1. Homer, Iliad, 7.475-7.482 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian, and the Saturnalia
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 24; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 24
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7.475 ἄλλοι δʼ ἀνδραπόδεσσι· τίθεντο δὲ δαῖτα θάλειαν. 7.476 παννύχιοι μὲν ἔπειτα κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαιοὶ 7.477 δαίνυντο, Τρῶες δὲ κατὰ πτόλιν ἠδʼ ἐπίκουροι· 7.478 παννύχιος δέ σφιν κακὰ μήδετο μητίετα Ζεὺς 7.479 σμερδαλέα κτυπέων· τοὺς δὲ χλωρὸν δέος ᾕρει· 7.480 οἶνον δʼ ἐκ δεπάων χαμάδις χέον, οὐδέ τις ἔτλη 7.481 πρὶν πιέειν πρὶν λεῖψαι ὑπερμενέϊ Κρονίωνι. 7.482 κοιμήσαντʼ ἄρʼ ἔπειτα καὶ ὕπνου δῶρον ἕλοντο.'' None | sup>
7.475 and some for slaves; and they made them a rich feast. So the whole night through the long-haired Achaeans feasted, and the Trojans likewise in the city, and their allies; and all night long Zeus, the counsellor, devised them evil, thundering in terrible wise. Then pale fear gat hold of them, 7.480 and they let the wine flow from their cups upon the ground, neither durst any man drink until he had made a drink-offering to the son of Cronos, supreme in might. Then they laid them down, and took the gift of sleep. 7.482 and they let the wine flow from their cups upon the ground, neither durst any man drink until he had made a drink-offering to the son of Cronos, supreme in might. Then they laid them down, and took the gift of sleep. '' None |
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2. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 232; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 232
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3. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
| 575a ἀλλὰ τυραννικῶς ἐν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἔρως ἐν πάσῃ ἀναρχίᾳ καὶ ἀνομίᾳ ζῶν, ἅτε αὐτὸς ὢν μόναρχος, τὸν ἔχοντά τε αὐτὸν ὥσπερ πόλιν ἄξει ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τόλμαν, ὅθεν αὑτόν τε καὶ τὸν περὶ αὑτὸν θόρυβον θρέψει, τὸν μὲν ἔξωθεν εἰσεληλυθότα ἀπὸ κακῆς ὁμιλίας, τὸν δʼ ἔνδοθεν ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν τρόπων καὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἀνεθέντα καὶ ἐλευθερωθέντα· ἢ οὐχ οὗτος ὁ βίος τοῦ τοιούτου;' ' None | 575a but the passion that dwells in him as a tyrant will live in utmost anarchy and lawlessness, and, since it is itself sole autocrat, will urge the polity, so to speak, of him in whom it dwells to dare anything and everything in order to find support for himself and the hubbub of his henchmen, in part introduced from outside by evil associations, and in part released and liberated within by the same habits of life as his. Is not this the life of such a one? It is this, he said. And if, I said, there are only a few of this kind in a city,' ' None |
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4. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 190; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 190
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5. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 377; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 377
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6. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pliny, and Domitian • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 24; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 24; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
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7. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, as god • Domitian, as “New Augustus” • Domitian, banquet of • Domitian, conquests of • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Statius, and Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 220, 263; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 207, 210; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 220, 263
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8. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 257, 278, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 257, 278, 279
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9. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 220, 342; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 220, 342
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10. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 248; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 248
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11. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 220; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 220
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12. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, Claim to divinity • Suetonius, Domitian
Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 17; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 557
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1.1 The church of God which sojourns at Rome, to the church of God sojourning at Corinth, to them that are called and sanctified by the will of God, through our Lord Jesus Christ: Grace unto you, and peace, from Almighty God through Jesus Christ, be multiplied. Owing, dear brethren, to the sudden and successive calamitous events which have happened to ourselves, we feel that we have been somewhat tardy in turning our attention to the points respecting which you consulted us; and especially to that shameful and detestable sedition, utterly abhorrent to the elect of God, which a few rash and self-confident persons have kindled to such a pitch of frenzy, that your venerable and illustrious name, worthy to be universally loved, has suffered grievous injury. For who ever dwelt even for a short time among you, and did not find your faith to be as fruitful of virtue as it was firmly established? Who did not admire the sobriety and moderation of your godliness in Christ? Who did not proclaim the magnificence of your habitual hospitality? And who did not rejoice over your perfect and well-grounded knowledge? For you did all things without respect of persons, and walked in the commandments of God, being obedient to those who had the rule over you, and giving all fitting honour to the presbyters among you. You enjoined young men to be of a sober and serious mind, you instructed your wives to do all things with a blameless, becoming, and pure conscience, loving their husbands as in duty bound; and you taught them that, living in the rule of obedience, they should manage their household affairs becomingly, and be in every respect marked by discretion. '' None |
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13. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 3.1, 3.5, 3.93 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 227; Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 47; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 73; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 161, 191
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3.5 \xa0when that man, I\xa0say, is at once a judge more observant of the law than an empanelled jury, a king of greater equity than the responsible magistrates in our cities, a general more courageous than the soldiers in the ranks, a man more assiduous in all his tasks than those who are forced to work, less covetous of luxury than those who have no means to indulge in luxury, kindlier to his subjects than a loving father to his children, more dreaded by his enemies than are the invincible and irresistible gods â\x80\x94 how can one deny that such a man's fortune is a blessing, not to himself alone, but to all others as well? <" " None |
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14. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.8, 4.197 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, and date and audience of Josephus’ works
Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 10, 12; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 13, 14
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1.8 Συνέβη δὲ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος κατὰ τὸ ἑξακοσιοστὸν ἔτος ἤδη Νώχου τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐν μηνὶ δευτέρῳ Δίῳ μὲν ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων λεγομένῳ, Μαρσουάνῃ δ' ὑπὸ ̔Εβραίων: οὕτω γὰρ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἦσαν διατεταχότες." "
1.8 ἦσαν δέ τινες, οἳ πόθῳ τῆς ἱστορίας ἐπ' αὐτήν με προύτρεπον, καὶ μάλιστα δὴ πάντων ̓Επαφρόδιτος ἀνὴρ ἅπασαν μὲν ἰδέαν παιδείας ἠγαπηκώς, διαφερόντως δὲ χαίρων ἐμπειρίαις πραγμάτων, ἅτε δὴ μεγάλοις μὲν αὐτὸς ὁμιλήσας πράγμασι καὶ τύχαις πολυτρόποις, ἐν ἅπασι δὲ θαυμαστὴν φύσεως ἐπιδειξάμενος ἰσχὺν καὶ προαίρεσιν ἀρετῆς ἀμετακίνητον." "
4.197 νενεωτέρισται δ' ἡμῖν τὸ κατὰ γένος ἕκαστα τάξαι: σποράδην γὰρ ὑπ' ἐκείνου κατελείφθη γραφέντα καὶ ὡς ἕκαστόν τι παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πύθοιτο. τούτου χάριν ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην προδιαστείλασθαι, μὴ καί τις ἡμῖν παρὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἐντυχόντων τῇ γραφῇ μέμψις ὡς διημαρτηκόσι γένηται."" None | sup>
1.8 3. This calamity happened in the six hundredth year of Noah’s government, age, in the second month, called by the Macedonians Dius, but by the Hebrews Marchesuan: for so did they order their year in Egypt.
1.8 However, some persons there were who desired to know our history, and so exhorted me to go on with it; and, above all the rest, Epaphroditus, a man who is a lover of all kind of learning, but is principally delighted with the knowledge of history, and this on account of his having been himself concerned in great affairs, and many turns of fortune, and having shown a wonderful vigor of an excellent nature, and an immovable virtuous resolution in them all.
4.197 only we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular system; for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this observation beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty of an offense herein.'' None |
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15. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.7-1.8, 4.618, 7.218-7.219 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, and date and audience of Josephus’ works • Domitian, emperor • Domitilla, wife of Domitian • Emperors and Egypt, Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 64; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 155; Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 11; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 54; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 123; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 339; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 59
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1.7 Καίτοι γε ἱστορίας αὐτὰς ἐπιγράφειν τολμῶσιν, ἐν αἷς πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς δηλοῦν καὶ τοῦ σκοποῦ δοκοῦσιν ἔμοιγε διαμαρτάνειν. βούλονται μὲν γὰρ μεγάλους τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἀποδεικνύειν, καταβάλλουσιν δὲ ἀεὶ τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ταπεινοῦσιν:
1.7 Μετὰ γὰρ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ὁ πρεσβύτερος αὐτῶν ̓Αριστόβουλος τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς βασιλείαν μετατιθεὶς περιτίθεται μὲν διάδημα πρῶτος μετὰ τετρακοσιοστὸν καὶ ἑβδομηκοστὸν πρῶτον ἔτος, πρὸς δὲ μῆνας τρεῖς, ἐξ οὗ κατῆλθεν ὁ λαὸς εἰς τὴν χώραν ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι δουλείας: 1.8 ὁ δὴ χρόνος ἐκκρούει τὸ μάντευμα.” ταῦτα εἰπὼν σκυθρωπὸς ἐπὶ συννοίας ὁ γέρων διεκαρτέρει, καὶ μετ' ὀλίγον ἀνῃρημένος ̓Αντίγονος ἠγγέλλετο κατὰ τὸ ὑπόγαιον χωρίον, ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸ Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος ὁμωνυμοῦν τῇ παραλίῳ Καισαρείᾳ. τοῦτο γοῦν τὸν μάντιν διετάραξεν." "1.8 οὐχ ὁρῶ δέ, πῶς ἂν εἶναι μεγάλοι δοκοῖεν οἱ μικροὺς νενικηκότες: καὶ οὔτε τὸ μῆκος αἰδοῦνται τοῦ πολέμου οὔτε τὸ πλῆθος τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων καμούσης στρατιᾶς οὔτε τὸ μέγεθος τῶν στρατηγῶν, οἳ πολλὰ περὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱδρώσαντες οἶμαι ταπεινουμένου τοῦ κατορθώματος αὐτοῖς ἀδοξοῦσιν.' "
4.618 καὶ ὁ μὲν πεπιστευμένος ἤδη τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν προπαρεσκεύαζεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἄφιξιν, τάχιον δ' ἐπινοίας διήγγελλον αἱ φῆμαι τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνατολῆς αὐτοκράτορα, καὶ πᾶσα μὲν πόλις ἑώρταζεν εὐαγγέλια δὲ καὶ θυσίας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐπετέλει." 7.218 φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν συνετέλουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν. 7.219 ̓́Ηδη δὲ ἔτος τέταρτον Οὐεσπασιανοῦ διέποντος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν συνέβη τὸν βασιλέα τῆς Κομμαγηνῆς ̓Αντίοχον μεγάλαις συμφοραῖς πανοικεσίᾳ περιπεσεῖν ἀπὸ τοιαύτης αἰτίας:'' None | sup>
1.7 1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery.
1.7 3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, 1.8 And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s Tower, by the same name with that Caesarea which lay by the seaside; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder. 1.8 as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.
4.618 Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey to Rome. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news;
7.218 He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time. 7.219 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this:'' None |
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16. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.33-1.45, 1.129-1.147, 1.205-1.212, 1.228, 1.303-1.305, 1.324-1.362, 1.493-1.498, 2.234-2.235, 2.315, 2.478-2.525, 5.732-5.733, 8.663-8.711, 9.336 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, and Aeneas • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 255, 261, 262, 343; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 362; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 255, 261, 262, 343
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1.33 No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease " "1.40 Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands " "1.45 Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands " 1.129 Defeat in Parthia loosed the war in Rome. More in that victory than ye thought was won, Ye sons of Arsaces; your conquered foes Took at your hands the rage of civil strife. The mighty realm that earth and sea contained, To which all peoples bowed, split by the sword, Could not find space for two. For Julia bore, Cut off by fate unpitying, the bond of that ill-omened marriage, and the pledge of blood united, to the shades below. ' "1.130 Had'st thou but longer stayed, it had been thine To keep the husband and the sire apart, And, as the Sabine women did of old, Dash down the threatening swords and join the hands. With thee all trust was buried, and the chiefs Could give their courage vent, and rushed to war. Lest newer glories triumphs past obscure, Late conquered Gaul the bays from pirates won, This, Magnus, was thy fear; thy roll of fame, of glorious deeds accomplished for the state " "1.140 Allows no equal; nor will Caesar's pride A prior rival in his triumphs brook; Which had the right 'twere impious to enquire; Each for his cause can vouch a judge supreme; The victor, heaven: the vanquished, Cato, thee. Nor were they like to like: the one in years Now verging towards decay, in times of peace Had unlearned war; but thirsting for applause Had given the people much, and proud of fame His former glory cared not to renew, " "
1.205 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " "1.209 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " '1.210 Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come,
1.228 My citizens, stay here; these are the bounds; No further dare." But Caesar\'s hair was stiff With horror as he gazed, and ghastly dread Restrained his footsteps on the further bank. Then spake he, "Thunderer, who from the rock Tarpeian seest the wall of mighty Rome; Gods of my race who watched o\'er Troy of old; Thou Jove of Alba\'s height, and Vestal fires, And rites of Romulus erst rapt to heaven, And God-like Rome; be friendly to my quest. ' "
1.303 His action just and give him cause for arms. For while Rome doubted and the tongues of men Spoke of the chiefs who won them rights of yore, The hostile Senate, in contempt of right, Drove out the Tribunes. They to Caesar's camp With Curio hasten, who of venal tongue, Bold, prompt, persuasive, had been wont to preach of Freedom to the people, and to call Upon the chiefs to lay their weapons down. And when he saw how deeply Caesar mused, " "
1.324 But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " "1.329 But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " 1.330 Thou should\'st subdue thy kinsman: share the world With him thou canst not; rule thou canst, alone." As when at Elis\' festival a horseIn stable pent gnaws at his prison bars Impatient, and should clamour from without Strike on his ear, bounds furious at restraint, So then was Caesar, eager for the fight, Stirred by the words of Curio. To the ranks He bids his soldiers; with majestic mien And hand commanding silence as they come. 1.340 Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea 1.349 Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea ' "1.350 Caesar shall fly! Fly? Though in adverse war Our best had fallen, and the savage Gaul Were hard upon our track, we would not fly. And now, when fortune smiles and kindly gods Beckon us on to glory! — Let him come Fresh from his years of peace, with all his crowd of conscript burgesses, Marcellus' tongue And Cato's empty name! We will not fly. Shall Eastern hordes and greedy hirelings keep Their loved Pompeius ever at the helm? " "1.360 Shall chariots of triumph be for him Though youth and law forbad them? Shall he seize On Rome's chief honours ne'er to be resigned? And what of harvests blighted through the world And ghastly famine made to serve his ends? Who hath forgotten how Pompeius' bands Seized on the forum, and with glittering arms Made outraged justice tremble, while their swords Hemmed in the judgment-seat where Milo stood? And now when worn and old and ripe for rest, " "
1.493 No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " "1.498 No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " 2.234 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks 2.235 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks ' "
2.315 That such a citizen has joined the war? Glad would he see thee e'en in Magnus' tents; For Cato's conduct shall approve his own. Pompeius, with the Consul in his ranks, And half the Senate and the other chiefs, Vexes my spirit; and should Cato too Bend to a master's yoke, in all the world The one man free is Caesar. But if thou For freedom and thy country's laws alone Be pleased to raise the sword, nor Magnus then " "
2.478 Nile were no larger, but that o'er the sand of level Egypt he spreads out his waves; Nor Ister, if he sought the Scythian main Unhelped upon his journey through the world By tributary waters not his own. But on the right hand Tiber has his source, Deep-flowing Rutuba, Vulturnus swift, And Sarnus breathing vapours of the night Rise there, and Liris with Vestinian wave Still gliding through Marica's shady grove, " "2.480 And Siler flowing through Salernian meads: And Macra's swift unnavigable stream By Luna lost in Ocean. On the AlpsWhose spurs strike plainwards, and on fields of Gaul The cloudy heights of Apennine look down In further distance: on his nearer slopes The Sabine turns the ploughshare; Umbrian kineAnd Marsian fatten; with his pineclad rocks He girds the tribes of Latium, nor leaves Hesperia's soil until the waves that beat " "2.490 On Scylla's cave compel. His southern spurs Extend to Juno's temple, and of old Stretched further than Italia, till the main O'erstepped his limits and the lands repelled. But, when the seas were joined, Pelorus claimed His latest summits for Sicilia's isle. Caesar, in rage for war, rejoicing found Foes in Italia; no bloodless steps Nor vacant homes had pleased him; so his march Were wasted: now the coming war was joined " "2.500 Unbroken to the past; to force the gates Not find them open, fire and sword to bring Upon the harvests, not through fields unharmed To pass his legions — this was Caesar's joy; In peaceful guise to march, this was his shame. Italia's cities, doubtful in their choice, Though to the earliest onset of the war About to yield, strengthened their walls with mounds And deepest trench encircling: massive stones And bolts of war to hurl upon the foe " "2.510 They place upon the turrets. Magnus most The people's favour held, yet faith with fear Fought in their breasts. As when, with strident blast, A southern tempest has possessed the main And all the billows follow in its track: Then, by the Storm-king smitten, should the earth Set Eurus free upon the swollen deep, It shall not yield to him, though cloud and sky Confess his strength; but in the former wind Still find its master. But their fears prevailed, " "2.520 And Caesar's fortune, o'er their wavering faith. For Libo fled Etruria; Umbria lost Her freedom, driving Thermus from her bounds; Great Sulla's son, unworthy of his sire, Feared at the name of Caesar: Varus sought The caves and woods, when smote the hostile horseThe gates of Auximon; and Spinther driven From Asculum, the victor on his track, Fled with his standards, soldierless; and thou, Scipio, did'st leave Nuceria's citadel " "
