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228 results for "dionysus"

1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 100-105, 60-99, 504 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 300

504. μῆνα δὲ Ληναιῶνα, κάκʼ ἤματα, βουδόρα πάντα,

504. These steps, your fields of corn shall surely teem

2. Hesiod, Theogony, 135-136, 328, 444-445, 560-612, 709, 934-935, 975, 937 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 286

937. Ἁρμονίην θʼ, ἣν Κάδμος ὑπέρθυμος θέτʼ ἄκοιτιν.

937. Scorched by a terrible vapour, liquefied

3. Homer, Iliad, 1.400, 1.601-1.603, 2.688-2.693, 4.407, 5.338, 6.129-6.140, 7.467-7.475, 14.325, 18.382, 21.308-21.323 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 131, 180, 261, 286, 288, 297, 321, 322, 384, 393; Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 8; Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 90

1.400. Ἥρη τʼ ἠδὲ Ποσειδάων καὶ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη· 1.601. ὣς τότε μὲν πρόπαν ἦμαρ ἐς ἠέλιον καταδύντα 1.602. δαίνυντʼ, οὐδέ τι θυμὸς ἐδεύετο δαιτὸς ἐΐσης, 1.603. οὐ μὲν φόρμιγγος περικαλλέος ἣν ἔχʼ Ἀπόλλων, 2.688. κεῖτο γὰρ ἐν νήεσσι ποδάρκης δῖος Ἀχιλλεὺς 2.689. κούρης χωόμενος Βρισηΐδος ἠϋκόμοιο, 2.690. τὴν ἐκ Λυρνησσοῦ ἐξείλετο πολλὰ μογήσας 2.691. Λυρνησσὸν διαπορθήσας καὶ τείχεα Θήβης, 2.692. κὰδ δὲ Μύνητʼ ἔβαλεν καὶ Ἐπίστροφον ἐγχεσιμώρους, 2.693. υἱέας Εὐηνοῖο Σεληπιάδαο ἄνακτος· 4.407. παυρότερον λαὸν ἀγαγόνθʼ ὑπὸ τεῖχος ἄρειον, 5.338. ἀμβροσίου διὰ πέπλου, ὅν οἱ Χάριτες κάμον αὐταί, 6.129. οὐκ ἂν ἔγωγε θεοῖσιν ἐπουρανίοισι μαχοίμην. 6.130. οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ Δρύαντος υἱὸς κρατερὸς Λυκόοργος 6.131. δὴν ἦν, ὅς ῥα θεοῖσιν ἐπουρανίοισιν ἔριζεν· 6.132. ὅς ποτε μαινομένοιο Διωνύσοιο τιθήνας 6.133. σεῦε κατʼ ἠγάθεον Νυσήϊον· αἳ δʼ ἅμα πᾶσαι 6.134. θύσθλα χαμαὶ κατέχευαν ὑπʼ ἀνδροφόνοιο Λυκούργου 6.135. θεινόμεναι βουπλῆγι· Διώνυσος δὲ φοβηθεὶς 6.136. δύσεθʼ ἁλὸς κατὰ κῦμα, Θέτις δʼ ὑπεδέξατο κόλπῳ 6.137. δειδιότα· κρατερὸς γὰρ ἔχε τρόμος ἀνδρὸς ὁμοκλῇ. 6.138. τῷ μὲν ἔπειτʼ ὀδύσαντο θεοὶ ῥεῖα ζώοντες, 6.139. καί μιν τυφλὸν ἔθηκε Κρόνου πάϊς· οὐδʼ ἄρʼ ἔτι δὴν 6.140. ἦν, ἐπεὶ ἀθανάτοισιν ἀπήχθετο πᾶσι θεοῖσιν· 7.467. νῆες δʼ ἐκ Λήμνοιο παρέσταν οἶνον ἄγουσαι 7.468. πολλαί, τὰς προέηκεν Ἰησονίδης Εὔνηος, 7.469. τόν ῥʼ ἔτεχʼ Ὑψιπύλη ὑπʼ Ἰήσονι ποιμένι λαῶν. 7.470. χωρὶς δʼ Ἀτρεΐδῃς Ἀγαμέμνονι καὶ Μενελάῳ 7.471. δῶκεν Ἰησονίδης ἀγέμεν μέθυ χίλια μέτρα. 7.472. ἔνθεν οἰνίζοντο κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαιοί, 7.473. ἄλλοι μὲν χαλκῷ, ἄλλοι δʼ αἴθωνι σιδήρῳ, 7.474. ἄλλοι δὲ ῥινοῖς, ἄλλοι δʼ αὐτῇσι βόεσσιν, 7.475. ἄλλοι δʼ ἀνδραπόδεσσι· τίθεντο δὲ δαῖτα θάλειαν. 14.325. ἣ δὲ Διώνυσον Σεμέλη τέκε χάρμα βροτοῖσιν· 18.382. τὴν δὲ ἴδε προμολοῦσα Χάρις λιπαροκρήδεμνος 21.308. φίλε κασίγνητε σθένος ἀνέρος ἀμφότεροί περ 21.309. σχῶμεν, ἐπεὶ τάχα ἄστυ μέγα Πριάμοιο ἄνακτος 21.310. ἐκπέρσει, Τρῶες δὲ κατὰ μόθον οὐ μενέουσιν. 21.311. ἀλλʼ ἐπάμυνε τάχιστα, καὶ ἐμπίπληθι ῥέεθρα 21.312. ὕδατος ἐκ πηγέων, πάντας δʼ ὀρόθυνον ἐναύλους, 21.313. ἵστη δὲ μέγα κῦμα, πολὺν δʼ ὀρυμαγδὸν ὄρινε 21.314. φιτρῶν καὶ λάων, ἵνα παύσομεν ἄγριον ἄνδρα 21.315. ὃς δὴ νῦν κρατέει, μέμονεν δʼ ὅ γε ἶσα θεοῖσι. 21.316. φημὶ γὰρ οὔτε βίην χραισμησέμεν οὔτέ τι εἶδος 21.317. οὔτε τὰ τεύχεα καλά, τά που μάλα νειόθι λίμνης 21.318. κείσεθʼ ὑπʼ ἰλύος κεκαλυμμένα· κὰδ δέ μιν αὐτὸν 21.319. εἰλύσω ψαμάθοισιν ἅλις χέραδος περιχεύας 21.320. μυρίον, οὐδέ οἱ ὀστέʼ ἐπιστήσονται Ἀχαιοὶ 21.321. ἀλλέξαι· τόσσην οἱ ἄσιν καθύπερθε καλύψω. 21.322. αὐτοῦ οἱ καὶ σῆμα τετεύξεται, οὐδέ τί μιν χρεὼ 21.323. ἔσται τυμβοχόης, ὅτε μιν θάπτωσιν Ἀχαιοί.

