain demons, to whom have been assigned these different provinces of nature? Here I would observe that I cannot see how those whom he speaks of as abstaining from certain victims, in accordance with the traditions of their fathers, are consequently bound to abstain from the flesh of all animals. We do not indeed deny that the divine word does seem to command something similar to this, when to raise us to a higher and purer life it says, It is good neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine, nor anything whereby your brother stumbles, or is offended, or is made weak; and again, Destroy not him with your meat, for whom Christ died; and again, If meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world stands, lest I make my brother to offend. |
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| 91. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.67 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42 |
| 92. Menander of Laodicea, Rhet., 2.398 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 247 |
| 93. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.724 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 262 |
| 94. Salvian of Marseilles, De Gubernatione Dei, 7.17-7.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 270 |
| 95. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 1.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24 |
| 96. Prudentius, On The Crown of Martyrdom, 14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 288 |
| 97. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 17.7-17.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 257 |
| 98. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 27.1-27.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 262 |
| 99. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 37 |
| 100. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 17.7-17.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 257 |
| 101. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 289 |
| 102. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 289 |
| 103. Claudianus, In Rufinium Libri Ii, 1.249 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 220 |
| 104. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 22.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33 |
| 105. Claudianus, De Consulatu Stilichonis, 2.339-2.361, 2.365-2.376, 2.407 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 220, 229, 230, 231, 232, 236, 237 |
| 106. Claudianus, In Consulatum Olybrii Et Probini, 206, 205 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 237 |
| 107. Claudianus, In Eutropium Libri Ii, 1.8-1.10, 1.26-1.29, 1.35, 1.224-1.228, 1.300-1.307, 2.223-2.224 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 221, 222, 223 |
| 108. Justinian, Digest, 34.2 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 291 |
| 109. Lydus Johannes Laurentius, De Mensibus, 4.29, 4.65 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44, 289 |
| 110. Sidonius Apollinaris, Carmina, 15.158-15.159 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 230, 231 |
| 111. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 19.24.6, 19.24.8, 19.34.4 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42, 43, 235 |
| 112. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 268, 269 |
| 113. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.12.3, 2.40.2 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 34, 46 |
114. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.8, 1.229-1.296, 1.474, 7.187-7.188, 7.440-7.444, 8.642, 8.666, 8.682, 8.722-8.726 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 21, 39, 40, 103, 108, 235, 236, 262, 286 | 1.8. the city, and bring o'er his fathers' gods 1.230. Hither Aeneas of his scattered fleet 1.231. aving but seven, into harbor sailed; 1.232. with passionate longing for the touch of land, 1.233. forth leap the Trojans to the welcome shore, 1.234. and fling their dripping limbs along the ground. 1.235. Then good Achates smote a flinty stone, 1.236. ecured a flashing spark, heaped on light leaves, 1.237. and with dry branches nursed the mounting flame. 1.238. Then Ceres' gift from the corrupting sea 1.239. they bring away; and wearied utterly 1.240. ply Ceres' cunning on the rescued corn, 1.241. and parch in flames, and mill 'twixt two smooth stones. 1.242. Aeneas meanwhile climbed the cliffs, and searched 1.243. the wide sea-prospect; haply Antheus there, 1.244. torm-buffeted, might sail within his ken, 1.245. with biremes, and his Phrygian mariners, 1.246. or Capys or Caicus armor-clad, 1.247. upon a towering deck. No ship is seen; 1.248. but while he looks, three stags along the shore 1.249. come straying by, and close behind them comes 1.250. the whole herd, browsing through the lowland vale 1.251. in one long line. Aeneas stopped and seized 1.252. his bow and swift-winged arrows, which his friend, 1.253. trusty Achates, close beside him bore. 1.254. His first shafts brought to earth the lordly heads 1.255. of the high-antlered chiefs; his next assailed 1.256. the general herd, and drove them one and all 1.257. in panic through the leafy wood, nor ceased 1.258. the victory of his bow, till on the ground 1.259. lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260. Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends 1.261. distributed the spoil, with that rare wine 1.262. which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.263. had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away 1.264. with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; 1.266. “Companions mine, we have not failed to feel 1.267. calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268. far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269. also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by 1.270. infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. 