5.732 Far as from Leucas point the placid main Spreads to the horizon, from the billow's crest They viewed the dashing of th' infuriate sea; Thence sinking to the middle trough, their mast Scarce topped the watery height on either hand, Their sails in clouds, their keel upon the ground. For all the sea was piled into the waves, And drawn from depths between laid bare the sand. The master of the boat forgot his art, For fear o'ercame; he knew not where to yield " "
8.663 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " "8.669 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " '8.670 His spouse would follow, for she dared not stay, Fearing the guile. Then he, "Abide, my wife, And son, I pray you; from the shore afar Await my fortunes; mine shall be the life To test their honour." But Cornelia still Withstood his bidding, and with arms outspread Frenzied she cried: "And whither without me, Cruel, departest? Thou forbad\'st me share Thy risks Thessalian; dost again command That I should part from thee? No happy star 8.680 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer 8.689 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer ' "8.690 Kneel to the king he made. As Magnus passed, A Roman soldier from the Pharian boat, Septimius, salutes him. Gods of heaven! There stood he, minion to a barbarous king, Nor bearing still the javelin of Rome; But vile in all his arms; giant in form Fierce, brutal, thirsting as a beast may thirst For carnage. Didst thou, Fortune, for the sake of nations, spare to dread Pharsalus field This savage monster's blows? Or dost thou place " "8.700 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " "8.709 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " '8.710 Rapt to the boat was Magnus, of himself No longer master, and the miscreant crew Unsheathed their swords; which when the chieftain saw He swathed his visage, for he scorned unveiled To yield his life to fortune; closed his eyes And held his breath within him, lest some word, Or sob escaped, might mar the deathless fame His deeds had won. And when within his side Achillas plunged his blade, nor sound nor cry He gave, but calm consented to the blow 8.711 Rapt to the boat was Magnus, of himself No longer master, and the miscreant crew Unsheathed their swords; which when the chieftain saw He swathed his visage, for he scorned unveiled To yield his life to fortune; closed his eyes And held his breath within him, lest some word, Or sob escaped, might mar the deathless fame His deeds had won. And when within his side Achillas plunged his blade, nor sound nor cry He gave, but calm consented to the blow ' "
9.336 By neither battle nor blockade subdued Caesar shall give you life! O slaves most base, Your former master slain, ye seek his heir! Why doth it please you not yet more to earn Than life and pardon? Bear across the sea Metellus' daughter, Magnus' weeping spouse, And both his sons; outstrip the Pharian gift, Nor spare this head, which, laid before the feet of that detested tyrant, shall deserve A full reward. Thus, cowards, shall ye learn "" None |
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17. New Testament, 1 Peter, 4.14-4.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 46; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 630
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4.14 εἰὀνειδίζεσθεἐν ὀνόματιΧριστοῦ,μακάριοι, ὅτι τὸ τῆς δόξης καὶτὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πνεῦμα ἐφʼὑμᾶςἀναπαύεται. 4.15 μὴ γάρ τις ὑμῶν πασχέτω ὡς φονεὺς ἢ κλέπτης ἢ κακοποιὸς ἢ ὡς ἀλλοτριεπίσκοπος· 4.16 εἰ δὲ ὡς Χριστιανός, μὴ αἰσχυνέσθω, δοξαζέτω δὲ τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ.'' None | sup>
4.14 If you are insulted for the name of Christ, blessed are you; because the Spirit of glory and of God rests on you. On their part he is blasphemed, but on your part he is glorified. ' "4.15 For let none of you suffer as a murderer, or a thief, or an evil doer, or as a meddler in other men's matters. " '4.16 But if one of you suffers for being a Christian, let him not be ashamed; but let him glorify God in this matter. '' None |
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18. New Testament, Acts, 19.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Roman emperors, Domitian
Found in books: Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 161; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 758
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19.35 καταστείλας δὲ τὸν ὄχλον ὁ γραμματεύς φησιν Ἄνδρες Ἐφέσιοι, τίς γάρ ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐ γινώσκει τὴν Ἐφεσίων πόλιν νεωκόρον οὖσαν τῆς μεγάλης Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ τοῦ διοπετοῦς;'' None | sup>
19.35 When the town clerk had quieted the multitude, he said, "You men of Ephesus, what man is there who doesn\'t know that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great goddess Artemis, and of the image which fell down from Zeus? '' None |
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19. New Testament, Apocalypse, 3.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Perpetua, martyr, Domitian
Found in books: Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 41; Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 38
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3.14 Καὶ τῷ ἀγγέλῳ τῆς ἐν Λαοδικίᾳ ἐκκλησίας γράψον Τάδε λέγει ὁ Ἀμήν,ὁ μάρτυς ὁ πιστὸςκαὶ ὁ ἀληθινός,ἡ ἀρχὴ τῆς κτίσεωςτοῦ θεοῦ,'' None | sup>
3.14 "To the angel of the assembly in Laodicea write: "The Amen, the Faithful and True Witness, the Head of God\'s creation, says these things:'' None |
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20. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
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41.2 Φαώνιος δὲ τὴν Κάτωνος παρρησίαν ὑποποιούμενος, μανικῶς ἐσχετλίαζεν εἰ μηδὲ τῆτες ἔσται τῶν περὶ Τουσκλάνον ἀπολαῦσαι σύκων Διὰ τὴν Πομπηΐου φιλαρχίαν. Ἀφράνιος δὲ ʽ νεωστὶ γὰρ ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἀφῖκτο κακῶς στρατηγήσασʼ διαβαλλόμενος ἐπὶ χρήμασι προδοῦναι τὸν στρατόν, ἠρώτα Διὰ τί πρὸς τὸν ἔμπορον οὐ μάχονται τὸν ἐωνημένον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπαρχίας, ἐκ τούτων ἁπάντων συνελαυνόμενος ἄκων εἰς μάχην ὁ Πομπήϊος ἐχώρει τὸν Καίσαρα διώκων.'' None | sup>
41.2 '' None |
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21. Plutarch, Pompey, 67.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
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67.3 Δομέτιος δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀηνόβαρβος Ἀγαμέμνονα καλῶν καὶ βασιλέα βασιλέων ἐπίφθονον ἐποίει. καὶ Φαώνιος οὐχ ἧττον ἦν ἀηδὴς τῶν παρρησιαζομένων· ἀκαίρως ἐν τῷ σκώπτειν, ἄνθρωποι, βοῶν, οὐδὲ τῆτες ἔσται τῶν ἐν Τουσκλάνῳ σύκων μεταλαβεῖν; Λεύκιος δὲ Ἀφράνιος ὁ τὰς ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ δυνάμεις ἀποβαλὼν ἐν αἰτίᾳ προδοσίας γεγονώς, τότε δὲ τὸν Πομπήϊον ὁρῶν φυγομαχοῦντα, θαυμάζειν ἔλεγε τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας αὐτοῦ, πῶς πρὸς τὸν ἔμπορον τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν οὐ μάχονται προελθόντες.'' None | sup>
67.3 '' None |
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22. Suetonius, Domitianus, 2.3, 3.1, 4.1, 4.4-4.5, 10.3, 12.2, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Colosseum, Domitian’s banquet • Domitian • Domitian (Emperor) • Domitian (Roman emperor) • Domitian, Roman Emperor • Domitian, and a public banquet • Domitian, and date and audience of Josephus’ works • Domitian, anti-Judaism ( anti-Judaism, under Domitian ) • Domitian, emperor • Domitian, public architecture • Rome, Colosseum, Domitian’s banquet • Statius, on Domitian’s banquet • anti-Judaism, under Domitian
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 134, 192; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 202; Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 361; Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 399; Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 307; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 97; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 259; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 100, 107; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109; Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 10; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 148; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 27; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 53; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 49; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 342; Pevarello (2013), The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Ascetiscism. 63; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 155, 197; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 318; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 73, 77; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 149, 160, 227, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 19, 207
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3.1 \xa0At the beginning of his reign he used to spend hours in seclusion every day, doing nothing but catch flies and stab them with a keenly-sharpened stylus. Consequently when someone once asked whether anyone was in there with Caesar, Vibius Crispus made the witty reply: "Not even a fly." Then he saluted his wife Domitia as Augusta. He had had a son by her in his second consulship, whom he lost the second year after he became emperor; he divorced her because of her love for the actor Paris, but could not bear the separation and soon took her back, alleging that the people demanded it.
4.4 \xa0He also established a quinquennial contest in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus of a threefold character, comprising music, riding, and gymnastics, and with considerably more prizes than are awarded nowadays. For there were competitions in prose declamation both in Greek and in Latin; and in addition to those of the lyre-players, between choruses of such players and in the lyre alone, without singing; while in the stadium there were races even between maidens. He presided at the competitions in half-boots, clad in a purple toga in the Greek fashion, and wearing upon his head a golden crown with figures of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, while by his side sat the priest of Jupiter and the college of the Flaviales, similarly dressed, except that their crowns bore his image as well. He celebrated the Quinquatria too every year in honour of Minerva at his Alban villa, and established for her a college of priests, from which men were chosen by lot to act as officers and give splendid shows of wild beasts and stage plays, besides holding contests in oratory and poetry.
10.3 \xa0He put to death Salvius Cocceianus, because he had kept the birthday of the emperor Otho, his paternal uncle; Mettius Pompusianus, because it was commonly reported that he had an imperial nativity and carried about a map of the world on parchment and speeches of the kings and generals from Titus Livius, besides giving two of his slaves the names of Mago and Hannibal; Sallustius Lucullus, governor of Britain, for allowing some lances of a new pattern to be named "Lucullean," after his own name; Junius Rusticus, because he had published eulogies of Paetus Thrasea and Helvidius Priscus and called them the most upright of men; and on the occasion of this charge he banished all the philosophers from the city and from Italy.
12.2 \xa0Estates of those in no way connected with him were confiscated, if but one man came forward to declare that he had heard from the deceased during his lifetime that Caesar was his heir. Besides other taxes, that on the Jews was levied with the utmost rigour, and those were prosecuted who without publicly acknowledging that faith yet lived as Jews, as well as those who concealed their origin and did not pay the tribute levied upon their people. I\xa0recall being present in my youth when the person of a man ninety years old was examined before the procurator and a very crowded court, to see whether he was circumcised.
15.2 \xa0For eight successive months so many strokes of lightning occurred and were reported, that at last he cried: "Well, let him now strike whom he will." The temple of Jupiter of the Capitol was struck and that of the Flavian family, as well as the Palace and the emperor\'s own bedroom. The inscription too on the base of a triumphal statue of his was torn off in a violent tempest and fell upon a neighbouring tomb. The tree which had been overthrown when Vespasian was still a private citizen but had sprung up anew, then on a sudden fell down again. Fortune of Praeneste had throughout his whole reign, when he commended the new year to her protection, given him a favourable omen and always in the same words. Now at last she returned a most direful one, not without the mention of bloodshed.' ' None |
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23. Tacitus, Annals, 1.10.2, 2.33, 2.83, 2.85, 3.60, 4.34, 6.28, 11.5.1, 11.13, 13.4, 14.14, 15.44, 16.22, 16.22.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (Roman emperor) • Domitian, Emperor • Domitian, emperor, controls Celer’s Egyptian experience • Domitian,, honors • Domitian,, jurisdiction • Domitian,, legislation under • Domitian,, measures • Domitian,, relationship • Domitian,, removes • Saecular Games, of Domitian • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Sophia, and Domitian • Syria, Domitian and • Villa, Domitian
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 27, 28, 29; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 258; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 202; Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 39; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 243; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 216; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 155; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 32; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 327; Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 232; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 158; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49, 227; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 243, 342; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 47, 83, 178, 388, 444, 470; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 626; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 167; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 258; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 363; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 291
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2.33 Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordi- nibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem.
2.83 Honores ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio validus reperti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circensis eburna effigies praeiret neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis Iuliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco vitam finierat. statuarum locorumve in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magni- tudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit.
2.85 Eodem anno gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque ne quaestum corpore faceret cui avus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia praetoria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aedilis vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credebant. exactum et a Titidio Labeone Vistiliae marito cur in uxore delicti manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies ad consultandum datos necdum praeterisse, satis visum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon abdita est. actum et de sacris Aegyptiis Iudaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea superstitione infecta quis idonea aetas in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus exuissent.' "
4.34 Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius relinquendae vitae certus in hunc modum exorsus est: 'verba mea, patres conscripti, arguuntur: adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in principem aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis amplectitur: Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat. Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundem memoriam tradunt; Messala Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat: et uterque opibusque atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis libro quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar quam rescripta oratione velut apud iudices respondit? Antonii epistulae Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra set multa cum acerbitate habent; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, haud facile dixerim, moderatione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt: si irascare, adgnita videntur." 6.28 Paulo Fabio L. Vitellio consulibus post longum saeculorum ambitum avis phoenix in Aegyptum venit praebuitque materiem doctissimis indigenarum et Graecorum multa super eo miraculo disserendi. de quibus congruunt et plura ambigua, sed cognitu non absurda promere libet. sacrum Soli id animal et ore ac distinctu pinnarum a ceteris avibus diversum consentiunt qui formam eius effinxere: de numero annorum varia traduntur. maxime vulgatum quingentorum spatium: sunt qui adseverent mille quadringentos sexaginta unum interici, prioresque alites Sesoside primum, post Amaside domitibus, dein Ptolemaeo, qui ex Macedonibus tertius regnavit, in civitatem cui Heliopolis nomen advolavisse, multo ceterarum volucrum comitatu novam faciem mirantium. sed antiquitas quidem obscura: inter Ptolemaeum ac Tiberium minus ducenti quinquaginta anni fuerunt. unde non nulli falsum hunc phoenicem neque Arabum e terris credidere, nihilque usurpavisse ex his quae vetus memoria firmavit. confecto quippe annorum numero, ubi mors propinquet, suis in terris struere nidum eique vim genitalem adfundere ex qua fetum oriri; et primam adulto curam sepeliendi patris, neque id temere sed sublato murrae pondere temptatoque per longum iter, ubi par oneri, par meatui sit, subire patrium corpus inque Solis aram perferre atque adolere. haec incerta et fabulosis aucta: ceterum aspici aliquando in Aegypto eam volucrem non ambigitur.
13.4 At Tiridates pudore et metu, ne, si concessisset obsidioni, nihil opis in ipso videretur, si prohiberet, impeditis locis seque et equestris copias inligaret, statuit postremo ostendere aciem et dato die proelium incipere vel simulatione fugae locum fraudi parare. igitur repente agmen Romanum circumfundit, non ignaro duce nostro, qui viae pariter et pugnae composuerat exercitum. latere dextro tertia legio, sinistro sexta incedebat, mediis decimanorum delectis; recepta inter ordines impedimenta, et tergum mille equites tuebantur, quibus iusserat ut instantibus comminus resisterent, refugos non sequerentur. in cornibus pedes sagittarius et cetera manus equitum ibat, productiore cornu sinistro per ima collium, ut, si hostis intravisset, fronte simul et sinu exciperetur. adsultare ex diverso Tiridates, non usque ad ictum teli, sed tum minitans, tum specie trepidantis, si laxare ordines et diversos consectari posset. ubi nihil temeritate solutum, nec amplius quam decurio equitum audentius progressus et sagittis confixus ceteros ad obsequium exemplo firmaverat, propinquis iam tenebris abscessit.
13.4 Ceterum peractis tristitiae imitamentis curiam ingressus et de auctoritate patrum et consensu militum praefatus, consilia sibi et exempla capessendi egregie imperii memora- vit, neque iuventam armis civilibus aut domesticis discordiis imbutam; nulla odia, nullas iniurias nec cupidinem ultionis adferre. tum formam futuri principatus praescripsit, ea maxime declis quorum recens flagrabat invidia. non enim se negotiorum omnium iudicem fore, ut clausis unam intra domum accusatoribus et reis paucorum potentia grassaretur; nihil in penatibus suis venale aut ambitioni pervium; discretam domum et rem publicam. teneret antiqua munia senatus, consulum tribunalibus Italia et publicae provinciae adsisterent: illi patrum aditum praeberent, se mandatis exercitibus consulturum.
14.14 Vetus illi cupido erat curriculo quadrigarum insistere nec minus foedum studium cithara ludicrum in modum canere. concertare equis regium et antiquis ducibus factitatum memorabat idque vatum laudibus celebre et deorum honori datum. enimvero cantus Apollini sacros, talique ornatu adstare non modo Graecis in urbibus sed Romana apud templa numen praecipuum et praescium. nec iam sisti poterat, cum Senecae ac Burro visum ne utraque pervinceret alterum concedere. clausumque valle Vaticana spatium in quo equos regeret haud promisco spectaculo: mox ultro vocari populus Romanus laudibusque extollere, ut est vulgus cupiens voluptatum et, si eodem princeps trahat, laetum. ceterum evulgatus pudor non satietatem, ut rebantur, sed incitamentum attulit. ratusque dedecus molliri, si pluris foedasset, nobilium familiarum posteros egestate venalis in scaenam deduxit; quos fato perfunctos ne nominatim tradam, maioribus eorum tribuendum puto. nam et eius flagitium est qui pecuniam ob delicta potius dedit quam ne delinquerent. notos quoque equites Romanos operas arenae promittere subegit donis ingentibus, nisi quod merces ab eo qui iubere potest vim necessitatis adfert.