1.400. But you came, goddess, and freed him from his bonds, when you had quickly called to high Olympus him of the hundred hands, whom the gods call Briareus, but all men Aegaeon; for he is mightier than his father. He sat down by the side of the son of Cronos, exulting in his glory, 1.601. Thus the whole day long till the setting of the sun they feasted, nor did their heart lack anything of the equal feast, nor of the beauteous lyre, that Apollo held, nor yet of the Muses, who sang, replying one to the other with sweet voices.But when the bright light of the sun was set, 1.602. Thus the whole day long till the setting of the sun they feasted, nor did their heart lack anything of the equal feast, nor of the beauteous lyre, that Apollo held, nor yet of the Muses, who sang, replying one to the other with sweet voices.But when the bright light of the sun was set, 1.603. Thus the whole day long till the setting of the sun they feasted, nor did their heart lack anything of the equal feast, nor of the beauteous lyre, that Apollo held, nor yet of the Muses, who sang, replying one to the other with sweet voices.But when the bright light of the sun was set, 2.688. of the fifty ships of these men was Achilles captain. Howbeit they bethought them not of dolorous war, since there was no man to lead them forth into the ranks. For he lay in idleness among the ships, the swift-footed, goodly Achilles, in wrath because of the fair-haired girl Briseïs, 2.689. of the fifty ships of these men was Achilles captain. Howbeit they bethought them not of dolorous war, since there was no man to lead them forth into the ranks. For he lay in idleness among the ships, the swift-footed, goodly Achilles, in wrath because of the fair-haired girl Briseïs, 2.690. whom he had taken out of Lyrnessus after sore toil, when he wasted Lyrnessus and the walls of Thebe, and laid low Mynes and Epistrophus, warriors that raged with the spear, sons of king Evenus, Selepus' son. In sore grief for her lay Achilles idle; but soon was he to arise again. 2.691. whom he had taken out of Lyrnessus after sore toil, when he wasted Lyrnessus and the walls of Thebe, and laid low Mynes and Epistrophus, warriors that raged with the spear, sons of king Evenus, Selepus' son. In sore grief for her lay Achilles idle; but soon was he to arise again. 2.692. whom he had taken out of Lyrnessus after sore toil, when he wasted Lyrnessus and the walls of Thebe, and laid low Mynes and Epistrophus, warriors that raged with the spear, sons of king Evenus, Selepus' son. In sore grief for her lay Achilles idle; but soon was he to arise again. 2.693. whom he had taken out of Lyrnessus after sore toil, when he wasted Lyrnessus and the walls of Thebe, and laid low Mynes and Epistrophus, warriors that raged with the spear, sons of king Evenus, Selepus' son. In sore grief for her lay Achilles idle; but soon was he to arise again. 4.407. We declare ourselves to be better men by far than our fathers: we took the seat of Thebe of the seven gates, when we twain had gathered a lesser host against a stronger wall, putting our trust in the portents of the gods and in the aid of Zeus; whereas they perished through their own blind folly. 5.338. then the son of great-souled Tydeus thrust with his sharp spear and leapt upon her, and wounded the surface of her delicate hand, and forthwith through the ambrosial raiment that the Graces themselves had wrought for her the spear pierced the flesh upon the wrist above the palm and forth flowed the immortal blood of the goddess, 6.129. until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.130. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.131. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.132. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.133. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.134. Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.135. But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.136. But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.137. But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.138. But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.139. But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.140. and he lived not for long, seeing that he was hated of all the immortal gods. So would not I be minded to fight against the blessed gods. But if thou art of men, who eat the fruit of the field, draw nigh, that thou mayest the sooner enter the toils of destruction. Then spake to him the glorious son of Hippolochus: 7.467. and the sun set, and the work of the Achaeans was accomplished; and they slaughtered oxen throughout the huts and took supper. And ships full many were at hand from Lemnos, bearing wine, sent forth by Jason's son, Euneus, whom Hypsipyle bare to Jason, shepherd of the host. 7.468. and the sun set, and the work of the Achaeans was accomplished; and they slaughtered oxen throughout the huts and took supper. And ships full many were at hand from Lemnos, bearing wine, sent forth by Jason's son, Euneus, whom Hypsipyle bare to Jason, shepherd of the host. 7.469. and the sun set, and the work of the Achaeans was accomplished; and they slaughtered oxen throughout the huts and took supper. And ships full many were at hand from Lemnos, bearing wine, sent forth by Jason's son, Euneus, whom Hypsipyle bare to Jason, shepherd of the host. 7.470. And for themselves alone unto the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon and Menelaus, had Euneus given wine to be brought them, even a thousand measures. From these ships the long-haired Achaeans bought them wine, some for bronze, some for gleaming iron, some for hides, some for whole cattle, 7.471. And for themselves alone unto the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon and Menelaus, had Euneus given wine to be brought them, even a thousand measures. From these ships the long-haired Achaeans bought them wine, some for bronze, some for gleaming iron, some for hides, some for whole cattle, 7.472. And for themselves alone unto the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon and Menelaus, had Euneus given wine to be brought them, even a thousand measures. From these ships the long-haired Achaeans bought them wine, some for bronze, some for gleaming iron, some for hides, some for whole cattle, 7.473. And for themselves alone unto the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon and Menelaus, had Euneus given wine to be brought them, even a thousand measures. From these ships the long-haired Achaeans bought them wine, some for bronze, some for gleaming iron, some for hides, some for whole cattle, 7.474. And for themselves alone unto the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon and Menelaus, had Euneus given wine to be brought them, even a thousand measures. From these ships the long-haired Achaeans bought them wine, some for bronze, some for gleaming iron, some for hides, some for whole cattle, 7.475. and some for slaves; and they made them a rich feast. So the whole night through the long-haired Achaeans feasted, and the Trojans likewise in the city, and their allies; and all night long Zeus, the counsellor, devised them evil, thundering in terrible wise. Then pale fear gat hold of them, 14.325. and Semele bare Dionysus, the joy of mortals; nor of Demeter, the fair-tressed queen; nor of glorious Leto; nay, nor yet of thine own self, as now I love thee, and sweet desire layeth hold of me. Then with crafty mind the queenly Hera spake unto him: 18.382. And while he laboured thereat with cunning skill, meanwhile there drew nigh to him the goddess, silver-footed Thetis. And Charis of the gleaming veil came forward and marked her—fair Charis, whom the famed god of the two strong arms had wedded. And she clasped her by the hand, and spake, and addressed her: 21.308. Nor yet would Scamander abate his fury, but was even more wroth against the son of Peleus, and raising himself on high he made the surge of his flood into a crest, and he called with a shout to Simois:Dear brother, the might of this man let us stay, though it need the two of us, seeing presently he will lay waste the great city of king Priam, 21.309. Nor yet would Scamander abate his fury, but was even more wroth against the son of Peleus, and raising himself on high he made the surge of his flood into a crest, and he called with a shout to Simois:Dear brother, the might of this man let us stay, though it need the two of us, seeing presently he will lay waste the great city of king Priam, 21.310. neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.311. neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.312. neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.313. neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.314. neither will the Trojans abide him in battle. Nay, bear thou aid with speed, and fill thy streams with water from thy springs, and arouse all thy torrents; raise thou a great wave, and stir thou a mighty din of tree-trunks and stones, that we may check this fierce man 21.315. that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.316. that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.317. that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.318. that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.319. that now prevaileth, and is minded to vie even with the gods. For I deem that his strength shall naught avail him, neither anywise his comeliness, nor yet that goodly armour, which, I ween, deep beneath the mere shall lie covered over with slime; and himself will I enwrap in sands and shed over him great store of shingle 21.320. past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral. 21.321. past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral. 21.322. past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral. 21.323. past all measuring; nor shall the Achaeans know where to gather his bones, with such a depth of silt shall I enshroud him. Even here shall be his sepulchre, nor shall he have need of a heaped-up mound, when the Achaeans make his funeral.

4. Homer, Odyssey, 4.499-4.509, 6.102-6.103, 6.163-6.164, 8.267, 8.362-8.363, 11.325 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 549; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 166, 180, 261

4.499. Αἴας μὲν μετὰ νηυσὶ δάμη δολιχηρέτμοισι. 4.500. Γυρῇσίν μιν πρῶτα Ποσειδάων ἐπέλασσεν 4.501. πέτρῃσιν μεγάλῃσι καὶ ἐξεσάωσε θαλάσσης· 4.502. καί νύ κεν ἔκφυγε κῆρα καὶ ἐχθόμενός περ Ἀθήνῃ, 4.503. εἰ μὴ ὑπερφίαλον ἔπος ἔκβαλε καὶ μέγʼ ἀάσθη· 4.504. φῆ ῥʼ ἀέκητι θεῶν φυγέειν μέγα λαῖτμα θαλάσσης. 4.505. τοῦ δὲ Ποσειδάων μεγάλʼ ἔκλυεν αὐδήσαντος· 4.506. αὐτίκʼ ἔπειτα τρίαιναν ἑλὼν χερσὶ στιβαρῇσιν 4.507. ἤλασε Γυραίην πέτρην, ἀπὸ δʼ ἔσχισεν αὐτήν· 4.508. καὶ τὸ μὲν αὐτόθι μεῖνε, τὸ δὲ τρύφος ἔμπεσε πόντῳ, 4.509. τῷ ῥʼ Αἴας τὸ πρῶτον ἐφεζόμενος μέγʼ ἀάσθη· 6.102. οἵη δʼ Ἄρτεμις εἶσι κατʼ οὔρεα ἰοχέαιρα, 6.103. ἢ κατὰ Τηΰγετον περιμήκετον ἢ Ἐρύμανθον, 6.163. φοίνικος νέον ἔρνος ἀνερχόμενον ἐνόησα· 6.164. ἦλθον γὰρ καὶ κεῖσε, πολὺς δέ μοι ἕσπετο λαός, 8.267. ἀμφʼ Ἄρεος φιλότητος εὐστεφάνου τʼ Ἀφροδίτης, 8.362. ἡ δʼ ἄρα Κύπρον ἵκανε φιλομμειδὴς Ἀφροδίτη, 8.363. ἐς Πάφον· ἔνθα δέ οἱ τέμενος βωμός τε θυήεις. 11.325. Δίῃ ἐν ἀμφιρύτῃ Διονύσου μαρτυρίῃσιν.