1.271. Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! 1.272. No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273. ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274. Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275. our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276. beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277. that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 1.280. feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore, 1.281. and locked within his heart a hero's pain. 1.282. Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, 1.474. no Tyrian lord could match, and he was-blessed 7.187. looked o'er the world, they took their separate ways, 7.188. exploring shore and towns; here spread the pools 7.440. of ruin multiply a thousand-fold. 7.441. Arouse thy fertile breast! Go, rend in twain 7.442. this plighted peace! Breed calumnies and sow 7.443. causes of battle, till yon warrior hosts 8.642. and crimes unspeakable the despot wrought? 8.666. the bloom and glory of an ancient race, 8.682. is half Italian-born. Thyself art he, 8.722. what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723. hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725. He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726. Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire |
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115. Vergil, Georgics, 1.466-1.492 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 221| 1.466. Ille etiam exstincto miseratus Caesare Romam, 1.467. cum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit 1.468. inpiaque aeternam timuerunt saecula noctem. 1.469. Tempore quamquam illo tellus quoque et aequora ponti 1.470. obscenaeque canes inportunaeque volucres 1.471. signa dabant. Quotiens Cyclopum effervere in agros 1.472. vidimus undantem ruptis fornacibus Aetnam 1.473. flammarumque globos liquefactaque volvere saxa! 1.474. Armorum sonitum toto Germania caelo 1.475. audiit, insolitis tremuerunt motibus Alpes. 1.476. Vox quoque per lucos volgo exaudita silentis 1.477. ingens et simulacra modis pallentia miris 1.478. visa sub obscurum noctis, pecudesque locutae, 1.479. infandum! sistunt amnes terraeque dehiscunt 1.480. et maestum inlacrimat templis ebur aeraque sudant. 1.481. Proluit insano contorquens vertice silvas 1.482. fluviorum rex Eridanus camposque per omnis 1.483. cum stabulis armenta tulit. Nec tempore eodem 1.484. tristibus aut extis fibrae adparere minaces 1.485. aut puteis manare cruor cessavit et altae 1.486. per noctem resonare lupis ululantibus urbes. 1.487. Non alias caelo ceciderunt plura sereno 1.488. fulgura nec diri totiens arsere cometae. 1.489. ergo inter sese paribus concurrere telis 1.490. Romanas acies iterum videre Philippi; 1.491. nec fuit indignum superis, bis sanguine nostro 1.492. Emathiam et latos Haemi pinguescere campos. | |
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| 116. Corippus, De Laudibus Justini Augusti, 4.10 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 237 |
| 117. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 1.140 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 236 |
| 118. Epigraphy, Ae, 1972.174, 1974.618, 1978.715 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 38, 41, 45 |
| 119. Gellius Aulus, N.A., 6.12, 6.12.3, 13.22.1 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33, 36, 44, 45 |
| 120. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 121. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Macrianus, 12 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 274, 289 |
| 122. Porphyry, Schol. Ad Hor. Sat., 1.2.63 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 41, 42 |
| 123. Asconius, Ad Ciceronis Pro Scauro, 29 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 124. Epigraphy, Roman Statutes, 25 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43, 44 |
| 125. Claudian, De Iv Consulatu Honorii, 212-240, 242-419, 565-610, 652-656, 241 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 236 |
| 126. Claudian, De Vi Consulatu Honorii, 641-642, 563 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 236 |
| 127. Cicero, In Verrem Act. Ii, 5.13.31, 5.33.86 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 35, 45 |
| 128. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 41, 43, 44, 251, 253 |
| 129. Claudian, De Iii Consulatu Honorii, 202-211, 5, 201 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 227 |
| 130. Plutarch, Cato Major, 18 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32 |
| 131. Claudian, Praefatio Ad In Eutropium, 2.10 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 223 |
| 132. Cicero, Fr.12 Courtney, 12 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 218 |
| 133. Duris, Elegia De Maecenate, 1.21, 1.25-1.26 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 45 |
| 134. Asconius, Ad Ciceronis In Pisonem, 4.8 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 43 |
| 135. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Tres Gordiani, 21.3 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 267 |
| 136. Papyri, P.Oxy., 471 Tagged with subjects: •dress, imperial Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 44 |
| 137. Epigraphy, Ilalg., 1363, 2115 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 255, 256 |
| 138. Pseudo-Tertullian, Martyrdom of Perpetua And Felicitas, 18.4-18.6, 20.1-20.4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 271, 272, 273, 288 |