15.44 Et haec quidem humanis consiliis providebantur. mox petita dis piacula aditique Sibyllae libri, ex quibus supplicatum Vulcano et Cereri Proserpinaeque ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae perspersum est; et sellisternia ac pervigilia celebravere feminae quibus mariti erant. sed non ope humana, non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia quin iussum incendium crederetur. ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus adfixi aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi vel curriculo insistens. unde quamquam adversus sontis et novissima exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica sed in saevitiam unius absumerentur.' "
16.22 Quin et illa obiectabat, principio anni vitare Thraseam sollemne ius iurandum; nuncupationibus votorum non adesse, quamvis quindecimvirali sacerdotio praeditum; numquam pro salute principis aut caelesti voce immolavisse; adsiduum olim et indefessum, qui vulgaribus quoque patrum consultis semet fautorem aut adversarium ostenderet, triennio non introisse curiam; nuperrimeque, cum ad coercendos Silanum et Veterem certatim concurreretur, privatis potius clientium negotiis vacavisse. secessionem iam id et partis et, si idem multi audeant, bellum esse. 'ut quondam C. Caesarem' inquit 'et M. Catonem, ita nunc te, Nero, et Thraseam avida discordiarum civitas loquitur. et habet sectatores vel potius satellites, qui nondum contumaciam sententiarum, sed habitum vultumque eius sectantur, rigidi et tristes, quo tibi lasciviam exprobrent. huic uni incolumitas tua sine cura, artes sine honore. prospera principis respuit: etiamne luctibus et doloribus non satiatur? eiusdem animi est Poppaeam divam non credere, cuius in acta divi Augusti et divi Iuli non iurare. spernit religiones, abrogat leges. diurna populi Romani per provincias, per exercitus curatius leguntur, ut noscatur quid Thrasea non fecerit. aut transeamus ad illa instituta, si potiora sunt, aut nova cupientibus auferatur dux et auctor. ista secta Tuberones et Favonios, veteri quoque rei publicae ingrata nomina, genuit. ut imperium evertant libertatem praeferunt: si perverterint, libertatem ipsam adgredientur. frustra Cassium amovisti, si gliscere et vigere Brutorum aemulos passurus es. denique nihil ipse de Thrasea scripseris: disceptatorem senatum nobis relinque.' extollit ira promptum Cossutiani animum Nero adicitque Marcellum Eprium acri eloquentia." ' None | sup>
1.10.2 \xa0On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetorship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, â\x80\x94 whether they perished by the enemy\'s sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities â\x80\x94 though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility â\x80\x94 yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed â\x80\x94 the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero\'s wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, â\x80\x94 as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a\xa0few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a\xa0few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites. <
2.33 \xa0At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:â\x80\x94 "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so â\x80\x94 unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." â\x80\x94 With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. <
2.83 \xa0Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a\xa0funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the soâ\x80\x91called "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. <
2.85 \xa0In the same year, bounds were set to female profligacy by stringent resolutions of the senate; and it was laid down that no woman should trade in her body, if her father, grandfather, or husband had been a Roman knight. For Vistilia, the daughter of a praetorian family, had advertised her venality on the aediles\' list â\x80\x94 the normal procedure among our ancestors, who imagined the unchaste to be sufficiently punished by the avowal of their infamy. Her husband, Titidius Labeo, was also required to explain why, in view of his wife\'s manifest guilt, he had not invoked the penalty of the law. As he pleaded that sixty days, not yet elapsed, were allowed for deliberation, it was thought enough to pass sentence on Vistilia, who was removed to the island of Seriphos. â\x80\x94 Another debate dealt with the proscription of the Egyptian and Jewish rites, and a senatorial edict directed that four thousand descendants of enfranchised slaves, tainted with that superstition and suitable in point of age, were to be shipped to Sardinia and there employed in suppressing brigandage: "if they succumbed to the pestilential climate, it was a cheap loss." The rest had orders to leave Italy, unless they had renounced their impious ceremonial by a given date. <
3.60 \xa0Tiberius, however, while tightening his grasp on the solid power of the principate, vouchsafed to the senate a shadow of the past by submitting the claims of the provinces to the discussion of its members. For throughout the Greek cities there was a growing laxity, and impunity, in the creation of rights of asylum. The temples were filled with the dregs of the slave population; the same shelter was extended to the debtor against his creditor and to the man suspected of a capital offence; nor was any authority powerful enough to quell the factions of a race which protected human felony equally with divine worship. It was resolved, therefore, that the communities in question should send their charters and deputies to Rome. A\xa0few abandoned without a struggle the claims they had asserted without a title: many relied on hoary superstitions or on their services to the Roman nation. It was an impressive spectacle which that day afforded, when the senate scrutinized the benefactions of its predecessors, the constitutions of the provinces, even the decrees of kings whose power antedated the arms of Rome, and the rites of the deities themselves, with full liberty as of old to confirm or change. <
4.34 \xa0The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant\'s fate â\x80\x94 that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:â\x80\x94 "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement â\x80\x94 so guiltless am\xa0I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I\xa0am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him \'the Pompeian\': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus â\x80\x94 not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero\'s book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems â\x80\x94 still read â\x80\x94 of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I\xa0hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. <' "
6.28 \xa0In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I\xa0propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of\xa01461\xa0years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were less than two hundred and fifty years: whence the belief has been held that this was a spurious phoenix, not originating on the soil of Arabia, and following none of the practices affirmed by ancient tradition. For â\x80\x94 so the tale is told â\x80\x94 when its sum of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative influence, from which springs a young one, whose first care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire. Nor is that task performed at random, but, after raising a weight of myrrh and proving it by a far flight, so soon as he is a match for his burden and the course before him, he lifts up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the Sun, and consigns him to the flames. â\x80\x94 The details are uncertain and heightened by fable; but that the bird occasionally appears in Egypt is unquestioned. <" 11.5.1 \xa0And now Suillius, steady and pitiless, continued his prosecutions, his boldness finding a multitude of imitators: for the concentration of all legal and magisterial functions in the person of the sovereign had opened a wide field to the plunderer. Nor was any public ware so frankly on sale as the treachery of advocates: so much so that Samius, a Roman knight of distinction, after paying Suillius four hundred thousand sesterces and finding him in collusion with the opponents, fell on his sword in the house of his counsel. Hence, following the lead of the consul designate, Gaius Silius, whose power and whose ruin I\xa0shall describe in their place, the Fathers rose in a body, demanding the Cincian law, with its ancient stipulation that no person shall accept either money or gift for pleading a cause.
13.4 \xa0However, when the mockeries of sorrow had been carried to their close, he entered the curia; and, after an opening reference to the authority of the Fathers and the uimity of the army, stated that "he had before him advice and examples pointing him to an admirable system of government. Nor had his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife: he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no desire for vengeance. He then outlined the character of the coming principate, the points which had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being specially discounteced:â\x80\x94 "He would not constitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers and defendants within the same four walls and allowing the influence of a\xa0few individuals to run riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loophole for intrigue: the palace and the state would be things separate. Let the senate retain its old prerogatives! Let Italy and the public provinces take their stand before the judgement-seats of the consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the Fathers: for the armies delegated to his charge he would himself be responsible." <
14.14 \xa0It was an old desire of his to drive a chariot and team of four, and an equally repulsive ambition to sing to the lyre in the stage manner. "Racing with horses," he used to observe, "was a royal accomplishment, and had been practised by the commanders of antiquity: the sport had been celebrated in the praises of poets and devoted to the worship of Heaven. As to song, it was sacred to Apollo; and it was in the garb appropriate to it that, both in Greek cities and in Roman temples, that great and prescient deity was seen standing." He could no longer be checked, when Seneca and Burrus decided to concede one of his points rather than allow him to carry both; and an enclosure was made in the Vatican valley, where he could manoeuvre his horses without the spectacle being public. Before long, the Roman people received an invitation in form, and began to hymn his praises, as is the way of the crowd, hungry for amusements, and delighted if the sovereign draws in the same direction. However, the publication of his shame brought with it, not the satiety expected, but a stimulus; and, in the belief that he was attenuating his disgrace by polluting others, he brought on the stage those scions of the great houses whom poverty had rendered venal. They have passed away, and I\xa0regard it as a debt due to their ancestors not to record them by name. For the disgrace, in part, is his who gave money for the reward of infamy and not for its prevention. Even well-known Roman knights he induced to promise their services in the arena by what might be called enormous bounties, were it not that gratuities from him who is able to command carry with them the compelling quality of necessity. <' "
15.44 \xa0So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. <"
16.22.1 \xa0He preferred other charges as well:â\x80\x94 "At the beginning of the year, Thrasea evaded the customary oath; though the holder of a quindecimviral priesthood, he took no part in the national vows; he had never offered a sacrifice for the welfare of the emperor or for his celestial voice. Once a constant and indefatigable member, who showed himself the advocate or the adversary of the most commonplace resolutions of the Fathers, for three years he had not set foot within the curia; and but yesterday, when his colleagues were gathering with emulous haste to crush Silanus and Vetus, he had preferred to devote his leisure to the private cases of his clients. Matters were come already to a schism and to factions: if many made the same venture, it was war! \'As once,\' he said, \'this discord-loving state prated of Caesar and Cato, so now, Nero, it prates of yourself and Thrasea. And he has his followers â\x80\x94\xa0his satellites, rather â\x80\x94 who affect, not as yet the contumacity of his opinions, but his bearing and his looks, and whose stiffness and austerity are designed for an impeachment of your wantonness. To him alone your safety is a thing uncared for, your talents a thing unhonoured. The imperial happiness he cannot brook: can he not even be satisfied with the imperial bereavements and sorrows? Not to believe Poppaea deity bespeaks the same temper that will not swear to the acts of the deified Augustus and the deified Julius. He contemns religion, he abrogates law. The journal of the Roman people is scanned throughout the provinces and armies with double care for news of what Thrasea has not done! Either let us pass over to his creed, if it is the better, or let these seekers after a new world lose their chief and their instigator. It is the sect that produced the Tuberones and the Favonii â\x80\x94 names unloved even in the old republic. In order to subvert the empire, they make a parade of liberty: the empire overthrown, they will lay hands on liberty itself. You have removed Cassius to little purpose, if you intend to allow these rivals of the Bruti to multiply and flourish! A\xa0word in conclusion: write nothing yourself about Thrasea â\x80\x94 leave the senate to decide between us!\'\xa0" Nero fanned still more the eager fury of Cossutianus, and reinforced him with the mordant eloquence of Eprius Marcellus.'
16.22 \xa0He preferred other charges as well:â\x80\x94 "At the beginning of the year, Thrasea evaded the customary oath; though the holder of a quindecimviral priesthood, he took no part in the national vows; he had never offered a sacrifice for the welfare of the emperor or for his celestial voice. Once a constant and indefatigable member, who showed himself the advocate or the adversary of the most commonplace resolutions of the Fathers, for three years he had not set foot within the curia; and but yesterday, when his colleagues were gathering with emulous haste to crush Silanus and Vetus, he had preferred to devote his leisure to the private cases of his clients. Matters were come already to a schism and to factions: if many made the same venture, it was war! \'As once,\' he said, \'this discord-loving state prated of Caesar and Cato, so now, Nero, it prates of yourself and Thrasea. And he has his followers â\x80\x94\xa0his satellites, rather â\x80\x94 who affect, not as yet the contumacity of his opinions, but his bearing and his looks, and whose stiffness and austerity are designed for an impeachment of your wantonness. To him alone your safety is a thing uncared for, your talents a thing unhonoured. The imperial happiness he cannot brook: can he not even be satisfied with the imperial bereavements and sorrows? Not to believe Poppaea deity bespeaks the same temper that will not swear to the acts of the deified Augustus and the deified Julius. He contemns religion, he abrogates law. The journal of the Roman people is scanned throughout the provinces and armies with double care for news of what Thrasea has not done! Either let us pass over to his creed, if it is the better, or let these seekers after a new world lose their chief and their instigator. It is the sect that produced the Tuberones and the Favonii â\x80\x94 names unloved even in the old republic. In order to subvert the empire, they make a parade of liberty: the empire overthrown, they will lay hands on liberty itself. You have removed Cassius to little purpose, if you intend to allow these rivals of the Bruti to multiply and flourish! A\xa0word in conclusion: write nothing yourself about Thrasea â\x80\x94 leave the senate to decide between us!\'\xa0" Nero fanned still more the eager fury of Cossutianus, and reinforced him with the mordant eloquence of Eprius Marcellus. < ' None |
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24. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1-1.2, 1.1.4, 2.4, 2.78.1, 2.101, 3.74, 3.74.1, 3.86, 4.53, 5.5, 5.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (Roman emperor) • Domitian, (false) triumph of • Domitian, Emperor • Domitian, emperor, ‘beloved of Isis’ • Domitianus, Titus Flavius • Domitilla, wife of Domitian • Emperors and Egypt, Domitian • King, emperor, Domitian • Syria, Domitian and • Triumph, Domitian’s triumph • Vesta, shelters Domitian
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 71; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 64; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 287, 314; Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 305; Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 306; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 204; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 155; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 29; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 153; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 124; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49, 76, 77, 79; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 261; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 294, 295; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 49; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359, 360; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 175; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 86
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2.4 \xa0After Titus had examined the treasures, the gifts made by kings, and all those other things which the Greeks from their delight in ancient tales attribute to a dim antiquity, he asked the oracle first with regard to his voyage. On learning that his path was open and the sea favourable, he slew many victims and then questioned indirectly about himself. When Sostratus, for such was the priest's name, saw that the entrails were uniformly favourable and that the goddess favoured great undertakings, he made at the moment a brief reply in the usual fashion, but asked for a private interview in which he disclosed the future. Greatly encouraged, Titus sailed on to his father; his arrival brought a great accession of confidence to the provincials and to the troops, who were in a state of anxious uncertainty. Vespasian had almost put an end to the war with the Jews. The siege of Jerusalem, however, remained, a task rendered difficult and arduous by the character of the mountain-citadel and the obstinate superstition of the Jews rather than by any adequate resources which the besieged possessed to withstand the inevitable hardships of a siege. As we have stated above, Vespasian himself had three legions experienced in war. Mucianus was in command of four in a peaceful province, but a spirit of emulation and the glory won by the neighbouring army had banished from his troops all inclination to idleness, and just as dangers and toils had given Vespasian's troops power of resistance, so those of Mucianus had gained vigour from unbroken repose and that love of war which springs from inexperience. Both generals had auxiliary infantry and cavalry, as well as fleets and allied kings; while each possessed a famous name, though a different reputation." 2.78.1 \xa0After Mucianus had spoken, the rest became bolder; they gathered about Vespasian, encouraged him, and recalled the prophecies of seers and the movements of the stars. Nor indeed was he wholly free from such superstitious belief, as was evident later when he had obtained supreme power, for he openly kept at court an astrologer named Seleucus, whom he regarded as his guide and oracle. Old omens came back to his mind: once on his country estate a cypress of conspicuous height suddenly fell, but the next day it rose again on the selfsame spot fresh, tall, and with wider expanse than before. This occurrence was a favourable omen of great significance, as the haruspices all agreed, and promised the highest distinctions for Vespasian, who was then still a young man. At first, however, the insignia of a triumph, his consulship, and his victory over Judea appeared to have fulfilled the promise given by the omen; yet after he had gained these honours, he began to think that it was the imperial throne that was foretold. Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel: this is the name given to both the mountain and the divinity. The god has no image or temple â\x80\x94 such is the rule handed down by the fathers; there is only an altar and the worship of the god. When Vespasian was sacrificing there and thinking over his secret hopes in his heart, the priest Basilides, after repeated inspection of the victim\'s vitals, said to him: "Whatever you are planning, Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to enlarge your holdings, or to increase the number of your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home, limitless bounds, and a multitude of men." This obscure oracle rumour had caught up at the time, and now was trying to interpret; nothing indeed was more often on men\'s lips. It was discussed even more in Vespasian\'s presence â\x80\x94 for men have more to say to those who are filled with hope. The two leaders now separated with clear purposes before them, Mucianus going to Antioch, Vespasian to Caesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, Caesarea of Judea.' "
3.74 \xa0Domitian was concealed in the lodging of a temple attendant when the assailants broke into the citadel; then through the cleverness of a freedman he was dressed in a linen robe and so was able to join a crowd of devotees without being recognized and to escape to the house of Cornelius Primus, one of his father's clients, near the Velabrum, where he remained in concealment. When his father came to power, Domitian tore down the lodging of the temple attendant and built a small chapel to Jupiter the Preserver with an altar on which his escape was represented in a marble relief. Later, when he had himself gained the imperial throne, he dedicated a great temple of Jupiter the Guardian, with his own effigy in the lap of the god. Sabinus and Atticus were loaded with chains and taken before Vitellius, who received them with no angry word or look, although the crowd cried out in rage, asking for the right to kill them and demanding rewards for accomplishing this task. Those who stood nearest were the first to raise these cries, and then the lowest plebeians with mingled flattery and threats began to demand the punishment of Sabinus. Vitellius stood on the steps of the palace and was about to appeal to them, when they forced him to withdraw. Then they ran Sabinus through, mutilated him, and cut off his head, after which they dragged his headless body to the Gemonian stairs." "
3.86 \xa0His native city was Luceria. He had nearly completed the fifty-seventh year of his age. The consulate, priesthoods, a name and place among the first men of his day, he acquired by no merit of his own but wholly through his father's eminence. The men who gave him the principate did not know him. Seldom has the support of the army been gained by any man through honourable means to the degree that he won it through his worthlessness. Yet his nature was marked by simplicity and liberality â\x80\x94 qualities which, if unchecked, prove the ruin of their possessor. Thinking, as he did, that friendships are cemented by greater gifts rather than by high character, he bought more friends than he kept. Undoubtedly it was to the advantage of the state that Vitellius should fall, but those who betrayed him to Vespasian cannot make a virtue of their own treachery, for they had already deserted Galba. The day hurried to its close. It was impossible to summon the senate because the senators had stolen away from the city or were hiding in their clients' houses. Now that he had no enemies to fear, Domitian presented himself to the leaders of his father's party, and was greeted by them as Caesar; then crowds of soldiers, still in arms, escorted him to his ancestral hearth." "
4.53 \xa0The charge of restoring the Capitol was given by Vespasian to Lucius Vestinus, a member of the equestrian order, but one whose influence and reputation put him on an equality with the nobility. The haruspices when assembled by him directed that the ruins of the old shrine should be carried away to the marshes and that a new temple should be erected on exactly the same site as the old: the gods were unwilling to have the old plan changed. On the twenty-first of June, under a cloudless sky, the area that was dedicated to the temple was surrounded with fillets and garlands; soldiers, who had auspicious names, entered the enclosure carrying boughs of good omen; then the Vestals, accompanied by boys and girls whose fathers and mothers were living, sprinkled the area with water drawn from fountains and streams. Next Helvidius Priscus, the praetor, guided by the pontifex Plautius Aelianus, purified the area with the sacrifice of the suovetaurilia, and placed the vitals of the victims on an altar of turf; and then, after he had prayed to Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, and to the gods who protect the empire to prosper this undertaking and by their divine assistance to raise again their home which man's piety had begun, he touched the fillets with which the foundation stone was wound and the ropes entwined; at the same time the rest of the magistrates, the priests, senators, knights, and a great part of the people, putting forth their strength together in one enthusiastic and joyful effort, dragged the huge stone to its place. A\xa0shower of gold and silver and of virgin ores, never smelted in any furnace, but in their natural state, was thrown everywhere into the foundations: the haruspices had warned against the profanation of the work by the use of stone or gold intended for any other purpose. The temple was given greater height than the old: this was the only change that religious scruples allowed, and the only feature that was thought wanting in the magnificence of the old structure." "
5.5.1 \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean."