4.500. First Poseidon drove him against the great rocks of Gyrae and saved him from the sea, and he'd indeed have escaped doom, though hateful to Athena, if he hadn't been made mighty mindless and thrown out a haughty word. He said he'd escaped, against gods' will, the great gulf of the sea. 4.505. Poseidon heard him speaking loudly, then at once took his trident in his well-knit hands, drove it against the Gyraean rock and split it. And one piece stayed where it was while the other fell into the sea, the one on which Ajax first sat when he was made mighty mindless, 11.325. on sea-girt Dia, on the testimony of Dionysus. “I saw Maera and Clymene and loathsome Eriphyle, who accepted precious gold for her beloved husband's life. I couldn't name or tell the story of them all, all the heroes' wives and daughters that I saw,

5. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 61 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as vegetation deity •vegetation deities, dionysus as Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 261

61. The Graces bathed her with the oil that’s seen

6. Homeric Hymns, To Hermes, 574-575 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 131

575. The grim-eyed lion, the gleaming-tusked boar,

7. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 194-195 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 261

8. Alcaeus, Fragments, fr.349 (a) voigt, 128.7, 128.6, 56 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

9. Sappho, Fragments, 17 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, wine, as god of •wine, dionysus as god of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 394

10. Sappho, Fragments, 17 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, wine, as god of •wine, dionysus as god of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 394

11. Alcaeus, Fragments, fr.349 (a) voigt (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

12. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 1.24-1.38, 9.9 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68

1.25. with whom the mighty holder of the earth Poseidon fell in love, when Clotho took him out of the pure cauldron, furnished with a gleaming ivory shoulder. Yes, there are many marvels, and yet I suppose the speech of mortals beyond the true account can be deceptive, stories adorned with embroidered lies; [30] and Grace, who fashions all gentle things for men, confers esteem and often contrives to make believable the unbelievable. But the days to come are the wisest witnesses. [35] It is seemly for a man to speak well of the gods; for the blame is less that way. Son of Tantalus, I will speak of you, contrary to earlier stories. When your father invited the gods to a very well-ordered banquet at his own dear Sipylus, in return for the meals he had enjoyed, then it was that the god of the splendid trident seized you, his mind overcome with desire, and carried you away on his team of golden horses to the highest home of widely-honored Zeus, to which at a later time Ganymede came also, [45] to perform the same service for Zeus. But when you disappeared, and people did not bring you back to your mother, for all their searching, right away some envious neighbor whispered that they cut you limb from limb with a knife into the water's rolling boil over the fire,

13. Pindar, Fragments, 52i.6-7, 70b, 25 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 250

14. Aeschylus, Libation-Bearers, 1048-1058, 124-125 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 331

125. τοὺς γῆς ἔνερθε δαίμονας κλύειν ἐμὰς

125. ummon to me the spirits beneath the earth to hear my prayers, spirits that watch over my father’s house, and Earth herself, who gives birth to all things, and having nurtured them receives their increase in turn. And meanwhile, as I pour these lustral offerings to the dead,

15. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 105, 151, 106 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 286

106. ἰὼ χρυσοπήληξ δαῖμον ἔπιδʼ ἔπι-

16. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1050-1052, 1343, 1345, 228-229 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 166

229. παρʼ οὐδὲν αἰῶ τε παρθένειον

229. of these, and of the virgin-age, —

17. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 4.87-4.88 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •thebes, association of ares, dionysus, and aphrodite with Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 288

18. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1423-1430, 175, 181-185, 208-209, 241, 275, 296, 401, 490-491, 953 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graf and Johnston, Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007) 145

953. σίτοις καπήλευ' ̓Ορφέα τ' ἄνακτ' ἔχων

953. Thy boasts will never persuade me to be guilty of attributing ignorance to gods. Go then, vaunt thyself, and drive1 Hippolytus is here taunted with being an exponent of the Orphic mysteries. Apparently Orpheus, like Pythagoras, taught the necessity of total abstinence from animal food. thy petty trade in viands formed of lifeless food; take Orpheus for thy chief and go a-revelling, with all honour for the vapourings of many a written scroll,

19. Euripides, Helen, 1362-1363, 1408, 1344 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 17

1344. λύπαν ἐξαλλάξατ' ἀλαλᾷ,

20. Euripides, Fragments, 953 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as “releaser” Found in books: Graf and Johnston, Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007) 145

21. Euripides, Bacchae, 1, 10, 100, 1000-1023, 1034, 1053-1057, 1082-1083, 11, 1133, 115, 1159, 116-118, 12, 120-125, 1255, 126-133, 1330-1339, 134, 1346-1349, 141, 145-147, 2, 274-285, 3, 306-309, 319-321, 325, 328-329, 366, 389-392, 395-398, 4, 400-402, 413, 45, 5, 500-501, 504, 553-555, 570, 576-599, 6, 600-629, 63, 630-699, 7, 700-799, 8, 800-861, 9, 90-91, 918-919, 92, 920-922, 93, 977-999, 399 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 157

399. τὰ παρόντʼ οὐχὶ φέροι. μαινομένων

399. But cleverness is not wisdom, nor is thinking on things unfit for mortals. Life is short, and on this account the one who pursues great things does not achieve that which is present. In my opinion,

22. Euripides, Alcestis, 361 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, festivals associated with Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 331

361. eeing that I am no less chargeable with injuring him if I make him childless. This is my case; but for thee, there is one thing i.e. I am afraid, even if I prove the malice and falseness of her charges against me, you will not punish her, for your partiality and weakness in such cases is well known. I fear in thy disposition; it was a quarrel for a woman that really induced thee to destroy poor Ilium’s town. Choru

23. Euripides, Andromache, 1258-1262, 1257 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 185

1257. κἄπειτα Νηρέως ἐν δόμοις ἐμοῦ μέτα

24. Euripides, Ion, 1078-1080, 715-718, 714 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 157

714. ἰὼ δειράδες Παρνασοῦ πέτρας

714. Ho! ye peaks of Parnassu

25. Alcaeus Comicus, Fragments, fr.349 (a) voigt (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

26. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1259, 479, 1032 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84

1032. ̓Ορφεὺς μὲν γὰρ τελετάς θ' ἡμῖν κατέδειξε φόνων τ' ἀπέχεσθαι, 1032. >

27. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 1408 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, persona (aspects of) Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 90

28. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 1006-1008, 886-908, 981 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 17

981. prinkling the stone pillars with blood as he gasped out his life. Then Heracles shouted in triumph and boasted loud: Here lies one of Eurystheus’ brood dead at my feet, atoning for his father’s hatred. Then he aimed his bow against a second, who had crouched

29. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 226-228, 686, 784-785, 685 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 149

685. Δαμάτηρ θεά,

685. goddess Demeter the queen of all, Earth the nurse of all, won it for themselves; send to the help of this land those torch-bearing goddesses; for to gods all things are easy. Eteocles to an attendant

30. Euripides, Trojan Women, 500, 977-978, 989-990, 998, 979 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 47

979. ἢ γάμον ̓Αθηνᾶ θεῶν τίνος θηρωμένη —

979. coming as they did in mere wanton sport to Ida to contest the palm of beauty. For why should goddess Hera set her heart so much on such a prize? Was it to win a nobler lord than Zeus? or was Athena hunting down among the gods a husband,

31. Gorgias, Helena, 16-19, 15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 47

32. Herodotus, Histories, 5.55, 6.121, 6.109, 2.50, 6.137, 2.49, 5.7, 7.26, 3.90.2, 1.14.3, 7.8c, 7.73, 7.72, 4.80, 4.79, 4.78, 4.76, 1.53.2, 1.6 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91

5.55. ἀπελαυνόμενος δὲ ὁ Ἀρισταγόρης ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης ἤιε ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας γενομένας τυράννων ὧδε ἐλευθέρας. ἐπεὶ Ἵππαρχον τὸν Πεισιστράτου, Ἱππίεω δὲ τοῦ τυράννου ἀδελφεόν, ἰδόντα ὄψιν ἐνυπνίου τῷ ἑωυτοῦ πάθεϊ ἐναργεστάτην κτείνουσι Ἀριστογείτων καὶ Ἁρμόδιος, γένος ἐόντες τὰ ἀνέκαθεν Γεφυραῖοι, μετὰ ταῦτα ἐτυραννεύοντο Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπʼ ἔτεα τέσσερα οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸ τοῦ.

5.55. When he was forced to leave Sparta, Aristagoras went to Athens, which had been freed from its ruling tyrants in the manner that I will show. First Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus and brother of the tyrant Hippias, had been slain by Aristogiton and Harmodius, men of Gephyraean descent. This was in fact an evil of which he had received a premonition in a dream. After this the Athenians were subject for four years to a tyranny not less but even more absolute than before.

33. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 287 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68, 69

287. νὴ τοὺς θεοὺς Μίδαις μὲν οὖν, ἢν ὦτ' ὄνου λάβητε.

34. Hippocrates, On The Diseases of Women, on the diseases of women 1.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, disease, symptoms of Found in books: Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 42

35. Hipponax, Fragments, 92 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •priapus, and dionysus/satyrs/thiasos Found in books: Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 110

36. Lysias, Orations, 6.17-6.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as teacher of viticulture Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 82

37. Plato, Gorgias, 523a4, 523a5, 523a3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 146

38. Plato, Laws, 653d, 660e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68

39. Plato, Phaedrus, 229c-e, 244d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graf and Johnston, Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007) 147

244d. ἣν νῦν οἰωνιστικὴν τῷ ω σεμνύνοντες οἱ νέοι καλοῦσιν· ὅσῳ δὴ οὖν τελεώτερον καὶ ἐντιμότερον μαντικὴ οἰωνιστικῆς, τό τε ὄνομα τοῦ ὀνόματος ἔργον τʼ ἔργου, τόσῳ κάλλιον μαρτυροῦσιν οἱ παλαιοὶ μανίαν σωφροσύνης τὴν ἐκ θεοῦ τῆς παρʼ ἀνθρώπων γιγνομένης. ἀλλὰ μὴν νόσων γε καὶ πόνων τῶν μεγίστων, ἃ δὴ παλαιῶν ἐκ μηνιμάτων ποθὲν ἔν τισι τῶν γενῶν ἡ μανία ἐγγενομένη καὶ προφητεύσασα, οἷς ἔδει

244d. and information (historia) to human thought (oiesis) from the intellect (dianoia) they called it the oionoistic (oionoistike) art, which modern folk now call oionistic making it more high-sounding by introducing the long O. The ancients, then testify that in proportion as prophecy (mantike) is superior to augury, both in name and in fact, in the same proportion madness, which comes from god, is superior to sanity, which is of human origin. Moreover, when diseases and the greatest troubles have been visited upon certain families through some ancient guilt, madne

40. Plato, Republic, 330d, 364b, 408b, 590a, 621b, 366ab (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graf and Johnston, Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007) 145

41. Plato, Symposium, 215b-16a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 69

42. Plato, Timaeus, 28a6-b1, 30b1-c1, 30c, 35a2, 35a3, 92c5, 92c6, 92c7, 69c5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 151

43. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 1243-1244, 1446-1457, 19 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 166

44. Aristophanes, Clouds, 257, 603-604, 606, 605 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 157

605. Βάκχαις Δελφίσιν ἐμπρέπων,

45. Antiphanes, Fragments, 288 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as vegetation deity •vegetation deities, dionysus as Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 261

46. Xenophon, Hellenica, 5.4.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, thebes, association with •dionysus, pillar as cult statue of •thebes, association of ares, dionysus, and aphrodite with Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 286

5.4.4. As for Phillidas, since the polemarchs always celebrate a festival of Aphrodite upon the expiration of their term of office, he was making all the arrangements for them, and in particular, having long ago promised to bring them women, and the most stately and beautiful women there were in Thebes, he said he would do so at that time. And they — for they were that sort of men — expected to spend the night very pleasantly.

47. Aristophanes, Birds, 1072-1073, 692 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 82

692. εἰδότες ὀρθῶς, Προδίκῳ παρ' ἐμοῦ κλάειν εἴπητε τὸ λοιπόν.

48. Xenophon, On Hunting, 2.7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation •dionysus, persona (aspects of) Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 87, 105

49. Sophocles, Antigone, 1115-1137, 1139-1154, 133, 153-154, 1138 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 157

1138. Thebes of all cities you hold foremost in honor, together with your lightning-struck mother.

50. Sophocles, Ajax, 1201 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 19

1201. or deep wine-cups did that man provide me, no sweet din of flutes, that miserable man, or pleasing rest in the night.

51. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 101, 22-23, 46, 60, 68, 87, 96-98, 24 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 53

24. with wreathed branches in the market-place, and before the shrines of Pallas, and where Ismenus gives answer by fire. For the city, as you yourself see, is now sorely vexed, and can no longer lift her head from beneath the angry waves of death.

52. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.2, 6.27, 6.54-6.59 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nero, new dionysus, antony as •dionysus, festivals associated with Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 331