5.5 \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean." "" None |
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25. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 278
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26. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 277; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 277
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27. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
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28. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, (false) triumph of • Domitian, Statius flatters • Domitian, and Aeneas • Domitian, as “New Augustus” • Domitian, public architecture • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Statius, flatters Domitian • Triumph, Domitian’s triumph
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 261, 262, 263, 264, 277, 278, 279, 308; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 316; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 99, 127, 131; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 261, 262, 263, 264, 277, 278, 279, 308
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29. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 231; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 231
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30. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Abascanthus, freedman of Domitian • Celer, Maecius, envoy of Domitian • Colosseum, Domitian’s banquet • Domitian • Domitian, (false) triumph of • Domitian, Emperor • Domitian, Statius flatters • Domitian, and Aeneas • Domitian, and a public banquet • Domitian, and the Saturnalia • Domitian, as Jupiter Terrestris • Domitian, as god • Domitian, as new Augustus • Domitian, as “New Augustus” • Domitian, banquet of • Domitian, conquests of • Domitian, death of • Domitian, emperor, controls Celer’s Egyptian experience • Domitian, emperor, ‘beloved of Isis’ • Domitian, palace of • Emperors and Egypt, Domitian • Rome, Colosseum, Domitian’s banquet • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Sophia, and Domitian • Statius, and Domitian • Statius, flatters Domitian • Statius, on Domitian’s banquet • Triumph, Domitian’s triumph
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 24, 25, 220, 231, 232, 261, 263, 278; Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 107; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 259; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 289, 290; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 131; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 322, 323, 349; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 15, 184, 185, 187, 188, 195, 196, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 211, 216, 218; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 235, 236; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 169, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 204, 205, 206, 254, 263; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 60, 61, 76, 98; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 24, 25, 220, 231, 232, 261, 263, 278; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 404
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31. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (in Statius’ Thebaid) • Domitian, Statius flatters • Domitian, and the Saturnalia • Domitian, as god • Domitian, as “New Augustus” • Domitian, banquet of • Domitian, palace of • Domitian,, measures • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Statius, and Domitian • Statius, flatters Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 24, 25, 190, 231, 255, 258, 259, 263; Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 144; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 290; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 186; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 181; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 24, 25, 190, 231, 255, 258, 259, 263
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32. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian (Emperor) • Domitian (Roman emperor) • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 258; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 114; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 23; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 258
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33. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (Roman emperor) • Domitian, (false) triumph of • Domitian,, condemned • Triumph, Domitian’s triumph
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 192; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 202; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 243; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 104; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 357
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34. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 262; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 262
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35. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (Roman emperor) • Domitian, death of • Phyllis (Domitian’s nurse)
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 192; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 109; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 132; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 13
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36. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian,, speaks
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 158; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 200; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 324; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 402
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37. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, (false) triumph of • Domitilla, wife of Domitian • Triumph, Domitian’s triumph
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 71; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 64; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 159; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 259
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38. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, (false) triumph of • Domitian, Emperor • Domitian, surviving • Emperors, Domitian • Saecular Games, of Domitian • Syria, Domitian and • Triumph, Domitian’s triumph • chain of exemplarity, broken under Domitian
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 134, 147; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 70; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 243; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 216; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 106; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 189; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 240; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 68, 216; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 248; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 71, 73, 183; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359, 360
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39. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Britain, and Domitian • Domitian • Domitian, and date and audience of Josephus’ works
Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 4, 11; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 281; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 541
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40. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, Emperor • Domitian, anti-Judaism ( anti-Judaism, under Domitian ) • Domitian, emperor • anti-Judaism, under Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 276; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 155; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 29; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 50; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 86; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202, 204; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 50; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 258; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 21
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41. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (emperor) • Domitian, Martial flatters • Domitian, and Aeneas • Domitian, as “New Augustus” • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261, 263, 342, 343, 377; Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 393; Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 135; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 82; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 95; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 154, 155, 216, 217, 218, 219, 351; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 248; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 37, 44; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261, 263, 342, 343, 377
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42. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 129; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 405
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43. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, Plutarch’s hostility toward • Domitian, adorns Capitoline
Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 295, 311; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 8
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44. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Colosseum, Domitian’s banquet • Domitian • Domitian (Roman emperor) • Domitian (Roman emperor), Dio’s view of • Domitian (Roman emperor), assassination of • Domitian, (false) triumph of • Domitian, Emperor • Domitian, Statius flatters • Domitian, and a public banquet • Domitian, and date and audience of Josephus’ works • Domitian, death of • Domitian, emperor • Domitian, emperor, controls Celer’s Egyptian experience • Domitian, equestrian statue of • Emperors, Domitian • Phyllis (Domitian’s nurse) • Rome, Colosseum, Domitian’s banquet • Saecular Games, of Domitian • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Sophia, and Domitian • Statius, flatters Domitian • Statius, on Domitian’s banquet • Triumph, Domitian’s triumph
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 258, 262, 278; Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 307; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 227, 228, 243, 279; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 259; Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 216; Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 11; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 85; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 27; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 43; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 202; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 71; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 197; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 104, 129, 132; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 294; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 133; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 80; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 137; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 557; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 160, 277; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 258, 262, 278
| 42.5.3 \xa0Although he had subdued the entire Roman sea, he perished on it; and although he had once been, as the saying is, "master of a\xa0thousand ships," he was destroyed in a tiny boat near Egypt and in a sense by Ptolemy, whose father he had once restored from exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom Roman soldiers were then still guarding, â\x80\x94 soldiers left behind by Gabinius as a favour from Pompey and on account of the hatred felt by the Egyptians for the young prince\'s father, â\x80\x94 this very man seemed to have put him to death by the hands of both Egyptians and Romans. 42.5.4 1. \xa0Such was the end of Pompey the Great, whereby was proved once more the weakness and the strange fortune of the human race.,2. \xa0For, although he was not at all deficient in foresight, but had always been absolutely secure against any force able to do him harm, yet he was deceived; and although he had won many unexpected victories in Africa, and many, too, in Asia and Europe, both by land and sea, ever since boyhood, yet now in his fifty-eighth year he was defeated without apparent reason.,3. \xa0Although he had subdued the entire Roman sea, he perished on it; and although he had once been, as the saying is, "master of a\xa0thousand ships," he was destroyed in a tiny boat near Egypt and in a sense by Ptolemy, whose father he had once restored from exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom Roman soldiers were then still guarding, â\x80\x94 soldiers left behind by Gabinius as a favour from Pompey and on account of the hatred felt by the Egyptians for the young prince\'s father, â\x80\x94 this very man seemed to have put him to death by the hands of both Egyptians and Romans.,5. \xa0Thus Pompey, who previously had been considered the most powerful of the Romans, so that he even received the nickname of Agamemnon, was now butchered like one of the lowest of the Egyptians themselves, not only near Mount Casius but on the anniversary of the day on which he had once celebrated a triumph over Mithridates and the pirates.,6. \xa0So even in this respect the two parts of his career were utterly contradictory: on that day of yore he had gained the most brilliant success, whereas he now suffered the most grievous fate; again, following a certain oracle, he had been suspicious of all the citizens named Cassius, but instead of being the object of a plot by any man called Cassius he died and was buried beside the mountain that had this name.,7. \xa0of his fellow-voyagers some were captured at once, while others escaped, among them his wife and son. His wife later obtained pardon and came back safely to Rome, while Sextus proceeded to Africa to his brother Gnaeus; these are the names by which they were distinguished, since they both bore the name of Pompey. \xa0< 42.5.5 \xa0Thus Pompey, who previously had been considered the most powerful of the Romans, so that he even received the nickname of Agamemnon, was now butchered like one of the lowest of the Egyptians themselves, not only near Mount Casius but on the anniversary of the day on which he had once celebrated a triumph over Mithridates and the pirates.' "46.39 2. \xa0But the senate had already, while it was still uncertain which of the two would prevail, taken the precaution to abolish all the privileges the granting of which hitherto to any individuals contrary to established custom had paved the way to supreme power; they voted, of course, that this edict should apply to both parties, intending thereby to forestall the victor, but planning to lay the blame upon the other who should be defeated.,3. \xa0In the first place, they forbade anyone to hold office for a longer period than a\xa0year, and, secondly, they provided that no one man should be chosen superintendent of the corn supply or commissioner of food. And when they learned the outcome of the struggle, although they rejoiced at Antony's defeat, and not only changed their attire, but also celebrated a thanksgiving for sixty days, and, regarding all those who had been on Antony's side as enemies, took away their property, as they did in the case of Antony also," '58.27.1 \xa0And if Egyptian affairs touch Roman interests at all, it may be mentioned that the phoenix was seen that year. All these events were thought to foreshadow the death of Tiberius. Thrasyllus, indeed, did die at this very time, and the emperor himself died in the following spring, in the consulship of Gnaeus Proculus and Pontius Nigrinus. 67.4.4 \xa0He changed the name of October to Domitianus because he had been born in that month. Among the charioteers he instituted two more factions, calling one the Golden and the other the Purple. To the spectators he used to make many presents by means of the little balls; and once he gave them a banquet while they remained in their seats and at night provided for them wine that flowed freely in many different places.' "67.9 1. \xa0At this time, then, he feasted the populace as described; and on another occasion he entertained the foremost men among the senators and knights in the following fashion. He prepared a room that was pitch black on every side, ceiling, walls and floor, and had made ready bare couches of the same colour resting on the uncovered floor; then he invited in his guests alone at night without their attendants.,2. \xa0And first he set beside each of them a slab shaped like a gravestone, bearing the guest's name and also a small lamp, such as hang in tombs. Next comely naked boys, likewise painted black, entered like phantoms, and after encircling the guests in an awe-inspiring dance took up their stations at their feet.,3. \xa0After this all the things that are commonly offered at the sacrifices to departed spirits were likewise set before the guests, all of them black and in dishes of a similar colour. Consequently, every single one of the guests feared and trembled and was kept in constant expectation of having his throat cut the next moment, the more so as on the part of everybody but Domitian there was dead silence, as if they were already in the realms of the dead, and the emperor himself conversed only upon topics relating to death and slaughter.,4. \xa0Finally he dismissed them; but he had first removed their slaves, who had stood in the vestibule, and now gave his guests in charge of other slaves, whom they did not know, to be conveyed either in carriages or litters, and by this procedure he filled them with far greater fear. And scarcely had each guest reached his home and was beginning to get his breath again, as one might say, when word was brought him that a messenger from the Augustus had come.,5. \xa0While they were accordingly expecting to perish this time in any case, one person brought in the slab, which was of silver, and then others in turn brought in various articles, including the dishes that had been set before them at the dinner, which were constructed of very costly material; and last of all came that particular boy who had been each guest's familiar spirit, now washed and adorned. Thus, after having passed the entire night in terror, they received the gifts.,6. \xa0Thus was the triumphal celebration, or, as the crowd put it, such was the funeral banquet that Domitian held for those who had died in Dacia and in Rome. Even at this time, too, he slew some of the foremost men. And in the case of a certain man who buried the body of one of the victims, he deprived him of his property because it was on his estate that the victim had died." 67.12.2 \xa0Many persons were also fined or put to death on other charges. Thus, a woman was tried and put to death because she had undressed in front of an image of Domitian, and a man for having associated with astrologers. Among the many who perished at this time was Mettius Pompusianus,' "67.14.1 \xa0At this time the road leading from Sinuessa to Puteoli was paved with stone. And the same year Domitian slew, along with many others, Flavius Clemens the consul, although he was a cousin and had to wife Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of the emperor's." "67.14.3 \xa0Domitilla was merely banished to Pandateria. But Glabrio, who had been Trajan's colleague in the consulship, was put to death, having been accused of the same crimes as most of the others, and, in particular, of fighting as a gladiator with wild beasts. Indeed, his prowess in the arena was the chief cause of the emperor's anger against him, an anger prompted by jealousy. For in Glabrio's consulship Domitian had summoned him to his Alban estate to attend the festival called the Juvenalia and had imposed on him the task of killing a large lion; and Glabrio not only had escaped all injury but had despatched the lion with most accurate aim." "67.17 1. \xa0I\xa0have one more astonishing fact to record, which I\xa0shall give after describing Domitian's end. As soon as he rose to leave the court-room and was ready to take his afternoon rest, as was his cut, first Parthenius removed the blade from the sword which always lay under his pillow, so that Domitian should not have the use of it, and then he sent in Stephanus, who was stronger than the others.,2. \xa0Stephanus smote Domitian, and though it was not a fatal blow, the emperor was nevertheless knocked to the ground, where he lay prostrate. Then, fearing that he might escape, Parthenius rushed in, or, as some believe, he sent in Maximus, a freedman. Thus not only was Domitian murdered, but Stephanus, too, perished when those who had not shared in the conspiracy made a concerted rush upon him." '' None |
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45. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 10.7.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 53; Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 158
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10.7.1 ἔοικε δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι πλείστων ἤδη. οὗτός τε ὁ Εὐβοεὺς λῃστὴς καὶ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Φλεγυῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ δυνάμεως μοῖρα τῆς Ξέρξου, καὶ οἱ χρόνον τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐν Φωκεῦσι δυνάσται, καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν στρατιά. ἔμελλε δὲ ἄρα οὐδὲ τῆς Νέρωνος ἐς πάντα ὀλιγωρίας ἀπειράτως ἕξειν, ὃς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πεντακοσίας θεῶν τε ἀναμὶξ ἀφείλετο καὶ ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς.'' None | sup>
10.7.1 It seems that from the beginning the sanctuary at Delphi has been plotted against by a vast number of men. Attacks were made against it by this Euboean pirate, and years afterwards by the Phlegyan nation; furthermore by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, by a portion of the army of Xerxes, by the Phocian chieftains, whose attacks on the wealth of the god were the longest and fiercest, and by the Gallic invaders. It was fated too that Delphi was to suffer from the universal irreverence of Nero, who robbed Apollo of five hundred bronze statues, some of gods, some of men.'' None |
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46. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 8.4-8.7, 8.10 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (Emperor) • Domitian, • Domitian, Roman Emperor • Domitian, emperor, enemy to Apollonius of Tyana
Found in books: Bortolani et al. (2019), William Furley, Svenja Nagel, and Joachim Friedrich Quack, Cultural Plurality in Ancient Magical Texts and Practices: Graeco-Egyptian Handbooks and Related Traditions, 221; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 137; Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 67; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 270, 271; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 17; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 242; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 160, 167
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8.4 τοιαῦτα ἠκροβολίσαντο πρὸ τῆς δίκης, τὰ δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ: κεκόσμητο μὲν τὸ δικαστήριον ὥσπερ ἐπὶ ξυνουσίᾳ πανηγυρικοῦ λόγου, μετεῖχον δὲ αὐτῆς οἱ ἐπίδηλοι πάντες ἀγῶνα ποιουμένου τοῦ βασιλέως ὅτι ἐν πλείστοις ἑλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ἀνδρῶν αἰτίᾳ. ὁ δ' οὕτω τι ὑπερεώρα τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς μηδὲ ἐς αὐτὸν βλέπειν, ἐπηρεάσαντος δὲ τοῦ κατηγόρου τὴν ὑπεροψίαν καὶ κελεύσαντος ὁρᾶν αὐτὸν ἐς τὸν ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων θεόν, ἀνέσχεν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐς τὸν ὄροφον ἐνδεικνύμενος μὲν τὸ ἐς τὸν Δία ὁρᾶν, τὸν δὲ ἀσεβῶς κολακευθέντα κακίω τοῦ κολακεύσαντος ἡγούμενος. ἐβόα καὶ τοιαῦτα ὁ κατήγορος “ἤδη μέτρει, βασιλεῦ, ὕδωρ, εἰ γὰρ ξυγχωρήσεις αὐτῷ μῆκος λόγων, ἀπάγξει ἡμᾶς. ἔστι δέ μοι καὶ βιβλίον τοῦτο ξυγγεγραμμένον τὰς αἰτίας, ὑπὲρ ὧν χρὴ λέγειν αὐτόν, ἀπολογείσθω δὲ κατὰ μίαν.”" "8.5 ὁ δ', ὡς ἄριστα ξυμβουλεύσαντος ἐπαινέσας ἐκέλευσε τὸν ἄνδρα κατὰ τὴν τοῦ συκοφάντου ξυμβουλίαν ἀπολογεῖσθαι, τὰς μὲν ἄλλας παρελθὼν αἰτίας, ὡς οὐκ ἀξίας καταστῆσαί τινα ἐς λόγον, ὑπὲρ τεττάρων δέ, ἃς ἀπόρους τε καὶ δυσαποκρίτους ᾤετο, ὧδε ἐρωτήσας: “τί γὰρ μαθών,” ἔφη “̓Απολλώνιε, οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχεις ἅπασι στολήν, ἀλλ' ἰδίαν τε καὶ ἐξαίρετον;” “ὅτι με” εἶπεν “ἡ τρέφουσα γῆ καὶ ἀμφιέννυσι, ζῷα δὲ ἄθλια οὐκ ἐνοχλῶ.” πάλιν ἤρετο “τοῦ χάριν οἱ ἄνθρωποι θεόν σε ὀνομάζουσιν;” “ὅτι πᾶς” εἶπεν “ἄνθρωπος ἀγαθὸς νομιζόμενος θεοῦ ἐπωνυμίᾳ τιμᾶται.” ὁ λόγος οὗτος ὁπόθεν ἐφιλοσοφήθη τῷ ἀνδρί, δεδήλωκα ἐν τοῖς ̓Ινδῶν λόγοις. τρίτον ἤρετο ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ λοιμοῦ “πόθεν γὰρ” ἔφη “ὁρμώμενος ἢ τῷ ξυμβαλλόμενος προεῖπας τῇ ̓Εφέσῳ νοσήσειν αὐτούς;” “λεπτοτέρᾳ,” εἶπεν “ὦ βασιλεῦ, διαίτῃ χρώμενος πρῶτος τοῦ δεινοῦ ᾐσθόμην: εἰ δὲ βούλει, λέγω καὶ λοιμῶν αἰτίας.” ὁ δ', οἶμαι, δείσας μὴ τὴν ἀδικίαν καὶ τοὺς μὴ καθαροὺς γάμους καὶ ὁποῖα οὐκ εὐλόγως ἔπραττεν, ἐπιγράψῃ ταῖς τοιαύταις νόσοις “οὐ δέομαι” ἔφη “τοιᾶσδε ἀποκρίσεως.” ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν τετάρτην ἐρώτησιν ἐπέφερεν ἐς τοὺς ἄνδρας, οὐκ εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν, ἀλλὰ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον διαλιπών, πολλὰ δὲ ἐνθυμηθείς, ἰλιγγιῶντι δὲ ὅμοιος ἠρώτησεν οὐ κατὰ τὴν ἁπάντων δόξαν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ᾤοντο αὐτὸν ἐκπηδήσαντα τοῦ πλάσματος μήτε τῆς προσηγορίας ἀφέξεσθαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν, σχέτλιά τε ὑπὲρ τῆς θυσίας βοήσεσθαι, ὁ δὲ οὐχ ὧδε, ἀλλ' ὑφέρπων τὴν ἐρώτησιν “εἰπέ μοι” ἔφη “προελθὼν τῆς οἰκίας τῇ δεῖνι ἡμέρᾳ καὶ ἐς ἀγρὸν πορευθεὶς τίνι ἐθύσω τὸν παῖδα;” καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος ὥσπερ μειρακίῳ ἐπιπλήττων “εὐφήμει,” ἔφη “εἰ μὲν γὰρ προῆλθον τῆς οἰκίας, ἐγενόμην ἐν ἀγρῷ, εἰ δὲ τοῦτο, καὶ ἔθυσα, εἰ δὲ ἔθυσα, καὶ ἔφαγον. λεγόντων δὲ αὐτὰ οἱ πίστεως ἄξιοι.” τοιαῦτα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἰπόντος καὶ ἐπαίνου ἀρθέντος μείζονος ἢ βασίλειον ξυγχωρεῖ δικαστήριον, ξυμμαρτυρεῖν αὐτῷ νομίσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς παρόντας καὶ παθών τι πρὸς τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, ἐπειδὴ ἔρρωντό τε καὶ νοῦν εἶχον “ἀφίημί σε” εἶπε “τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, περιμενεῖς δέ, ἔστ' ἂν ἰδίᾳ ξυγγενώμεθα.” ὁ δὲ ἐπιρρώσας ἑαυτὸν “σοὶ μὲν χάρις, ὦ βασιλεῦ,” ἔφη “διὰ δὲ τοὺς ἀλιτηρίους τούτους ἀπολώλασι μὲν αἱ πόλεις, πλήρεις δ' αἱ νῆσοι φυγάδων, ἡ δὲ ἤπειρος οἰμωγῆς, τὰ δὲ στρατεύματα δειλίας, ἡ δὲ ξύγκλητος ὑπονοίας. δός, εἰ βούλοιο, κἀμοὶ τόπον, εἰ δὲ μή, πέμπε τὸν ληψόμενόν μου τὸ σῶμα, τὴν γὰρ ψυχὴν ἀδύνατον: μᾶλλον δὲ οὐδ' ἂν τὸ σῶμα τοὐμὸν λάβοις, οὐ γάρ με κτενέεις, ἐπεὶ οὔτοι μόρσιμός εἰμι.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα ἠφανίσθη τοῦ δικαστηρίου, τόν τε παρόντα καιρὸν εὖ τιθέμενος ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐδ' ἁπλῶς ὁ τύραννος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκ περιουσίας ἐρωτήσων δῆλος ἦν — ἐμεγαλοφρονεῖτο γάρ που τῷ μὴ ἀπεκτονέναι αὐτὸν — τοῦ τε μὴ ἐς τὰ τοιαῦτα ὑπαχθῆναι προορῶν. τυχεῖν δ' αὖ τούτου ἄριστα ἡγεῖτο, εἰ μὴ ἀγνοοῖτο τῆς φύσεως, ἀλλὰ γιγνώσκοιτο, ὡς ἔχοι τοῦ μὴ ἄν ποτε ἁλῶναι ἄκων. καὶ γὰρ τὸ δέος τὸ περὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν εὖ ἤδη αὐτῷ εἶχεν, ὑπὲρ ὧν γὰρ μηδὲ ἐρέσθαι τι ὁ τύραννος ὥρμησε, πῶς ἂν τούτους ἐς τὸ πιθανὸν ἀπέκτεινεν ἐπὶ ταῖς οὐκ ἐν δικαστηρίῳ πεπιστευμέναις αἰτίαις; τοιάδε εὗρον τὰ ἐν τῇ δίκῃ." "8.6 ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ λόγος μὲν αὐτῷ ξυνεγράφη τις ὡς πρὸς ὕδωρ ἐς τὴν ἀπολογίαν ἀφήσοντι, ξυνεῖλε δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ τύραννος ἐς ἃς εἴρηκα ἐρωτήσεις, ἀναγεγράφθω καὶ ὁ λόγος. οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν γάρ, ὅτι διαβαλοῦσιν αὐτὸν οἱ τὰς βωμολόχους ἰδέας ἐπαινοῦντες, ὡς ἧττον μέν, ἢ αὐτοί φασι δεῖν, κεκολασμένον, ὑπεραίροντα δὲ τοῖς τε ὀνόμασι καὶ ταῖς γνώμαις, τὸν δὲ ἄνδρα ἐνθυμουμένῳ οὔ μοι δοκεῖ ὁ σοφὸς ὑγιῶς ἂν ὑποκρίνεσθαι τὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἦθος πάρισα ἐπιτηδεύων καὶ ἀντίθετα καὶ κροτάλου δίκην κτυπῶν τῇ γλώττῃ, ῥητορικοῖς μὲν γὰρ πρὸς τρόπου ταῦτα καὶ οὐδὲ ἐκείνοις δεῖ: δεινότης γὰρ ἐν δικαστηρίοις ἡ μὲν φανερὰ κἂν διαβάλοι τινὰ ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοντα τοῖς ψηφιουμένοις, ἡ δ' ἀφανὴς κἂν ἀπέλθοι κρατοῦσα, τὸ γὰρ λαθεῖν τοὺς δικάζοντας, ὡς δεινός ἐστιν, ἀληθεστέρα δεινότης. σοφῷ δὲ ἀνδρὶ ἀπολογουμένῳ, οὐ γὰρ κατηγορήσει γε ὁ σοφός, ἃ ἐπιτιμᾶν ἔρρωται, ἤθους τε δεῖ ἑτέρου παρὰ τοὺς δικανικοὺς ἄνδρας, λόγου τε κατεσκευασμένου μέν, μὴ δοκοῦντος δέ, καὶ ὑπόσεμνος ἔστω καὶ μὴ πολὺ ἀποδέων τοῦ ὑπερόπτης εἶναι ἔλεός τε ἀπέστω λέγοντος: ὁ γὰρ μὴ ἀντιβολῆσαι ξυγχωρῶν τί ἂν οὗτος ἐπὶ ἐλέῳ εἴποι; τοιόσδε ὁ λόγος δόξει τοῖς γε μὴ μαλακῶς ἀκροασομένοις ἐμοῦ τε καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρός: ξυνετέθη γὰρ αὐτῷ ὧδε:" " None | sup>
8.4 Such were the preliminary skirmishes which preceded the trial, but the conduct of the trial itself was as follows: The court was fitted up as if for an audience listening to a panegyrical discourse; and all the illustrious men of the city were present at the trial, because the Emperor was intent upon proving before as many people as possible that Apollonius was an accomplice of Nerva and his friends. Apollonius, however, ignored the Emperor's presence so completely as not even to glance at him; and when his accuser upbraided him for want of respect, and bade him turn his eyes upon the god of all mankind, Apollonius raised his eyes to the ceiling, by way of giving a hint that he was looking up to Zeus, and that he regarded the recipient of such profane flattery as worse than he who administered it. Whereupon the accuser began to bellow and spoke somewhat as follows: 'tis time, my sovereign, to apportion the water, for if you allow him to talk as long as he chooses, he will choke us. Moreover I have a roll here which contains the heads of the charges against him, and to these he must answer, so let him defend himself against them one by one." "8.5 TheEmperor approved of this plan of procedure and ordered Apollonius to make his defense according to the informer's advice; however, he dropped out other accusations, as not worth discussion, and confined himself to four questions which he thought were embarrassing and difficult to answer. What induces you, he said, Apollonius, to dress yourself differently from everybody else, and to wear this peculiar and singular garb? Because, said Apollonius, the earth which feeds me also clothes me, and I do not like to bother the poor animals. The emperor next asked the question: Why is it that men call you a god? Because, answered Apollonius, every man that is thought to be good, is honored by the title of god. I have shown in my narrative of India how this tenet passed into our hero's philosophy. The third question related to the plague in Ephesus: What motived, he said, or suggested your prediction to the Ephesians that they would suffer from a plague? I used, he said, O my sovereign, a lighter diet than others, and so I was the first to be sensible of the danger; and if you like, I will enumerate the causes of pestilences. But the Emperor, fearful, I imagine, lest Apollonius should reckon among the causes of such epidemics his own wrong-doing, and his incestuous marriage, and his other misdemeanors, replied: Oh, I do not want any such answers as that. And when he came to the fourth question which related to Nerva and his friends, instead of hurrying straight on to it, he allowed a certain interval to elapse, and after long reflection, and with the air of one who felt dizzy, he put his question in a way which surprised them all; for they expected him to throw off all disguise and blurt out the names of the persons in question without any reserve, complaining loudly and bitterly of the sacrifice; but instead of putting the question in this way, he beat about the bush, and said: Tell me, you went out of your house on a certain day, and you traveled into the country, and sacrificed the boy — I would like to know for whom? And Apollonius as if he were rebuking a child replied: Good words, I beseech you; for I did leave my house, I was in the country; and if this was so, then I offered sacrifice: and if I offered it, then I ate of it. But let these assertions be proved by trustworthy witnesses. Such a reply on the part of the sage aroused louder applause than beseemed the court of an Emperor; and the latter deeming the audience to have borne witness in favor of the accused, and also not a little impressed himself by the answers he had received, for they were both firm and sensible, said: I acquit you of the charges; but you must remain here until we have had a private interview. Thereat Apollonius was much encouraged and said: I thank you indeed, my sovereign, but I would fain tell you that by reason of these miscreants your cities are in ruin, and the islands full of exiles, and the mainland of lamentations, and your armies of cowardice, and the Senate of suspicion. Accord me also, if you will, opportunity to speak; but if not, then send someone to take my body, for my soul you cannot take. Nay, you cannot take even my body,For thou shalt not slay me, since — I tell thee — I am not mortal.And with these words he vanished from the court, which was the best thing he could do under the circumstances, for the Emperor clearly intended not to question him sincerely about the case, but about all sorts of irrelevant matters. For he took great credit to himself for not having put Apollonius to death, nor was the latter anxious to be drawn into such discussions. And he thought that he would best effect his end if he left no one in ignorance of his true nature, but allowed it to be known to all to be such that he had it in him never to be taken prisoner against his own will. Moreover he had no longer any cause for anxiety about his friends; for as the despot had not the courage to ask any questions about them, how could he possibly put them to death with any color of justice upon charges for which no evidence had been presented in court? Such was the account of the proceedings of the trial which I found." "8.6 But inasmuch as he had composed an oration which he would have delivered by the clock in defense of himself, only the tyrant confined him to the questions which I have enumerated, I have determined to publish this oration also. For I am well aware, indeed, that those who highly esteem the style of buffoons will find fault in it, as being less chaste and severe in its style than they consider it should be, and as too bombastic in language and tone. However, when I consider that Apollonius was a sage, it seems to me that he would have unworthily concealed his true character if he had merely studied symmetry of endings, and antithesis, clicking his tongue as if it had been a castanet. For these tricks suit the genius of rhetoricians, though they are not necessary even to them. For forensic art, if it be too obvious, is apt to betray him who resorts to it as anxious to impose upon the judges; whereas if it is well concealed, it is likely to carry off a favorable verdict; for true cleverness consists in concealing from the judges the very cleverness of the pleader. But when a wise man is defending his cause — and I need not say that a wise man will not arraign another for faults which he has the will and strength to rebuke — he requires quite another style than that of the hacks of the law-court; and though his oration must be well-prepared, it must not seem to be so, and it should possess a certain elevation almost amounting to scorn, and he must take care in speaking not to throw himself on the pity of the judges. For how can he appeal to the pity of others who would not condescend to solicit anything? Such an oration will my hero's seem to those who shall diligently study both myself and him; for it was composed by him in the following manner:" 8.10 Such was the condition to which Apollonius reduced the despot, making him a plaything of his philosophy who had been the terror of the Hellenes and the barbarians; and before midday he left the court, and at dusk appeared to Demetrius and Damis at Dicaearchia. And this accounts for his having instructed Damis to go by land to Dicaearchia, without waiting to hear his defense. For he had given no previous notice of his intentions, but had merely told the man who was most in his intimacy to do what best accorded with his plans.' " None |
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47. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.5, 1.12, 3.9.33, 4.11, 4.22, 6.19, 7.6, 7.29, 8.14, 9.13, 9.34, 10.58, 10.65, 10.81-10.82, 10.94-10.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, Roman Emperor • Domitian, assassination of • Domitian, emperor • Domitian,, jurisdiction • Domitian,, measures • Pliny, and Domitian • chain of exemplarity, broken under Domitian
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 3; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 42; Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 171; Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 24; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 24; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 148, 217, 218, 219, 289, 294, 318, 350, 362; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202, 203; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 246; Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 46; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 536; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 73; Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 101; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 181, 470, 476, 478; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 630; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 160, 161, 175, 189, 191; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 333; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 111, 118
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1.5 To Voconius Romanus. Did you ever see a man more abject and fawning than Marcus Regulus has been since the death of Domitian? His misdeeds were better concealed during that prince\'s reign, but they were every bit as bad as they were in the time of Nero. He began to be afraid that I was angry with him and he was not mistaken, for I certainly was annoyed. After doing what he could to help those who were prosecuting Rusticus Arulenus, he had openly exulted at his death, and went so far as to publicly read and then publish a pamphlet in which he violently attacks Rusticus and even calls him "the Stoics\' ape," adding that "he is marked with the brand of Vitellius." * You recognise, of course, the Regulian style! He tears to pieces Herennius Senecio so savagely that Metius Carus said to him, "What have you to do with my dead men? Did I ever worry your Crassus or Camerinus?" - these being some of Regulus\'s victims in the days of Nero. Regulus thought I bore him malice for this, and so he did not invite me when he read his pamphlet. Besides, he remembered that he once mortally attacked me in the court of the centumviri. ** I was a witness on behalf of Arionilla, the wife of Timon, at the request of Rusticus Arulenus, and Regulus was conducting the prosecution. We on our side were relying for part of the defence on a decision of Metius Modestus, an excellent man who had been banished by Domitian and was at that moment in exile. This was Regulus\'s opportunity. "Tell me, Secundus," said he, "what you think of Modestus." You see in what peril I should have placed myself if I had answered that I thought highly of him, and how disgraceful it would have been if I had said that I thought ill of him. I fancy it must have been the gods who came to my rescue. "I will tell you what I think of him," I said, "when the Court has to give a decision on the point." He returned to the charge Well, now the fellow is conscience-stricken, and buttonholes first Caecilius Celer and then implores Fabius Justus to reconcile me to him. Not content with that, he makes his way in to see Spurinna, and begs and prays of him - you know what an abject coward he is when he is frightened - as follows. "Do go," says he, "and call on Pliny in the morning - early in the morning, for my suspense is unbearable - and do what you can to remove his anger against me." I was early awake that day, when a message came from Spurinna, "I am coming to see you." I sent back word, "I will come and see you." We met at the portico of Livia, just as we were each of us on the way to see the other. He explained his commission from Regulus and added his own entreaties, but did not press the point too strongly, as became a worthy gentleman asking a favour for a worthless acquaintance. This was my answer That practically closed the conversation. I did not wish it to go any further, so that I might not commit myself until Mauricus arrived. Moreover, I am quite aware that Regulus is a difficult bird to net. He is rich, he is a shrewd intriguer, he has no inconsiderable body of followers and a still larger circle of those who fear him, and fear is often a more powerful factor than affection. But, after all, these are bonds that may be shattered and weakened, for a bad man\'s influence is as little to be relied upon as is the man himself. Moreover, let me repeat that I am waiting for Mauricus. He is a man of sound judgment and sagacity, which he has learned by experience, and he can gauge what is likely to happen in the future from what has occurred in the past. I shall be guided by him, and either strike a blow or set aside my weapons just as he thinks best. I have written you this letter because it is only right, considering our regard for one another, that you should be acquainted not only with what I have said and done, but also with my plans for the future. Farewell.