1.2. For instance, it is evident that the country now called Hellas had in ancient times no settled population; on the contrary, migrations were of frequent occurrence, the several tribes readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. 2 Without commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of their territory than the exigencies of life required, destitute of capital, never planting their land — for they could not tell when an invader might not come and take it all away, and when he did come they had no walls to stop him — thinking that the necessities of daily sustece could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained to any other form of greatness. 3 The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese, Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas. 4 The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement of particular individuals, and thus created faction which proved a fertile source of ruin. It also invited invasion. 5 Accordingly Attica, from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very remote period freedom from faction, never changed its inhabitants. 6 And here is no inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion, that the migrations were the cause of there being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early period, becoming naturalized, swelled the already large population of the city to such a height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies to Ionia. 1.2. , For instance, it is evident that the country now called Hellas had in ancient times no settled population; on the contrary, migrations were of frequent occurrence, the several tribes readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. ,Without commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of their territory than the exigencies of life required, destitute of capital, never planting their land (for they could not tell when an invader might not come and take it all away, and when he did come they had no walls to stop him), thinking that the necessities of daily sustece could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained to any other form of greatness. ,The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese, Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas . ,The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement of particular individuals, and thus created faction which proved a fertile source of ruin. It also invited invasion. ,Accordingly Attica, from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very remote period freedom from faction, never changed its inhabitants. ,And here is no inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion, that the migrations were the cause of there being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early period, becoming naturalized, swelled the already large population of the city to such a height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies to Ionia . 6.27. In the midst of these preparations all the stone Hermae in the city of Athens, that is to say the customary square figures so common in the doorways of private houses and sanctuaries, had in one night most of them their faces mutilated. 2 No one knew who had done it, but large public rewards were offered to find the authors; and it was further voted that any one who knew of any other act of impiety having been committed should come and give information without fear of consequences, whether he were citizen, alien, or slave. 3 The matter was taken up the more seriously, as it was thought to be ominous for the expedition, and part of a conspiracy to bring about a revolution and to upset the democracy. 6.27. , In the midst of these preparations all the stone Hermae in the city of Athens, that is to say the customary square figures so common in the doorways of private houses and temples, had in one night most of them their faces mutilated. ,No one knew who had done it, but large public rewards were offered to find the authors; and it was further voted that any one who knew of any other act of impiety having been committed should come and give information without fear of consequences, whether he were citizen, alien, or slave. ,The matter was taken up the more seriously, as it was thought to be ominous for the expedition, and part of a conspiracy to bring about a revolution and to upset the democracy. 6.54. Indeed, the daring action of Aristogiton and Harmodius was undertaken in consequence of a love affair, which I shall relate at some length, to show that the Athenians are not more accurate than the rest of the world in their accounts of their own tyrants and of the facts of their own history. 2 Pisistratus dying at an advanced age in possession of the tyranny, was succeeded by his eldest son, Hippias, and not Hipparchus, as is vulgarly believed. Harmodius was then in the flower of youthful beauty, and Aristogiton, a citizen in the middle rank of life, was his lover and possessed him. 3 Solicited without success by Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, Harmodius told Aristogiton, and the enraged lover, afraid that the powerful Hipparchus might take Harmodius by force, immediately formed a design, such as his condition in life permitted, for overthrowing the tyranny. 4 In the meantime Hipparchus, after a second solicitation of Harmodius, attended with no better success, unwilling to use violence, arranged to insult him in some covert way. 5 Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the sanctuaries. 6 For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar of the Twelve Gods in the Agora, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. 7 The Athenian people afterwards built on to and lengthened the altar in the Agora, and obliterated the inscription; but that in the Pythian precinct can still be seen, though in faded letters, and is to the following effect: — 'Pisistratus, the son of Hippias,Set up this record of his archonshipIn precinct of Apollo Pythias.' 6.54. , Indeed, the daring action of Aristogiton and Harmodius was undertaken in consequence of a love affair, which I shall relate at some length, to show that the Athenians are not more accurate than the rest of the world in their accounts of their own tyrants and of the facts of their own history. ,Pisistratus dying at an advanced age in possession of the tyranny, was succeeded by his eldest son, Hippias, and not Hipparchus, as is vulgarly believed. Harmodius was then in the flower of youthful beauty, and Aristogiton, a citizen in the middle rank of life, was his lover and possessed him. ,Solicited without success by Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, Harmodius told Aristogiton, and the enraged lover, afraid that the powerful Hipparchus might take Harmodius by force, immediately formed a design, such as his condition in life permitted, for overthrowing the tyranny. ,In the meantime Hipparchus, after a second solicitation of Harmodius, attended with no better success, unwilling to use violence, arranged to insult him in some covert way. ,Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the temples. ,For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. ,The Athenian people afterwards built on to and lengthened the altar in the market-place, and obliterated the inscription; but that in the Pythian precinct can still be seen, though in faded letters, and is to the following effect:— Pisistratus, the son of Hippias, Set up this record of his archonship In precinct of Apollo Pythias. 6.55. That Hippias was the eldest son and succeeded to the government, is what I positively assert as a fact upon which I have had more exact accounts than others, and may be also ascertained by the following circumstance. He is the only one of the legitimate brothers that appears to have had children; as the altar shows, and the pillar placed in the Athenian Acropolis, commemorating the crime of the tyrants, which mentions no child of Thessalus or of Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, which he had by Myrrhine, daughter of Callias, son of Hyperechides; and naturally the eldest would have married first. 2 Again, his name comes first on the pillar after that of his father, and this too is quite natural, as he was the eldest after him, and the reigning tyrant. 3 Nor can I ever believe that Hippias would have obtained the tyranny so easily, if Hipparchus had been in power when he was killed, and he, Hippias, had had to establish himself upon the same day; but he had no doubt been long accustomed to over-awe the citizens, and to be obeyed by his mercenaries, and thus not only conquered, but conquered with ease, without experiencing any of the embarrassment of a younger brother unused to the exercise of authority. 4 It was the sad fate which made Hipparchus famous that got him also the credit with posterity of having been tyrant.' 6.55. , That Hippias was the eldest son and succeeded to the government, is what I positively assert as a fact upon which I have had more exact accounts than others, and may be also ascertained by the following circumstance. He is the only one of the legitimate brothers that appears to have had children; as the altar shows, and the pillar placed in the Athenian Acropolis, commemorating the crime of the tyrants, which mentions no child of Thessalus or of Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, which he had by Myrrhine, daughter of Callias, son of Hyperechides; and naturally the eldest would have married first. ,Again, his name comes first on the pillar after that of his father, and this too is quite natural, as he was the eldest after him, and the reigning tyrant. ,Nor can I ever believe that Hippias would have obtained the tyranny so easily, if Hipparchus had been in power when he was killed, and he, Hippias, had had to establish himself upon the same day; but he had no doubt been long accustomed to over-awe the citizens, and to be obeyed by his mercenaries, and thus not only conquered, but conquered with ease, without experiencing any of the embarrassment of a younger brother unused to the exercise of authority. , It was the sad fate which made Hipparchus famous that got him also the credit with posterity of having been tyrant. 6.56. To return to Harmodius; Hipparchus having been repulsed in his solicitations insulted him as he had resolved, by first inviting a sister of his, a young girl, to come and bear a basket in a certain procession, and then rejecting her, on the plea that she had never been invited at all owing to her unworthiness. 2 If Harmodius was indigt at this, Aristogiton for his sake now became more exasperated than ever; and having arranged everything with those who were to join them in the enterprise, they only waited for the great feast of the Panathenaea, the sole day upon which the citizens forming part of the procession could meet together in arms without suspicion. Aristogiton and Harmodius were to begin, but were to be supported immediately by their accomplices against the bodyguard. 3 The conspirators were not many, for better security, besides which they hoped that those not in the plot would be carried away by the example of a few daring spirits, and use the arms in their hands to recover their liberty. 6.56. , To return to Harmodius; Hipparchus having been repulsed in his solicitations insulted him as he had resolved, by first inviting a sister of his, a young girl, to come and bear a basket in a certain procession, and then rejecting her, on the plea that she had never been invited at all owing to her unworthiness. ,If Harmodius was indigt at this, Aristogiton for his sake now became more exasperated than ever; and having arranged everything with those who were to join them in the enterprise, they only waited for the great feast of the Panathenaea, the sole day upon which the citizens forming part of the procession could meet together in arms without suspicion. Aristogiton and Harmodius were to begin, but were to be supported immediately by their accomplices against the bodyguard. ,The conspirators were not many, for better security, besides which they hoped that those not in the plot would be carried away by the example of a few daring spirits, and use the arms in their hands to recover their liberty. 6.57. At last the festival arrived; and Hippias with his bodyguard was outside the city in the Ceramicus, arranging how the different parts of the procession were to proceed. Harmodius and Aristogiton had already their daggers and were getting ready to act, 2 when seeing one of their accomplices talking familiarly with Hippias, who was easy of access to every one, they took fright, and concluded that they were discovered and on the point of being taken; 3 and eager if possible to be revenged first upon the man who had wronged them and for whom they had undertaken all this risk, they rushed, as they were, within the gates, and meeting with Hipparchus by the Leokoreion recklessly fell upon him at once, infuriated, Aristogiton by love, and Harmodius by insult, and smote him and slew him. 4 Aristogiton escaped the guards at the moment, through the crowd running up, but was afterwards taken and dispatched in no merciful way: Harmodius was killed on the spot. 6.57. , At last the festival arrived; and Hippias with his bodyguard was outside the city in the Ceramicus, arranging how the different parts of the procession were to proceed. Harmodius and Aristogiton had already their daggers and were getting ready to act, ,when seeing one of their accomplices talking familiarly with Hippias, who was easy of access to every one, they took fright, and concluded that they were discovered and on the point of being taken; ,and eager if possible to be revenged first upon the man who had wronged them and for whom they had undertaken all this risk, they rushed, as they were, within the gates, and meeting with Hipparchus by the Leocorium recklessly fell upon him at once, infuriated, Aristogiton by love, and Harmodius by insult, and smote him and slew him. ,Aristogiton escaped the guards at the moment, through the crowd running up, but was afterwards taken and dispatched in no merciful way: Harmodius was killed on the spot. 6.58. When the news was brought to Hippias in the Ceramicus, he at once proceeded not to the scene of action, but to the armed men in the procession, before they, being some distance away, knew anything of the matter, and composing his features for the occasion, so as not to betray himself, pointed to a certain spot, and bade them repair thither without their arms. 2 They withdrew accordingly, fancying he had something to say; upon which he told the mercenaries to remove the arms, and there and then picked out the men he thought guilty and all found with daggers, the shield and spear being the usual weapons for a procession. 6.58. , When the news was brought to Hippias in the Ceramicus, he at once proceeded not to the scene of action, but to the armed men in the procession, before they, being some distance away, knew anything of the matter, and composing his features for the occasion, so as not to betray himself, pointed to a certain spot, and bade them repair thither without their arms. ,They withdrew accordingly, fancying he had something to say; upon which he told the mercenaries to remove the arms, and there and then picked out the men he thought guilty and all found with daggers, the shield and spear being the usual weapons for a procession. 6.59. In this way offended love first led Harmodius and Aristogiton to conspire, and the alarm of the moment to commit the rash action recounted. 2 After this the tyranny pressed harder on the Athenians, and Hippias, now grown more fearful, put to death many of the citizens, and at the same time began to turn his eyes abroad for a refuge in case of revolution. 3 Thus, although an Athenian, he gave his daughter, Archedice, to a Lampsacene, Aeantides, son of the tyrant of Lampsacus, seeing that they had great influence with Darius. And there is her tomb in Lampsacus with this inscription: — Archedice lies buried in this earth,Hippias her sire, and Athens gave her birth;Unto her bosom pride was never known,Though daughter, wife, and sister to the throne.' 4 Hippias, after reigning three years longer over the Athenians was deposed in the fourth by the Lacedaemonians and the banished Alcmaeonidae, and went with a safe conduct to Sigeum, and to Aeantides at Lampsacus, and from thence to King Darius; from whose court he set out twenty years after, in his old age, and came with the Medes to Marathon. 6.59. , In this way offended love first led Harmodius and Aristogiton to conspire, and the alarm of the moment to commit the rash action recounted. ,After this the tyranny pressed harder on the Athenians, and Hippias, now grown more fearful, put to death many of the citizens, and at the same time began to turn his eyes abroad for a refuge in case of revolution. ,Thus, although an Athenian, he gave his daughter, Archedice, to a Lampsacene, Aeantides, son of the tyrant of Lampsacus, seeing that they had great influence with Darius. And there is her tomb in Lampsacus with this inscription:— Archedice lies buried in this earth, Hippias her sire, and Athens gave her birth; Unto her bosom pride was never known, Though daughter, wife, and sister to the throne. ,Hippias, after reigning three years longer over the Athenians was deposed in the fourth by the Lacedaemonians and the banished Alcmaeonidae, and went with a safe conduct to Sigeum, and to Aeantides at Lampsacus, and from thence to King Darius; from whose court he set out twenty years after, in his old age, and came with the Medes to Marathon.

53. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.2.8, 1.2.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68, 69

1.2.13. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐλαύνει σταθμοὺς δύο παρασάγγας δέκα εἰς Θύμβριον, πόλιν οἰκουμένην. ἐνταῦθα ἦν παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν κρήνη ἡ Μίδου καλουμένη τοῦ Φρυγῶν βασιλέως, ἐφʼ ᾗ λέγεται Μίδας τὸν Σάτυρον θηρεῦσαι οἴνῳ κεράσας αὐτήν.

1.2.13. Thence he marched two stages, ten parasangs, to the inhabited city of Thymbrium. There, alongside the road, was the so-called spring of Midas, the king of the Phrygians, at which Midas, according to the story, caught the satyr by mixing wine with the water of the spring. 14 Thence he marched two stages, ten parasangs, to Tyriaeum, an inhabited city. There he remained three days. And the Cilician queen, as the report ran, asked Cyrus to exhibit his army to her; such an exhibition was what he desired to make, and accordingly he held a review of the Greeks and the barbarians on the plain. 15 He ordered the Greeks to form their lines and take their positions just as they were accustomed to do for battle, each general marshalling his own men. So they formed the line four deep, Menon and his troops occupying the right wing, Clearchus and his troops the left, and the other generals the centre. 16 Cyrus inspected the barbarians first, and they marched past with their cavalry formed in troops and their infantry in companies; then he inspected the Greeks, driving past them in a chariot, the Cilician queen in a carriage. And the Greeks all had helmets of bronze, crimson tunics, and greaves, and carried their shields uncovered. 17 When he had driven past them all, he halted his chariot in front of the centre of the phalanx, and sending his interpreter Pigres to the generals of the Greeks, gave orders that the troops should advance arms and the phalanx move forward in a body. The generals transmitted these orders to the soldiers, and when the trumpet sounded, they advanced arms and charged. And then, as they went on faster and faster, at length with a shout the troops broke into a run of their own accord, in the direction of the camp. 18 As for the barbarians, they were terribly frightened; the Cilician queen took to flight in her carriage, and the people in the market left their wares behind and took to their heels; while the Greeks with a roar of laughter came up to their camp. Now the Cilician queen was filled with admiration at beholding the brilliant appearance and the order of the Greek army; and Cyrus was delighted to see the terror with which the Greeks inspired the barbarians.

54. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, f75 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68

55. Callisthenes of Olynthus, Fragments, f56 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 69

56. Callimachus, Aetia, 100.2, 106, 107, 178 p, 188 p, 101 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 62

57. Theophrastus, Research On Plants, 9.11.3 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation •dionysus, persona (aspects of) Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 87, 105

58. Aristotle, Politics, 8.7.1341b.9-14, 1257b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 176

59. Aristotle, Poetics, 102, 97, 1453b ff. 71, 1449b 32-33 36, 6, 14, 13, 1453a 10, 30 2, 21.1457b1, 21.1458a22 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 105

60. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 57 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aegean islands, dionysus associated with •dionysus, aegean islands, associated with •dionysus, wine, as god of •wine, dionysus as god of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 393

57. The king, in the first place, has the management of the mysteries in conjunction with the superintendents whom the people elect, two in number, out of the whole body of Athenians, one from the Eumolpidae and one from the Heralds; and secondly of the Lenaean Dionysia . . . this procession then the king and the superintendents conduct in common; but the king arranges the games. He arranges also all the torchraces. And it is he, so to say, who manages all the ancient sacrifices. Leave to bring actions for profaneness is obtained from him, and in the case of any dispute about priesthood he awards the penalty. It is he who adjudicates all disputes about honours between families and priests. From him leave is obtained to bring the action in all cases of murder, and it is he who proclaims interdiction from customary rights. Now, there are actions both for murder and wounding. In murder with premeditation, the case is tried in the Areopagus, and so with poisoning and arson; for the only cases that the Council tries are homicide, unintentional or intentional, if the person killed is a servant, either a resident-alien or foreigner, and the trial is then held in the Palladium. If a person admits an act of homicide, but justifies it as legal, as catching an adulterer, or in war from not knowing who he was, or when competing in a contest, they hold the trial in the Palladium. If a person has to remain in exile on a charge of murder or wounding, under circumstances in which the relatives may relent, the trial is held in the Phreatto; and he makes his defence in a boat moored off the shore, and commissioners appointed by lot conduct the trial, except in cases that come before the Areopagus: and the king introduces the suit and they try it in the sanctuary and in the open air. And the king, when he tries the case, takes off his crown. The accused is barred from the sanctuary at every other time, and it is law not to enter the Agora; but then, entering the sanctuary he makes his defence; and when the perpetrator is unknown, the charge is brought "against the doer," and the king and the tribe-kings also try all cases concerning lifeless objects and animals.

61. Theophrastus, Characters, 16 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as “releaser” Found in books: Graf and Johnston, Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007) 145

16. The Superstitious Man, δεισιδαιμονίας (xxviii) Superstition would seem to be simply cowardice in regard to the supernatural. The Superstitious man is one who will wash his hands at a fountain, sprinkle himself from a temple-font, put a bit of laurel-leaf into his mouth, and so go about the day. If a weasel run across his path, he will not pursue his walk until someone else has traversed the road, or until he has thrown three stones across it. When he sees a serpent in his house, if it be the red snake, he will invoke Sabazius, — if the sacred snake, he will straightway place a shrine on the spot. He will pour oil from his flask on the smooth stones at the cross-roads, as he goes by, and will fall on his knees and worship them before he departs. If a mouse gnaws through a meal-bag, he will go to the expounder of sacred law and ask what is to be done; and, if the answer is, "give it to a cobbler to stitch up," he will disregard the counsel, and go his way, and expiate the omen by sacrifice. He is apt, also, to purify his house frequently, alleging that Hecate has been brought into it by spells; and, if an owl is startled by him in his walk, he will exclaim "Glory be to Athene!" before he proceeds. He will not tread upon a tombstone, or come near a dead body or a woman defiled by childbirth, saying that it is expedient for him not to be polluted. Also on the fourth and seventh days of each month he will order his servants to mull wine, and go out and buy myrtle-wreaths, frankincense, and smilax; and, on coming in, will spend the day in crowning the Hermaphrodites. When he has seen a vision, he will go to the interpreters of dreams, the seers, the augurs, to ask them to what god or goddess he ought to pray. Every month he will repair to the priests of the Orphic Mysteries, to partake in their rites, accompanied by his wife, or (if she is too busy) by his children and their nurse. He would seem, too, to be of those who are scrupulous in sprinkling themselves with sea-water; and, if ever he observes anyone feasting on the garlic at the cross-roads, he will go away, pour water over his head, and, summoning the priestesses, bid them carry a squill or a puppy around him for purification. And, if he sees a maniac or an epileptic man, he will shudder and spit into his bosom.

62. Theocritus, Idylls, 10.41 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 69

63. Ennius, Annales, 209 sk.456 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 73

64. Cicero, Philippicae, 13.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus., antony as the ‘new dionysus’ Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 37

13.24. “But it is the bitterest thing of all that you, O Aulus. Hirtius, who have been distinguished by Caesar's kindness, and who have been left by him in a condition which you yourself marvel at. ***” I can not indeed deny that Aulus Hirtius was distinguished by Caesar, but such distinctions are only of value when conferred on virtue and industry. But you, who can not deny that you also were distinguished by Caesar, what would you have been if he had not showered so many kindnesses on you? Where would your own good qualities have borne you? Where would your birth have conducted you? You would have spent the whole period of your manhood in brothels, and cook-shops and in gambling and drinking, as you used to do when you were always burying your brains and your beard in the laps of actresses. “And you too, O boy — ” He calls him a boy whom he has not only experienced and shall again experience to be a man, but one of the bravest of men. It is indeed the name appropriate to his age; but he is the last man in the world who ought to use it, when it is his own madness that has opened to this boy the path to glory. “You who owe every thing to his name — ” He does indeed owe every thing, and nobly is he paying it.