1.12 To Calestrius Tiro. I have suffered a most grievous loss, if loss is a word that can be applied to my being bereft of so distinguished a man. Corellius Rufus is dead, and what makes my grief the more poigt is that he died by his own act. Such a death is always most lamentable, since neither natural causes nor Fate can be held responsible for it. When people die of disease there is a great consolation in the thought that no one could have prevented it; when they lay violent hands on themselves we feel a pang which nothing can assuage in the thought that they might have lived longer. Corellius, it is true, felt driven to take his own life by Reason - and Reason is always tantamount to Necessity with philosophers - and yet there were abundant inducements for him to live. His conscience was stainless, his reputation beyond reproach; he stood high in men\'s esteem. Moreover, he had a daughter, a wife, a grandson, and sisters, and, besides all these relations, many genuine friends. But his battle against ill-health had been so long and hopeless that all these splendid rewards of living were outweighed by the reasons that urged him to die. I have heard him say that he was first attacked by gout in the feet when he was thirty-three years of age. He had inherited the complaint, for it often happens that a tendency to disease is handed down like other qualities in a sort of succession. While he was in the prime of life he overcame his malady and kept it well in check by abstemious and pure living, and when it became sharper in its attacks as he grew old he bore up against it with great fortitude of mind. Even when he suffered incredible torture and the most horrible agony - for the pain was no longer confined, as before, to the feet, but had begun to spread over all his limbs - I went to see him in the time of Domitian when he was staying at his country house. His attendants withdrew from his chamber, as they always did whenever one of his more intimate friends entered the room. Even his wife, a lady who might have been trusted to keep any secret, also used to retire. Looking round the room, he said His malady had become worse, though he tried to moderate it by his careful diet, and then, as it still continued to grow, he escaped from it by a fixed resolve. Two, three, four days passed and he refused all food. Then his wife Hispulla sent our mutual friend Caius Geminius to tell me the sad news that Corellius had determined to die, that he was not moved by the entreaties of his wife and daughter, and that I was the only one left who might possibly recall him to life. I rushed to see him, and had almost reached the house when Hispulla sent me another message by Julius Atticus, saying that now even I could do nothing, for his resolve had become more and more fixed. When the doctor offered him nourishment he said, "My mind is made up" {Κέκρικα}, and the word has awakened within me not only a sense of loss, but of admiration. I keep thinking what a friend, what a manly friend is now lost to me. He was at the end of his seventy-sixth year, an age long enough even for the stoutest of us. True. He has escaped a lifelong illness; he has died leaving children to survive him, and knowing that the State, which was dearer to him than anything else, was prospering well. Yes, yes, I know all this. And yet I grieve at his death as I should at the death of a young man in the full vigour of life; I grieve - you may think me weak for so doing - on my own account too. For I have lost, lost for ever, the guide, philosopher, and friend of my life. In short, I will say again what I said to my friend Calvisius, when my grief was fresh
3.9.33 To Cornelius Minicianus. I can now give you a full account of the enormous trouble entailed upon me in the public trial brought by the Province of Baetica. It was a complicated suit, and new issues kept constantly cropping up. Why this variety, and why these different pleadings? you well ask. Well, Caecilius Classicus - a low rascal who carries his villainy in his face - had during his proconsulship in Baetica, in the same year that Marius Priscus was Governor of Africa, behaved both with violence and rapacity. Now, Priscus came from Baetica and Classicus from Africa, and so there was a rather good saying among the people of Baetica, for even resentment often inspires wit I was acting for the Province, assisted by Lucceius Albinus, an eloquent and ornate speaker, and though we have long been on terms of the closest regard for one another, our association in this suit has made me feel vastly more attached to him. As a rule, and especially in oratorical efforts, people do not run well in double harness in their striving for glory, but he and I were not in any sense rivals and there was no jealousy between us, as we both did our level best, not for our own hand, but for the common cause, which was of such a serious character and of such public importance that it seemed to demand from us that we should not over-elaborate each single pleading. We were afraid that time would fail us, and that our voices and lungs would break down if we tied up together so many charges and so many defendants into one bundle. Again, we feared that the attention of the judges would not only be wearied by the introduction of so many names and charges, but that they would be confused thereby, that the sum-total of the influence of each one of the accused might procure for each the strength of all, and finally we were afraid lest the most influential of the accused should make a scapegoat of the meanest among them, and so slip out of the hands of justice at the expense of someone else - for favour and personal interest are strongest when they can skulk behind some pretence of severity. Moreover, we were advised by the well-known story of Sertorius, who set two soldiers - one young and powerful, and the other old and weak - to pull off the tail of a horse. You know how it finishes. And so we too thought that we could get the better of even such a long array of defendants, provided we took them one by one. Our plan was first to prove the guilt of Classicus himself; then it was a natural transition to his intimates and tools, because the latter could never be condemned unless Classicus were guilty. Consequently, we took two of them and closely connected them with Classicus, Baebius Probus and Fabius Hispanus, both men of some influence, while Hispanus possesses a strong gift of eloquence. To prove the guilt of Classicus was an easy and simple task that did not take us long. He had left in his own handwriting a document showing what profits he had made out of each transaction and case, and he had even despatched a letter couched in a boasting and impudent strain to one of his mistresses containing the words, "Hurrah! hurrah! I am coming back to you with my hands free; * for I have already sold the interests of the Baetici to the tune of four million sesterces." But we had to sweat to get a conviction against Hispanus and Probus. Before I dealt with the charges against them, I thought it necessary to establish the legal point that the execution of an unjust sentence is an indictable offence, for if I had not done this it would have been useless for me to prove that they had been the henchmen of Classicus. Moreover, their line of defence was not a denial. They pleaded that they could not help themselves and therefore were to be pardoned, arguing that they were mere provincials and were frightened into doing anything that a proconsul bade them do. Claudius Restitutus, who replied to me, a practised and watchful speaker who is equal to any emergency however suddenly sprung up upon him, is now going about saying that he never was so dumbfounded and thrown off his balance as when he discovered that the ground on which he placed full reliance for his defence had been cut from under him and stolen away from him. Well, the outcome of our line of attack was as follows In the third action, we thought our best course was to lump the defendants together, fearing lest, if the trial were to be spun out to undue length, those who were hearing the case would grow sick and tired of it, and their zeal for strict justice and severity would abate. Besides, the accused persons, who had been designedly kept over till then, were all of comparatively little importance, except the wife of Classicus, and, although suspicion against her was strong, the proofs seemed rather weak. As for the daughter of Classicus, who was also among the defendants, she had cleared herself even of suspicion. Consequently, when I reached her name in the last trial - for there was no fear then as there had been at the beginning that such an admission would weaken the force of the prosecution - I thought the most honourable course was to refrain from pressing the charge against an innocent person, and I frankly said so, repeating the idea in various forms. For example, I asked the deputation of the Baetici whether they had given me definite instructions on any point which they felt confident they could prove against her; I turned to the senators and inquired whether they thought I ought to employ what eloquence I might possess against an innocent person, and hold, as it were, the knife to her throat; and, finally, I concluded the subject with these words Well, the conclusion of this trial, with its crowd of defendants, was that a certain few were acquitted, but the majority were condemned and banished, some for a fixed term of years, and others for life. In the same decree the senate expressed in most handsome terms its appreciation of our industry, loyalty, and perseverance, and this was the only possible worthy and adequate reward for the trouble we had taken. You can imagine how worn out we were, when you think how often we had to plead, and answer the pleadings of our opponents, and how many witnesses we had to cross-question, encourage, and refute. Besides, you know how trying and vexatious it is to say "no" to the friends of the accused when they come pleading with you in private, and to stoutly oppose them when they confront you in open court. I will tell you one of the things I said. When one of those who were acting as judges interrupted me on behalf of one of the accused in whom he took a special interest, I replied I have brought you up to date as well as I could. You will say, "It was not worthwhile, for what have I to do with such a long letter?" If you do, don\'t ask again what is going on at Rome, and bear in mind that you cannot call a letter long which covers so many days, so many trials, and so many defendants and pleadings. I think I have dealt with all these subjects as briefly as I am sure they are exactly dealt with. But no, I was rash to say "exactly"; I remember a point which I had omitted, and I will tell you about it even now, though it is out of its proper place. Homer does this, and many other authors have followed his example - with very good effect too - though that is not my reason for so doing. One of the witnesses, annoyed at being summoned to appear, or bribed by some one of the defendants in order to weaken the prosecution, laid an accusation against Norbanus Licinianus, a member of the deputation, who had been instructed to get up the case, and charged him with having acted in collusion with the other side in relation to Casta, the wife of Classicus. It is a legal rule in such instances that the trial of the accused must be finished before inquiry is made into a charge of collusion, on the ground that one can best form an opinion on the sincerity of the prosecution by noticing how the case has been carried through. However, Norbanus reaped no advantage from this point of law, nor did his position as member of the deputation, nor his duties as one of those getting up the action stand him in good stead. A storm of prejudice broke out against him, and there is no denying that his hands were crime-stained, that he, like many others, had taken advantage of the evil times of Domitian, and that he had been selected by the provincials to get up the case, not as a man of probity and honour, but because he had been a personal enemy of Classicus, by whom, indeed, he had been banished. He demanded that a day should be fixed for his trial, and that the charge against him should be published; both were refused, and he was obliged to answer on the spot. He did so, and though the thorough badness and depravity of the fellow make me hesitate to say whether he showed more impudence or resolution, he certainly replied with great readiness. There were sundry things brought against him which did him much greater damage than the charge of collusion, and two men of consular rank, Pomponius Rufus and Libo Frugi, severely damaged him by giving evidence to the effect that during the reign of Domitian he had assisted the prosecution of Salvius Liberalis before the judge. He was convicted and banished to an island. Consequently, when I was accusing Casta, I especially pressed the point that her accuser had been found guilty of collusion. But I did so in vain, and we had the novel and inconsistent result that the accused was acquitted though her accuser was found guilty of collusion with her. You may ask what we were about while this was going on. We told the senate that we had received all our instructions for this public trial from Norbanus, and that the case ought to be tried afresh if he were proved guilty of collusion, and so, while his trial was proceeding, we sat still. Subsequently Norbanus was present every day the trial lasted, and showed right up to the end the same resolute or impudent front. I wonder if I have forgotten anything else. Well, I almost did. On the last day Salvius Liberalis bitterly assailed the rest of the deputation on the ground that they had not brought accusations against all whom they were commissioned to accuse by the province. He is a powerful and able speaker, and he put them
4.11 To Cornelius Minicianus. Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus is teaching rhetoric in Sicily? I do not think you can have done, for the news is quite fresh. He is of praetorian rank, and he used at one time to be considered one of our most eloquent pleaders at the bar, but now he has fallen so low that he is an exile instead of being a senator, and a mere teacher of rhetoric instead of being a prominent advocate. Consequently in his opening remarks he exclaimed, sorrowfully and solemnly You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch. His mind was set upon burying alive Cornelia, the chief of the Vestal Virgins, as he thought to make his age memorable by such an example of severity, and, using his authority as pontifex maximus, or rather exercising the cruelty of a tyrant and the wanton caprice of a ruler, he summoned the rest of the pontiffs not to the Palace but to his Villa at Alba. There, with a wickedness just as monstrous as the crime which he pretended to be punishing, he declared her guilty of incest, without summoning her before him and giving her a hearing, though he himself had not only committed incest with his brother\'s daughter but had even caused her death, for she died of abortion during her widowhood. He immediately despatched some of the pontiffs to see that his victim was buried alive and put to death. Cornelia invoked in turns the aid of Vesta and of the rest of the deities, and amid her many cries this was repeated most frequently Moreover, when Celer, the Roman knight who was accused of having intrigued with Cornelia, was being scourged with rods in the forum, he did nothing but cry out, "What have I done? I have done nothing." Consequently Domitian\'s evil reputation for cruelty and injustice blazed up on all hands. He fastened upon Licinianus for hiding a freedwoman of Cornelia on one of his farms. Licinianus was advised by his friends who interested themselves on his behalf to take refuge in making a confession and beg for pardon, if he wished to escape being flogged in the forum, and he did so. Herennius Senecio spoke for him in his absence very much in the words of Homer, "Patroclus is fallen;" ** for he said, "Instead of being an advocate, I am the bearer of news You see how careful I am to obey your wishes, as I not only give you the news of the town, but news from abroad, and minutely trace a story from its very beginning. I took for granted that, as you were away from Rome at the time, all you heard of Licinianus was that he had been banished for incest. For rumour only gives one the gist of the matter, not the various stages through which it passes. Surely I deserve that you should return the compliment and write and tell me what is going on in your town and neighbourhood, for something worthy of note is always happening. But say what you will, provided you give me the news in as long a letter as I have written to you. I shall count up not only the pages, but the lines and the syllables. Farewell.