65. Cicero, Letters, 1.15.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus., antony as the ‘new dionysus’ Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 37

66. Cicero, Republic, 2.12-2.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146

2.12. Atque haec quidem perceleriter confecit; nam et urbem constituit, quam e suo nomine Romam iussit nominari, et ad firmandam novam civitatem novum quoddam et subagreste consilium, sed ad muniendas opes regni ac populi sui magni hominis et iam tum longe providentis secutus est, cum Sabinas honesto ortas loco virgines, quae Romam ludorum gratia venissent, quos tum primum anniversarios in circo facere instituisset, Consualibus rapi iussit easque in familiarum amplissimarum matrimoniis collocavit. 2.13. Qua ex causa cum bellum Romanis Sabini intulissent proeliique certamen varium atque anceps fuisset, cum T. Tatio, rege Sabinorum, foedus icit matronis ipsis, quae raptae erant, orantibus; quo foedere et Sabinos in civitatem adscivit sacris conmunicatis et regnum suum cum illorum rege sociavit. 2.14. Post interitum autem Tatii cum ad eum dominatus omnis reccidisset, quamquam cum Tatio in regium consilium delegerat principes (qui appellati sunt propter caritatem patres) populumque et suo et Tatii nomine et Lucumonis, qui Romuli socius in Sabino proelio occiderat, in tribus tris curiasque triginta discripserat (quas curias earum nominibus nuncupavit, quae ex Sabinis virgines raptae postea fuerant oratrices pacis et foederis)—sed quamquam ea Tatio sic erant discripta vivo, tamen eo interfecto multo etiam magis Romulus patrum auctoritate consilioque regnavit.

2.12. And Romulus accomplished all this very quickly; for after founding the city, which by his command was called Rome after his own name, in order to strengthen the new commonwealth he adopted a plan winch, though original and somewhat savage in character, yet for securing the prosperity of his kingdom and people revealed a great man who even then saw far into the future. For when Sabine maidens of honourable lineage had come to Rome on the occasion of the Consualia, ** to witness the games whose annual celebration in the circus he had just instituted, he ordered their seizure and married them to young men of the most prominent families. 2.13. When the Sabines, thus provoked, made war on the Romans, and the fortunes of the conflict were various and its issue doubtful, Romulus made a treaty with Titus Tatius, the Sabine king, the stolen women themselves petitioning that this be done. By this treaty he not only added the Sabines to the body of Roman citizens, giving them participation in the religious rites of the State, but also made their king a partner in his royal power. ** 2.14. But after the death of Tatius, when all the powers of government reverted to Romulus, although Tatius had been associated with him when he chose a royal council consisting of the most eminent men (who were called "Fathers" on account of the affection felt for them), and when he divided the people into three tribes (named after himself, after Tatius, and after his ally Lucumo, ** who had been killed in the Sabine War), and also into thirty curiae (which he named after the stolen Sabine maidens who had pleaded for a treaty of peace) - although these arrangements had been made during the lifetime of Tatius, yet after this king's death Romulus had paid even greater deference in his conduct of the government to the influence and advice of the Fathers.

67. Cicero, On Laws, 2.26.65 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, festivals associated with Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 331

68. Cicero, On Divination, 1.39 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), cyprian association (paphos) •technitai (artists of dionysus), egyptian association (alexandria, ptolemais, cyprus) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 40

1.39. Sed omittamus oracula; veniamus ad somnia. De quibus disputans Chrysippus multis et minutis somniis colligendis facit idem, quod Antipater ea conquirens, quae Antiphontis interpretatione explicata declarant illa quidem acumen interpretis, sed exemplis grandioribus decuit uti. Dionysii mater, eius qui Syracosiorum tyrannus fuit, ut scriptum apud Philistum est, et doctum hominem et diligentem et aequalem temporum illorum, cum praegs hunc ipsum Dionysium alvo contineret, somniavit se peperisse Satyriscum. Huic interpretes portentorum, qui Galeotae tum in Sicilia nominabantur, responderunt, ut ait Philistus, eum, quem illa peperisset, clarissimum Graeciae diuturna cum fortuna fore.

1.39. But let us leave oracles and come to dreams. In his treatise on this subject Chrysippus, just as Antipater does, has assembled a mass of trivial dreams which he explains according to Antiphonsf rules of interpretation. The work, I admit, displays the acumen of its author, but it would have been better if he had cited illustrations of a more serious type. Now, Philistus, who was a learned and painstaking man and a contemporary of the times of which he writes, gives us the following story of the mother of Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse: while she was with child and was carrying this same Dionysius in her womb, she dreamed that she had been delivered of an infant satyr. When she referred this dream to the interpreters of portents, who in Sicily were called Galeotae, they replied, so Philistus relates, that she should bring forth a son who would be very eminent in Greece and would enjoy a long and prosperous career.

69. Cicero, Academica, 1.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 108

1.9. Tum ego Sunt sunt uera *g . an s. vero? inquam “ista Varro. nam nos in nostra urbe peregritis errantisque tamquam hospites tui libri quasi domum deduxerunt, reduxerunt s Aug. ut possemus aliquando qui et ubi essemus agnoscere. tu aetatem patriae tu descriptiones discr. cod. Aug. l Mue. temporum, tu sacrorum iura tu sacerdotum, sacerdotem pm 1 nr tu domesticam tu bellicam bellicam] publicam Aug. disciplinam, tu sedum sedum vel -ium codd. Aug. plerique sedem *g*d regionum locorum tu omnium divinarum humanarumque rerum nomina genera officia causas aperuisti; nos ... aperuisti Aug. civ. 6, 2 plurimum plurimumque s Ald. -que idem p. Gr. quidem poetis a petis *d nostris omninoque Latinis et litteris luminis et verbis attulisti atque ipse varium et elegans omni fere numero poema fecisti, philosophiamque multis locis inchoasti, ad impellendum satis, ad edocendum parum.

70. Eratosthenes, Catasterismi, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •bassareus (dionysus) •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84; Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 47, 49

71. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.40-5.43, 5.68, 5.74 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 37, 39, 101, 110, 123, 193

5.40. Prata 'meadows' are named from this, that they are parata 'prepared' without labour. Rura 'country-lands' are so called because in the fields the same operations must be done every year rursum 'again,' that you may again get their fruits. Sulpicius writes, however, that it is a just right for the country-lands of the populace to be divided for lavish distribution as bonus to discharged soldiers. Praedia 'estates' are named, as also praedes 'bondsmen,' from pruestare 'to offer as security' because these, when given as pledge to the official authorities, praestent 'guarantee' the good faith of the party in the case. 5.41. VII. Where Rome now is, was called the Septimontium from the same number of hills which the City afterwards embraced within its walls; of which the Capitoline got its name because here, it is said, when the foundations of the temple of Jupiter were being dug, a human caput 'head' was found. This hill was previously called the Tarpeian, from the Vestal Virgin Tarpeia, who was there killed by the Sabines with their shields and buried; of her name a reminder is left, that even now its cliff is called the Tarpeian Rock. 5.42. This hill was previously called the Saturnian Hill, we are informed by the writers, and from this Latium has been called the Saturnian Land, as in fact Ennius calls it. It is recorded that on this hill was an old town, named Saturnia. Even now there remain three evidences of it: that there is a temple of Saturn by the passage leading to the hill; that there is a Saturnian gate which Junius writes of as there, which they now call Pandana; that behind the temple of Saturn, in the laws for the buildings of private persons, the back walls of the houses are mentioned as Saturnian walls. 5.43. The name of the Aventine is referred to several origins. Naevius says that it is from the aves 'birds,' because the birds went thither from the Tiber; others, that it is from King Aventinus the Alban, because he is buried there; others that it is the Adventine Hill, from the adventus 'coming' of people, because there a temple of Diana was established in which all the Latins had rights in common. I am decidedly of the opinion, that it is from advectus 'transport by water'; for of old the hill was cut off from everything else by swampy pools and streams. Therefore they advehebantur 'were conveyed' thither by rafts; and traces of this survive, in that the way by which they were then transported is now called Velabrum 'ferry' and the place from which they landed at the bottom of New Street is a chapel of the Velabra. 5.68. Sol 'Sun' is so named either because the Sabines called him thus, or because he solus 'alone' shines in such a way that from this god there is the daylight. Luna 'Moon' is so named certainly because she alone 'lucet' shines at night. Therefore she is called Noctiluca 'Night-Shiner' on the Palatine; for there her temple noctu lucet 'shines by night.' Certain persons call her Diana, just as they call the Sun Apollo (the one name, that of Apollo, is Greek, the other Latin); and from the fact that the Moon goes both high and widely, she is called Diviana. From the fact that the Moon is wont to be under the lands as well as over them, Ennius's Epicharmus calls her Proserpina. Proserpina received her name because she, like a serpens 'creeper,' moves widely now to the right, now to the left. Serpere 'to creep' and proserpere 'to creep forward' meant the same thing, as Plautus means in what he writes: Like a forward-creeping beast.