4.22 To Sempronius Rufus. I have been called in by our excellent Emperor to take part and advise upon the following case. Under the will of a certain person, it has been the custom at Vienna * to hold a gymnastic contest. Trebonius Rufus, a man of high principle and a personal friend of mine, in his capacity of duumvir, discontinued and abolished the custom, and it was objected that he had no legal authority to do so. He pleaded his case not only with eloquence but to good effect, and what lent force to his pleading was that he spoke with discretion and dignity, as a Roman and a good citizen should, in a matter that concerned himself. When the opinion of the Council was taken, Junius Mauricus, who stands second to none for strength of will and devotion to truth, was against restoring the contest to the people of Vienna, and he added, "I wish the games could be abolished at Rome as well." That is a bold consistent line, you will say. So it is, but that is no new thing with Mauricus. He spoke just as frankly before the Emperor Nerva. Nerva was dining with a few friends; Veiento was sitting next to him and was leaning on his shoulder - I need say no more after mentioning the man\'s name. The conversation turned upon Catullus Messalinus, who was blind, and had that curse to bear in addition to his savage disposition. He was void of fear, shame, and pity, and on that account Domitian often used him as a tool for the destruction of the best men in the State, just as though he were a dart urging on its blind and sightless course. All at table were speaking of this man\'s villainy and bloody counsels, when the Emperor himself said
6.19 To Nepos. You know that the price of land, especially in the suburbs of Rome, has gone up. The cause of this sudden increase in value has been the theme of general discussion. At the last elections the senate passed the following wholesome resolutions; "That no candidates should provide public entertainments, send presents, and deposit sums of money.\'\' The first two practices had gone on openly, and been carried beyond all reasonable lengths ; the last-named had been indulged in secretly, but still to every one\'s knowledge. So our friend Homullus clearly availed himself of the uimity of the senate, and, instead of making a speech, he asked that the consuls should acquaint the Emperor with the wishes of the whole body of senators, and beg him to take steps to devise means to put a stop to this evil, as he had already done to other scandals. He has done so, for by means of the Corrupt Practices Act he has restricted the shameful and scandalous expenses which candidates used to incur, and he has issued orders that all candidates shall have invested a third of their patrimony in land. He very justly took the view that it was disgraceful that candidates for public offices should regard Rome and Italy, not as their mother country, but as a mere inn or lodging-place, in which they were staying as travellers. So the candidates are busy running about buying up whatever they hear is on sale, and they are forcing a number of estates into the market. Consequently if you are tired of your Italian estates, now is the real good time to sell them and buy others in the provinces, for the candidates have to sell their provincial properties to enable them to purchase here. Farewell. ' "
7.6 To Macrinus. The suit against Varenus has come to an unusual and remarkable conclusion, and the issue is even now open to doubt. People say that the Bithynians have withdrawn their accusation against him, on the ground that they entered upon it without adequate proofs. That, I repeat, is what people are saying. However, the legate of the province is in Rome, and he has laid the decree of the Council before Caesar, before many of the leading men here, and even before us who are acting for Varenus. None the less our friend Magnus, as usual, persists in his opposition, and he still keeps worrying that estimable man Nigrinus. He pressed the consuls, through Nigrinus, to force Varenus to produce his official accounts. I was standing by Varenus in a friendly way, and had made up my mind to say nothing, for nothing would have damaged his prospects so much as for me, who had been appointed by the senate to act on his behalf, to begin defending him, as though he were on his trial, when the great thing was to prevent him being put on his trial at all. However, when Nigrinus had concluded his demand, and the consuls looked towards me to say something, I remarked In one instance, a mother who had lost her son - for there is no reason why I should not recall some of my old cases, though this was not my motive in writing this letter - accused his freedmen - who were also co-heirs to the estate - of having forged the will and poisoned their master. She brought the matter to the notice of the Emperor, and obtained permission for Julius Servianus to act as judge. I defended the accused in a crowded court, for the case was a regular cause célèbre, and there were the best counsel of the day engaged on both sides. The hearing was decided by the evidence of the slaves, who were submitted to torture, and their answers were in favour of the accused. Subsequently, the mother appealed to the Emperor, declaring that she had discovered fresh proofs. Suburanus was instructed to give her a hearing again, provided that she brought forward new evidence. Julius Africanus appeared for the mother - a grandson of the orator of whom Passienus Crispus said after listening to his speech It has been much the same in the present case, and my policy in saying just what I did on behalf of Varenus and nothing more has been greatly approved. The consuls, as Polyaenus desired, have left the Emperor an entirely free hand, and I am waiting for him to hear the case, with much anxiety; for, when he does, the issue of the day will either free us, who are on Varenus's side, from all trouble and make our minds perfectly easy, or it will entail our setting to work again and a new period of anxious worry. Farewell. " 7.29 To Montanus. You will first laugh, then feel annoyed, and then laugh again, if ever you read something which you will think almost incredible, unless you see it with your own eyes. I noticed the other day, just before you come to the first milestone on the Tiburtine Road, a monument to Pallas * bearing this inscription
9.13 To Quadratus. The more carefully and closely you have read the books I composed to vindicate the character of Helvidius, the more anxious, you say, you are for me to write an account of the whole affair from beginning to end, which you were too young to take any part in, giving you details which do not appear in my volumes as well as those which do. When Domitian was put to death, I took counsel with myself and came to the conclusion that there was now a splendid and glorious opportunity for prosecuting the guilty, vindicating the oppressed, and at the same time bringing myself into prominence. It seemed to me that of all the many crimes committed by that crowd of wretches, there was none more atrocious than that a senator should have laid violent hands upon another senator in the senate-house, that a man of praetorian rank should have assaulted a man of consular rank, and a judge an accused person. Besides, Helvidius and I were friends, so far as friendship was possible with one who, owing to the terrorism that prevailed, tried to conceal his illustrious name and equally illustrious virtues in strict retirement; and I was also a friend of Arria and Fannia, * the former of whom was the step-mother of Helvidius, and the latter the mother of Arria. But it was not so much my feelings as a friend, but my sense of public duty, my indignation at what had taken place, and the importance of the precedent, which stirred me. For the first few days after liberty had been restored each man was busy in his own interests impeaching his own private enemies - at least the more unimportant of them - and at once obtaining their condemnation, but all was being done with uproar and turbulence. I considered it would show greater modesty and boldness not to overthrow the worst criminal of them all on the general odium against the practices of the late reign, but to attack him on a specific charge, after the first furious outburst had worn itself out and the general rage was daily abating, and when men were beginning again to think of what was just. So, though I was in great distress at the time, for I had just recently lost my wife, ** I sent to Anteia - who was the wife of Helvidius - asking her to come and see me, as the bereavement I had recently suffered kept me still confined to my house. When she came, I said It was my unfailing practice to consult Corellius on all matters, for I looked upon him as the most far-seeing and the wisest man of our time ; but in this business I was satisfied with my own judgment, for I was afraid that he would try and dissuade me from my design, as he was always rather prone to hesitation and caution. However, I could not make up my mind to refrain from giving him a hint, when the day came, of what I was going to do, though I did not ask his advice as to whether I should proceed with my intention, for I have found by experience that, when you have decided on a course of action, it is a mistake to consult as to its wisdom those whose advice you ought to follow when once you ask them for it. I entered the senate ; I craved permission to address the house, and for a little time everyone agreed with what I said. But when I began to touch upon the charge I was bringing and foreshadow whom I was accusing - though I had not yet named him - there were loud cries of dissent from all sides. One exclaimed, "Let us know who it is that you are denouncing out of order? " ; another, "Who is it that is being put on his trial before he has been impeached ?" ; another, "Let us who survive remain in security." I listened without fear or trepidation, sustained by the righteousness of the cause I had undertaken, while it always materially contributes to one\'s confidence or fear whether one\'s audience is merely unwilling to hear your case or actively disapproves of it. It would be tedious to relate all the exclamations which were flung from side to side, but at last the consul said By this time the time for recording opinions had arrived. Among the speakers were Domitius Apollinaris, the consul-designate, Fabricius Veiento, Fabius Maximinus, Vettius Proculus, the colleague of Publicius Certus, who was the subject of debate, and the father-in-law of the wife whom I had just lost. After these Ammius Flaccus spoke. They all defended Certus, just as if I had already named him, which I had not, and took up and defended his cause, though the charge had been left vague. †† I need not tell you the substance of their speeches, for you have them in my books, just as I took them down in their own words. They were opposed by Avidius Quietus and Cornutus Tertullus. Quietus urged that it was most unjust to refuse to hear the complaints of the aggrieved persons, and, therefore, Arria and Fannia ought not to be robbed of their right to lodge a complaint. It did not matter, he said, what class a person belonged to, the point was whether his case was just. Cornutus said that he had been appointed guardian by the consuls to the daughter of Helvidius at the request of her mother and step-father, and that he could not think of failing in his duties at such a moment. However, he would set a limit to his own personal resentment and only support the very moderate request of these excellent ladies, who would be satisfied with bringing before the notice of the senate the crime-stained servility of Publicius Certus, and asking that, though the penalty for his most iniquitous crime might be foregone, he might at least be branded with some mark of disgrace similar to being officially degraded by the censors. Satrius Rufus followed with an equivocal speech, the meaning of which was by no means clear. "I consider," he said, "Publicius Certus will be wronged unless he is acquitted ; he has been impeached by the friends of Arria ; and Fannia, and by his own friends. Nor ought we to be anxious on his account, for we, who think well of him, are also to act as his judges. If he is innocent, as I hope and prefer to think he is, and as I shall continue to believe until something is proved against him, you will be able to acquit him." Such were the sentiments delivered, in the order in which the speakers were severally called upon to speak. Then my turn came ; I rose to my feet, and opening my remarks as you will find in my book, I replied to all, one by one. It was wonderful to notice with what attention and applause all my points were received by those who a little before were shouting me down. This sweeping change of view was due either to the importance of the subject under debate, or to the success of my speech, or to the boldness of the speaker. At length I concluded; Veiento began to answer me, but no one suffered him to speak ; he was greeted with such interruptions and clamours that he exclaimed, "I beg of you, conscript fathers, not to force me to appeal to the tribunes for protection." Immediately the tribune Murena broke in with, "I permit you, most honourable Veiento, to speak." At that the tumult broke out again. In the pauses between the outcries the consul read over the names and took the votes by a division, and then adjourned the House, leaving Veiento still on his feet and struggling to deliver his speech. He complained bitterly of the indignity - as he called it - which had been shown him, quoting the line from Homer Certus was not present when all this took place, either owing to his having some suspicion of what was about to happen, or else he was ill, which was the reason he assigned for his absence. It is true that Caesar never referred to the senate the inquiry into Certus\'s crimes, yet I gained the point for which I had striven. For it was a colleague of Certus who gained the consulship, and Certus\'s place was taken by someone else, and so the sentence at the close of my speech was fulfilled, where I said, "Let him give back, now that we have a model emperor to reign over us, the prize which was conferred upon him by the worst of emperors." Subsequently, I recalled the speech to my memory as best I could, and added a good deal. By a coincidence, which looked rather more than a coincidence. Certus was taken ill and died a very few days after I published my book. I have heard people say that he was haunted by a phantom which was for ever presenting itself to his mind and gaze, and that he thought he saw me threatening him with a sword. I should not like to say that this actually was the case, but it adds to the moral that it should be considered as true. Well, I have written you a letter which, judged by the standard length of a letter, is about as long as the books you have read, but you have only yourself to blame, inasmuch as you were not content with the published books. Farewell.
9.34 To Tranquillus. Please help me out of my dilemma. I am told that I read badly, at least verses. Speeches I can read fairly well, but my reading of poetry is much inferior. I am thinking therefore, as I am about to give a reading to some intimate friends, of trying the experiment of having one of my freedmen to read for me. The fact that I have chosen one who reads, not perhaps well, but certainly better than I can, will show that I am treating my audience as old friends, provided that he is not flurried, for he is as used to reading as I am to poetry. For my own part, I do not know what I ought to do while he is reading, whether I should sit glued to my seat, without opening my lips like an idle spectator, or whether, as some people I know do, I should follow the words he utters with my lips, eyes, and hands. But in that case I fancy I should not accompany him any better than I should read. So I ask you again to help me out of my dilemma, and write and tell me truly whether it is better for me to read execrably badly, or whether or not I ought to do as I propose. Farewell. ' "
10.58 To Trajan. When, Sir, I was about to hold a court and was calling out the names of the judges, Flavius Archippus began to ask leave to be excused on the ground that he was a philosopher. I was indeed told by some other persons that he ought not only to be excused from sitting as a judge but that his name ought to be struck off the list, and that he himself should be handed back to finish the sentence which he had evaded by breaking out of prison. A judgment of the proconsul Velius Paullus was read to me, which showed that Archippus had been condemned to the mines for forgery, and he could produce nothing to prove that the sentence had been revoked. However, he brings forward, in lieu of a pardon, a petition which he sent to Domitian and a letter which Domitian wrote in reply, referring to some distinction conferred upon him, and he also produces a decree of the people of Prusa. In addition to these documents, there is a letter written by yourself to him, and an edict and a letter of your father's in which he confirmed the privileges granted by Domitian. Consequently, though the man is involved in such serious charges, I thought I had better come to no decision until I had taken your advice on a point which I consider quite worthy of your attention. I enclose with this letter the documents which have been produced on both sides. • A letter from Domitian to Terentius Maximus I have granted the request of Flavius Archippus, the philosopher, that I should order land of the value of 600,000 sesterces to be bought for him near Prusa, his native place. I wish this to be acquired for him, and you will charge the whole amount to my account as a gift from me. • A letter from Domitian to Lucius Appius Maximus I desire, my dear Maximus, that you will regard Archippus the philosopher, who is a worthy man, and whose character fully corresponds with the nobility of his profession, as specially commended to your notice, and that you will show him the full extent of your kindness in any reasonable request he may lay before you. • Edict of the late Emperor Nerva There are some things, Romans, that go without saying in such prosperous times as we are now enjoying, nor should people look to a good emperor to declare himself on points wherein his position is thoroughly understood. For every citizen is well assured, and can answer for me without prompting, that I have preferred the security of the State to my own convenience, and in so doing have both conferred new privileges and confirmed old ones that were conceded before my time. However, to prevent there being any interruption of the public felicity by doubts and hesitation arising from the nervousness of those who have obtained favours, or from the memory of the emperor who granted them, I have thought that it is advisable, and that it will give general pleasure, if I remove all doubt by giving proof of my kind indulgence. I do not wish any one to think that any benefit conferred upon him, in either a private or public capacity by any other emperor, will be taken away from him just in order that he may owe the confirmation of his privilege to myself. Let all such grants be regarded as ratified and absolutely secure, and let those who write to thank me for the favours which the royal house has bestowed upon them not fail to renew their applications for more. Only let them give me time for new kindnesses, and understand that the favours they solicit must be such as they do not already possess. • A letter from Nerva to Tullius Justus Since I have made it my rule to preserve all arrangements begun and carried through in the previous reigns, the letters of Domitian must also remain valid. " ' None |
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48. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Emperors, Domitian
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 228, 229; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 107
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49. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Abascanthus, freedman of Domitian • Domitian • Domitian, palace of • Domitian, privacy • Emperors, Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 277, 279; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 135; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 120; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 107; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 47, 299, 300, 345; Keane (2015), Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions, 53, 82; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 121, 216; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 243; Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 47; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 69; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 188; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 277, 279
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50. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 3.18.4, 3.20.8, 4.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, Roman Emperor
Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 199, 201, 204; Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 45; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 17; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 557
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3.18.4 To such a degree, indeed, did the teaching of our faith flourish at that time that even those writers who were far from our religion did not hesitate to mention in their histories the persecution and the martyrdoms which took place during it.' ' None |
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51. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pliny, and Domitian
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 19, 24, 115; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 19, 24, 115
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52. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.731-1.734, 2.56, 2.307-2.308, 2.533-2.558, 3.169, 4.597, 5.319, 6.801-6.805, 6.851, 7.170, 8.59, 8.151, 8.198, 8.200-8.204, 8.244-8.246, 9.59-9.64, 9.717-9.726, 9.728-9.777, 10.241, 10.270-10.277, 11.901, 12.4-12.8, 12.327, 12.898
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, Statius flatters • Domitian, as god • Domitian, as “New Augustus” • Domitian, banquet of • Domitian, conquests of • Domitian, palace of • Domitian, public architecture • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Statius, and Domitian • Statius, flatters Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 253, 254, 255, 257, 260, 263, 277, 278, 279, 342; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 289, 332; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 216; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 169, 193, 198, 254; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 127; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 253, 254, 255, 257, 260, 263, 277, 278, 279, 342
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1.731 Iuppiter, hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuntur, 1.732 hunc laetum Tyriisque diem Troiaque profectis 1.733 esse velis, nostrosque huius meminisse minores. 1.734 Adsit laetitiae Bacchus dator, et bona Iuno;
2.56 Troiaque, nunc stares, Priamique arx alta, maneres.
2.307 praecipitisque trahit silvas, stupet inscius alto 2.308 accipiens sonitum saxi de vertice pastor.
2.533 Hic Priamus, quamquam in media iam morte tenetur, 2.534 non tamen abstinuit, nec voci iraeque pepercit: 2.536 di, si qua est caelo pietas, quae talia curet, 2.537 persolvant grates dignas et praemia reddant 2.538 debita, qui nati coram me cernere letum 2.539 fecisti et patrios foedasti funere voltus. 2.540 At non ille, satum quo te mentiris, Achilles 2.541 talis in hoste fuit Priamo; sed iura fidemque 2.542 supplicis erubuit, corpusque exsangue sepulchro 2.543 reddidit Hectoreum, meque in mea regna remisit. 2.544 Sic fatus senior, telumque imbelle sine ictu 2.545 coniecit, rauco quod protinus aere repulsum 2.546 e summo clipei nequiquam umbone pependit. 2.547 Cui Pyrrhus: Referes ergo haec et nuntius ibis 2.548 Pelidae genitori; illi mea tristia facta 2.549 degeneremque Neoptolemum narrare memento. 2.550 Nunc morere. Hoc dicens altaria ad ipsa trementem 2.551 traxit et in multo lapsantem sanguine nati, 2.552 implicuitque comam laeva, dextraque coruscum 2.553 extulit, ac lateri capulo tenus abdidit ensem. 2.554 Haec finis Priami fatorum; hic exitus illum 2.555 sorte tulit, Troiam incensam et prolapsa videntem 2.556 Pergama, tot quondam populis terrisque superbum 2.557 regnatorem Asiae. Iacet ingens litore truncus, 2.558 avolsumque umeris caput, et sine nomine corpus.
3.169 Surge age, et haec laetus longaevo dicta parenti
4.597 Tum decuit, cum sceptra dabas.—En dextra fidesque,
5.319 emicat, et ventis et fulminis ocior alis;
6.801 Nec vero Alcides tantum telluris obivit, 6.802 fixerit aeripedem cervam licet, aut Erymanthi 6.803 pacarit nemora, et Lernam tremefecerit arcu; 6.804 nec, qui pampineis victor iuga flectit habenis, 6.805 Liber, agens celso Nysae de vertice tigres.
6.851 tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento;
8.59 Surge age, nate dea, primisque cadentibus astris
8.151 pectora, sunt animi et rebus spectata iuventus.
8.198 Huic monstro Volcanus erat pater: illius atros
8.200 Attulit et nobis aliquando optantibus aetas 8.201 auxilium adventumque dei. Nam maximus ultor, 8.202 tergemini nece Geryonae spoliisque superbus 8.203 Alcides aderat taurosque hac victor agebat 8.204 ingentis, vallemque boves amnemque tenebant.
8.244 infernas reseret sedes et regna recludat 8.245 pallida, dis invisa, superque immane barathrum 8.246 cernatur, trepident inmisso lumine manes.
9.59 Ac veluti pleno lupus insidiatus ovili 9.60 cum fremit ad caulas, ventos perpessus et imbris, 9.61 nocte super media; tuti sub matribus agni 9.62 balatum exercent, ille asper et improbus ira 9.63 saevit in absentis, collecta fatigat edendi 9.64 ex longo rabies et siccae sanguine fauces:
9.717 Hic Mars armipotens animum viresque Latinis 9.718 addidit et stimulos acris sub pectore vertit 9.719 immisitque Fugam Teucris atrumque Timorem. 9.720 Undique conveniunt, quoniam data copia pugnae 9.721 bellatorque animo deus incidit. 9.723 et quo sit fortuna loco, qui casus agat res, 9.724 portam vi magna converso cardine torquet, 9.725 obnixus latis umeris, multosque suorum 9.726 moenibus exclusos duro in certamine linquit;
9.728 demens, qui Rutulum in medio non agmine regem 9.729 viderit inrumpentem ultroque incluserit urbi, 9.730 immanem veluti pecora inter inertia tigrim. 9.731 Continuo nova lux oculis effulsit, et arma 9.732 horrendum sonuere; tremunt in vertice cristae 9.733 sanguineae, clipeoque micantia fulmina mittit: 9.734 agnoscunt faciem invisam atque immania membra 9.735 turbati subito Aeneadae. Tum Pandarus ingens 9.736 emicat et mortis fraternae fervidus ira 9.737 effatur: Non haec dotalis regia Amatae,' '9.740 Olli subridens sedato pectore Turnus: 9.741 Incipe, siqua animo virtus, et consere dextram: 9.743 Dixerat. Ille rudem nodis et cortice crudo 9.744 intorquet summis adnixus viribus hastam: 9.745 excepere aurae volnus; Saturnia Iuno 9.746 detorsit veniens, portaeque infigitur hasta. 9.747 At non hoc telum, mea quod vi dextera versat, 9.749 Sic ait et sublatum alte consurgit in ensem 9.750 et mediam ferro gemina inter tempora frontem 9.751 dividit inpubesque immani volnere malas. 9.752 Fit sonus, ingenti concussa est pondere tellus: 9.753 conlapsos artus atque arma cruenta cerebro 9.754 sternit humi moriens, atque illi partibus aequis 9.755 huc caput atque illuc umero ex utroque pependit. 9.756 Diffugiunt versi trepida formidine Troes: 9.757 et si continuo victorem ea cura subisset, 9.758 rumpere claustra manu sociosque immittere portis, 9.759 ultimus ille dies bello gentique fuisset; 9.760 sed furor ardentem caedisque insana cupido 9.761 egit in adversos. 9.762 Principio Phalerim et succiso poplite Gygen 9.763 excipit; hinc raptas fugientibus ingerit hastas 9.764 in tergum, Iuno vires animumque ministrat; 9.765 addit Halym comitem et confixa Phegea parma, 9.766 ignaros deinde in muris Martemque cientis 9.767 Alcandrumque Haliumque Noemonaque Prytanimque. 9.768 Lyncea tendentem contra sociosque vocantem 9.769 vibranti gladio conixus ab aggere dexter 9.770 occupat; huic uno desectum comminus ictu 9.771 cum galea longe iacuit caput. Inde ferarum 9.772 vastatorem Amycum, quo non felicior alter 9.773 ungere tela manu ferrumque armare veneno, 9.774 et Clytium Aeoliden et amicum Crethea Musis, 9.775 Crethea Musarum comitem, cui carmina semper 9.776 et citharae cordi numerosque intendere nervis. 9.777
10.241 Surge age et Aurora socios veniente vocari
10.270 Ardet apex capiti cristisque a vertice flamma 10.271 funditur et vastos umbo vomit aureus ignes: 10.272 non secus ac liquida siquando nocte cometae 10.273 sanguinei lugubre rubent aut Sirius ardor, 10.274 ille sitim morbosque ferens mortalibus aegris, 10.275 nascitur et laevo contristat lumine caelum. 10.276 Haud tamen audaci Turno fiducia cessit 10.277 litora praecipere et venientis pellere terra.
11.901 Ille furens, et saeva Iovis sic numina pellunt,
12.4 attollitque animos. Poenorum qualis in arvis 12.5 saucius ille gravi vetum vulnere pectus 12.6 tum demum movet arma leo gaudetque comantis 12.7 excutiens cervice toros fixumque latronis 12.8 inpavidus frangit telum et fremit ore cruento:
12.327 emicat in currum et manibus molitur habenas.
12.898 limes agro positus, litem ut discerneret arvis.'' None | sup>
1.731 “O Queen, who hast authority of Jove 1.732 to found this rising city, and subdue 1.733 with righteous goverce its people proud, 1.734 we wretched Trojans, blown from sea to sea,
2.56 hurried indigt down; and from afar
2.307 the sacrificial altar, and thrusts back 2.308 from his doomed head the ill-aimed, glancing blade.
2.533 eeking their safe ships and the friendly shore. 2.534 Some cowards foul went clambering back again 2.536 But woe is me! If gods their help withhold, ' "2.537 't is impious to be brave. That very hour " '2.538 the fair Cassandra passed us, bound in chains, ' "2.539 King Priam's virgin daughter, from the shrine " '2.540 and altars of Minerva; her loose hair 2.541 had lost its fillet; her impassioned eyes 2.542 were lifted in vain prayer,—her eyes alone! 2.543 For chains of steel her frail, soft hands confined. ' "2.544 Coroebus' eyes this horror not endured, " '2.545 and, sorrow-crazed, he plunged him headlong in 2.546 the midmost fray, self-offered to be slain, 2.547 while in close mass our troop behind him poured. 2.548 But, at this point, the overwhelming spears 2.549 of our own kinsmen rained resistless down 2.550 from a high temple-tower; and carnage wild 2.551 ensued, because of the Greek arms we bore 2.552 and our false crests. The howling Grecian band, ' "2.553 crazed by Cassandra's rescue, charged at us " '2.554 from every side; Ajax of savage soul, 2.555 the sons of Atreus, and that whole wild horde 2.556 Achilles from Dolopian deserts drew. ' "2.557 'T was like the bursting storm, when gales contend, " '2.558 west wind and South, and jocund wind of morn
3.169 and lions yoked her royal chariot draw.
4.597 ‘I was not with the Greeks what time they swore
5.319 my pathway now; for you on yonder strand
6.801 In laws, for bribes enacted or made void; 6.802 Another did incestuously take 6.803 His daughter for a wife in lawless bonds. 6.804 All ventured some unclean, prodigious crime; 6.805 And what they dared, achieved. I could not tell,
6.851 Eridanus, through forests rolling free.
8.59 a huge sow, with her newly-littered brood
8.151 prang to its feet and left the feast divine.
8.198 risking my person and my life, have come
8.200 the house of Daunus hurls insulting war. 8.201 If us they quell, they doubt not to obtain 8.202 lordship of all Hesperia, and subdue 8.203 alike the northern and the southern sea. 8.204 Accept good faith, and give! Behold, our hearts ' "
8.244 Then high-born pages, with the altar's priest, " '8.245 bring on the roasted beeves and load the board 8.246 with baskets of fine bread; and wine they bring —
9.59 his laggard host, and, leading in his train 9.60 a score of chosen knights, dashed into view 9.61 hard by the walls. A barb of Thracian breed 9.62 dappled with white he rode; a crimson plume 9.63 flamed over his golden helmet. “Who,” he cries, 9.64 “Is foremost at the foe? Who follows me?
9.717 Here grim Mezentius, terrible to see, 9.718 waved an Etrurian pine, and made his war 9.719 with smoking firebrands; there, in equal rage, ' "9.720 Messapus, the steed-tamer, Neptune's son, " '9.721 ripped down the palisade, and at the breach 9.723 Aid, O Calliope, the martial song! 9.724 Tell me what carnage and how many deaths 9.725 the sword of Turnus wrought: what peer in arms 9.726 each hero to the world of ghosts sent down.
9.728 A tower was there, well-placed and looming large, 9.729 with many a lofty bridge, which desperately ' "9.730 th' Italians strove to storm, and strangely plied " '9.731 besieging enginery to cast it down: 9.732 the Trojans hurled back stones, or, standing close, 9.733 flung through the loopholes a swift shower of spears. 9.734 But Turnus launched a firebrand, and pierced 9.735 the wooden wall with flame, which in the wind 9.736 leaped larger, and devoured from floor to floor, 9.737 burning each beam away. The trembling guards 9.738 ought flight in vain; and while they crowded close 9.739 into the side unkindled yet, the tower 9.740 bowed its whole weight and fell, with sudden crash 9.741 that thundered through the sky. Along the ground 9.742 half dead the warriors fell (the crushing mass 9.743 piled over them) by their own pointed spears 9.744 pierced to the heart, or wounded mortally 9.745 by cruel splinters of the wreck. Two men, 9.746 Helenor one, and Lyeus at his side, 9.747 alone get free. Helenor of the twain 9.748 was a mere youth; the slave Lycymnia 9.749 bore him in secret to the Lydian King, 9.750 and, arming him by stealth, had sent away 9.751 to serve the Trojan cause. One naked sword 9.752 for arms had he, and on his virgin shield 9.753 no blazon of renown; but when he saw 9.754 the hosts of Turnus front him, and the lines 9.755 this way and that of Latins closing round, — 9.756 as a fierce, forest-creature, brought to bay 9.757 in circling pack of huntsmen, shows its teeth 9.758 against the naked spears, and scorning death 9.759 leaps upward on the javelins,—even so, 9.760 not loth to die, the youthful soldier flew 9.761 traight at the centre of his foes, and where 9.762 the shining swords looked thickest, there he sprung. 9.763 But Lyeus, swifter-footed, forced his way 9.764 past the opposing spears and made escape 9.765 far as the ciity-wall, where he would fain 9.766 clutch at the coping and climb up to clasp 9.767 ome friend above: but Turnus, spear in hand, 9.768 had hotly followed, and exulting loud 9.769 thus taunted him, “Hadst thou the hope, rash fool, 9.770 beyond this grasp to fly?” So, as he clung, 9.771 he tore him down; and with him broke and fell 9.772 a huge piece of the wall: not otherwise 9.773 a frail hare, or a swan of snow-white wing, 9.774 is clutched in eagle-talons, when the bird 9.775 of Jove soars skyward with his prey; or tender lamb 9.776 from bleating mother and the broken fold 9.777 is stolen by the wolf of Mars. Wild shouts
10.241 displayed the form of Phoebus, all of gold:
10.270 oft snow-white plumes, and spurning earth he soared 10.271 on high, and sped in music through the stars. 10.272 His son with bands of youthful peers urged on 10.273 a galley with a Centaur for its prow, ' "10.274 which loomed high o'er the waves, and seemed to hurl " '10.275 a huge stone at the water, as the keel 10.276 ploughed through the deep. Next Ocnus summoned forth 10.277 a war-host from his native shores, the son
11.901 he smote Amastrus, son of Hippotas;
12.4 gaze all his way, fierce rage implacable 12.5 wells his high heart. As when on Libyan plain 12.6 a lion, gashed along his tawny breast ' "12.7 by the huntsman's grievous thrust, awakens him " '12.8 unto his last grim fight, and gloriously
12.327 those Trojan sons of Heaven making league ' "
12.898 peed in thy chariot o'er this empty plain?” " ' None |
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53. Vergil, Eclogues, 1.2, 6.8
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342
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1.2 reclining, on the slender oat rehearse
6.8 for lack there will not who would laud thy deeds,'' None |
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54. Vergil, Georgics, 1.1-1.42, 2.173-2.176, 3.10-3.20, 3.482-3.483, 3.566
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian (in Statius’ Thebaid) • Domitian, as god • Domitian, banquet of • Silius Italicus, as pro-Domitianic poet • Statius, and Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 155, 220, 259; Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 145; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 190; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 155, 220, 259
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1.1 Quid faciat laetas segetes, quo sidere terram 1.2 vertere, Maecenas, ulmisque adiungere vitis 1.3 conveniat, quae cura boum, qui cultus habendo 1.4 sit pecori, apibus quanta experientia parcis, 1.5 hinc canere incipiam. Vos, o clarissima mundi 1.6 lumina, labentem caelo quae ducitis annum, 1.7 Liber et alma Ceres, vestro si munere tellus 1.8 Chaoniam pingui glandem mutavit arista, 1.9 poculaque inventis Acheloia miscuit uvis;
1.10 et vos, agrestum praesentia numina, Fauni,
1.11 ferte simul Faunique pedem Dryadesque puellae:
1.12 Munera vestra cano. Tuque o, cui prima frementem
1.13 fudit equum magno tellus percussa tridenti,
1.14 Neptune; et cultor nemorum, cui pinguia Ceae
1.15 ter centum nivei tondent dumeta iuvenci;
1.16 ipse nemus linquens patrium saltusque Lycaei,
1.17 Pan, ovium custos, tua si tibi Maenala curae,
1.18 adsis, o Tegeaee, favens, oleaeque Minerva
1.19 inventrix, uncique puer monstrator aratri, 1.20 et teneram ab radice ferens, Silvane, cupressum, 1.21 dique deaeque omnes, studium quibus arva tueri, 1.22 quique novas alitis non ullo semine fruges, 1.23 quique satis largum caelo demittitis imbrem; 1.24 tuque adeo, quem mox quae sint habitura deorum 1.25 concilia, incertum est, urbisne invisere, Caesar, 1.26 terrarumque velis curam et te maximus orbis 1.27 auctorem frugum tempestatumque potentem 1.28 accipiat, cingens materna tempora myrto, 1.29 an deus inmensi venias maris ac tua nautae 1.30 numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule 1.31 teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis, 1.32 anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, 1.33 qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis 1.34 panditur—ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens 1.35 Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit— 1.36 quidquid eris,—nam te nec sperant Tartara regem 1.37 nec tibi regdi veniat tam dira cupido, 1.38 quamvis Elysios miretur Graecia campos 1.39 nec repetita sequi curet Proserpina matrem— 1.40 da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis 1.41 ignarosque viae mecum miseratus agrestis 1.42 ingredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari.
2.173 Salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, 2.174 magna virum; tibi res antiquae laudis et artem 2.175 ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontis, 2.176 Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen.
3.10 Primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, 3.11 Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; 3.12 primus Idumaeas referam tibi, Mantua, palmas, 3.13 et viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam 3.14 propter aquam. Tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat 3.15 Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.16 In medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit: 3.17 illi victor ego et Tyrio conspectus in ostro 3.18 centum quadriiugos agitabo ad flumina currus. 3.19 Cuncta mihi Alpheum linquens lucosque Molorchi 3.20 cursibus et crudo decernet Graecia caestu.
3.482 Nec via mortis erat simplex, sed ubi ignea venis 3.483 omnibus acta sitis miseros adduxerat artus,
3.566 tempore contactos artus sacer ignis edebat.' ' None | sup>
1.1 What makes the cornfield smile; beneath what star 1.2 Maecenas, it is meet to turn the sod 1.3 Or marry elm with vine; how tend the steer; 1.4 What pains for cattle-keeping, or what proof 1.5 of patient trial serves for thrifty bees;— 1.6 Such are my themes. O universal light 1.7 Most glorious! ye that lead the gliding year 1.8 Along the sky, Liber and Ceres mild, 1.9 If by your bounty holpen earth once changed
1.10 Chaonian acorn for the plump wheat-ear,
1.11 And mingled with the grape, your new-found gift,
1.12 The draughts of Achelous; and ye Faun
1.13 To rustics ever kind, come foot it, Faun
1.14 And Dryad-maids together; your gifts I sing.
1.15 And thou, for whose delight the war-horse first' "
1.16 Sprang from earth's womb at thy great trident's stroke," 1.17 Neptune; and haunter of the groves, for whom
1.18 Three hundred snow-white heifers browse the brakes,
1.19 The fertile brakes of 1.20 Thy native forest and Lycean lawns, 1.21 Pan, shepherd-god, forsaking, as the love 1.22 of thine own Maenalus constrains thee, hear 1.23 And help, O lord of 1.24 Minerva, from whose hand the olive sprung; 1.25 And boy-discoverer of the curved plough; 1.26 And, bearing a young cypress root-uptorn, 1.27 Silvanus, and Gods all and Goddesses, 1.28 Who make the fields your care, both ye who nurse 1.29 The tender unsown increase, and from heaven' "1.30 Shed on man's sowing the riches of your rain:" '1.31 And thou, even thou, of whom we know not yet 1.32 What mansion of the skies shall hold thee soon,' "1.33 Whether to watch o'er cities be thy will," '1.34 Great Caesar, and to take the earth in charge, 1.35 That so the mighty world may welcome thee 1.36 Lord of her increase, master of her times,' "1.37 Binding thy mother's myrtle round thy brow," "1.38 Or as the boundless ocean's God thou come," '1.39 Sole dread of seamen, till far 1.40 Before thee, and Tethys win thee to her son 1.41 With all her waves for dower; or as a star 1.42 Lend thy fresh beams our lagging months to cheer,
2.173 With it the Medes for sweetness lave the lips, 2.174 And ease the panting breathlessness of age. 2.175 But no, not Mede-land with its wealth of woods, 2.176 Nor Ganges fair, and Hermus thick with gold,
3.10 And Pelops for his ivory shoulder famed, 3.11 Keen charioteer? Needs must a path be tried, 3.12 By which I too may lift me from the dust, 3.13 And float triumphant through the mouths of men. 3.14 Yea, I shall be the first, so life endure, 3.15 To lead the Muses with me, as I pa 3.16 To mine own country from the Aonian height; 3.17 I, 3.18 of Idumaea, and raise a marble shrine 3.19 On thy green plain fast by the water-side, 3.20 Where Mincius winds more vast in lazy coils,
3.482 What darkling or at sunset, this ere morn 3.483 They bear away in baskets—for to town
3.566 of cattle; nor seize they single lives alone,'' None |
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55. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian • Domitian, and the Saturnalia
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 24, 25, 155; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 24, 25, 155
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56. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343
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57. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342, 343
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58. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 49; Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 32
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59. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Domitian, and restoration of Apollo’s temple • Domitian, patronage of Pythian games
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 1; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 1
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