72. Apollodorus of Athens, Fragments, 1.4.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •birth of dionysus, artemis as birth goddess Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 180

73. Polybius, Histories, 1.180.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 247

74. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 132, 191 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68, 69

191. KING MIDAS: Midas, Mygdonian king, son of the Mother goddess from Timolus . . . was taken [as judge] at the time when Apollo contested with Marsyas, or Pan, on the pipes. When Timolus gave the victory to Apollo, Midas said it should rather have been given to Marsyas. Then Apollo angrily said to Midas: "You will have ears to match the mind you have in judging", and with these words he caused him to have ass's ears. At the time when Father Liber was leading his army into India, Silenus wandered away; Midas entertained him generously, and gave him a guide to conduct him to Liber's company. Because of this favour, Father Liber gave Midas the privilege of asking him for whatever he wanted. Midas asked that whatever he touched should become gold. When he had been granted the wish, and came to his palace, whatever he touched became gold. When now he was being tortured with hunger, he begged Liber to take away the splendid gift. Liber bade him bathe in the River Pactolus, and when his body touched the water it became a golden colour. The river in Lydia is now called Chrysorrhoas.

75. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 4.20-4.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnasus Found in books: Celykte, The Stoic Theory of Beauty (2020) 16

76. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 243

77. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 3.63.1-3.63.5, 3.64-3.66, 3.66.2, 4.3.4-4.3.5, 4.74.2, 17.100, 18.5, 20.108 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 384

78. Livy, History, 1.9-1.13, 1.12.1, 1.45, 1.58.5, 3.55.67, 9.40, 10.39, 23.11, 34.7.6, 39.8.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus •dionysus, as “releaser” Found in books: Graf and Johnston, Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007) 145; Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 48, 56, 73, 101, 140, 146, 250

1.58.5. quo terrore cum vicisset obstinatam pudicitiam velut vi trux libido profectusque inde Tarquinius ferox expugnato decore muliebri esset, Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem ad patrem Ardeamque ad virum mittit, ut cum singulis fidelibus amicis veniant; ita facto maturatoque opus esse; 34.7.6. cum sociorum Latini nominis uxoribus vident ea concessa ornamenta, quae sibi adempta sint, cum insignis eas esse auro et purpura, cum illas vehi per urbem, se pedibus sequi, tamquam in illarum civitatibus, non in sua imperium sit. 39.8.3. consulibus ambobus quaestio de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta est. Graecus ignobilis in Etruriam primum venit nulla cum arte earum, quas multas ad animorum corporumque cultum nobis eruditissima omnium gens invexit, sacrificulus et vates;

1.9. The Roman State had now become so strong that it was a match for any of its neighbours in war, but its greatness threatened to last for only one generation, since through the absence of women there was no hope of offspring, and there was no right of intermarriage with their neighbours. [2] Acting on the advice of the senate, Romulus sent envoys amongst the surrounding nations to ask for alliance and the right of intermarriage on behalf of his new community., It was represented that cities, like everything else, sprung from the humblest beginnings, and those who were helped on by their own courage and the favour of heaven won for themselves great power and great renown. [4] As to the origin of Rome, it was well known that whilst it had received divine assistance, courage and self-reliance were not wanting. There should, therefore, be no reluctance for men to mingle their blood with their fellow-men. [5] Nowhere did the envoys meet with a favourable reception. Whilst their proposals were treated with contumely, there was at the same time a general feeling of alarm at the power so rapidly growing in their midst. Usually they were dismissed with the question, ‘whether they had opened an asylum for women, for nothing short of that would secure for them inter-marriage on equal terms.’, The Roman youth could ill brook such insults, and matters began to look like an appeal to force. To secure a favourable place and time for such an attempt, Romulus, disguising his resentment, made elaborate preparations for the celebration of games in honour of ‘Equestrian Neptune,’ which he called ‘the Consualia.’ [7] He ordered public notice of the spectacle to be given amongst the adjoining cities, and his people supported him in making the celebration as magnificent as their knowledge and resources allowed, so that expectations were raised to the highest pitch. [8] There was a great gathering; people were eager to see the new City, all their nearest neighbours — the people of Caenina, Antemnae, and Crustumerium-were there, and the whole Sabine population came, with their wives and families., They were invited to accept hospitality at the different houses, and after examining the situation of the City, its walls and the large number of dwelling-houses it included, they were astonished at the rapidity with which the Roman State had grown. [10] When the hour for the games had come, and their eyes and minds were alike riveted on the spectacle before them, the preconcerted signal was given and the Roman youth dashed in all directions to carry off the maidens who were present. [11] The larger part were carried off indiscriminately, but some particularly beautiful girls who had been marked out for the leading patricians were carried to their houses by plebeians told off for the task., One, conspicuous amongst them all for grace and beauty, is reported to have been carried off by a group led by a certain Talassius, and to the many inquiries as to whom she was intended for, the invariable answer was given, ‘For Talassius.’ [13] Hence the use of this word in the marriage rites. Alarm and consternation broke up the games, and the parents of the maidens fled, distracted with grief, uttering bitter reproaches on the violators of the laws of hospitality and appealing to the god to whose solemn games they had come, only to be the victims of impious perfidy. [14] The abducted maidens were quite as despondent and indigt. Romulus, however, went round in person, and pointed out to them that it was all owing to the pride of their parents in denying right of intermarriage to their neighbours. They would live in honourable wedlock, and share all their property and civil rights, and — dearest of all to human nature — would be the mothers of freemen., He begged them to lay aside their feelings of resentment and give their affections to those whom fortune had made masters of their persons. An injury had often led to reconciliation and love; they would find their husbands all the more affectionate because each would do his utmost, so far as in him lay to make up for the loss of parents and country. [16] These arguments were reinforced by the endearments of their husbands who excused their conduct by pleading the irresistible force of their passion — a plea effective beyond all others in appealing to a woman's nature. 1.10. The feelings of the abducted maidens were now pretty completely appeased, but not so those of their parents. They went about in mourning garb, and tried by their tearful complaints to rouse their countrymen to action. Nor did they confine their remonstrances to their own cities; they flocked from all sides to Titus Tatius, the king of the Sabines, and sent formal deputations to him, for his was the most influential name in those parts. [2] The people of Caenina, Crustumerium, and Antemnae were the greatest sufferers; they thought Tatius and his Sabines were too slow in moving, so these three cities prepared to make war conjointly., Such, however, were the impatience and anger of the Caeninensians that even the Crustuminians and Antemnates did not display enough energy for them, so the men of Caenina made an attack upon Roman territory on their own account. [4] Whilst they were scattered far and wide, pillaging and destroying, Romulus came upon them with an army, and after a brief encounter taught them that anger is futile without strength. He put them to a hasty flight, and following them up, killed their king and despoiled his body; then after slaying their leader took their city at the first assault. [5] He was no less anxious to display his achievements than he had been great in performing them, so, after leading his victorious army home, he mounted to the Capitol with the spoils of his dead foe borne before him on a frame constructed for the purpose. He hung them there on an oak, which the shepherds looked upon as a sacred tree, and at the same time marked out the site for the temple of Jupiter, and addressing the god by a new title, uttered the following invocation: ‘Jupiter Feretrius!, these arms taken from a king, I, Romulus a king and conqueror, bring to thee, and on this domain, whose bounds I have in will and purpose traced, I dedicate a temple to receive the spolia opima which posterity following my example shall bear hither, taken from the kings and generals of our foes slain in battle.’ [7] Such was the origin of the first temple dedicated in Rome. And the gods decreed that though its founder did not utter idle words in declaring that posterity would thither bear their spoils, still the splendour of that offering should not be dimmed by the number of those who have rivalled his achievement. For after so many years have elapsed and so many wars been waged, only twice have the spolia opima been offered. So seldom has Fortune granted that glory to men. 1.11. Whilst the Romans were thus occupied, the army of the Antemnates seized the opportunity of their territory being unoccupied and made a raid into it. Romulus hastily led his legion against this fresh foe and surprised them as they were scattered over the fields. [2] At the very first battle-shout and charge the enemy were routed and their city captured. Whilst Romulus was exulting over this double victory, his wife, Hersilia, moved by the entreaties of the abducted maidens, implored him to pardon their parents and receive them into citizenship, for so the State would increase in unity and strength., He readily granted her request. He then advanced against the Crustuminians, who had commenced war, but their eagerness had been damped by the successive defeats of their neighbours, and they offered but slight resistance. [4] Colonies were planted in both places; owing to the fertility of the soil of the Crustumine district, the majority gave their names for that colony. On the other hand there were numerous migrations to Rome, mostly of the parents and relatives of the abducted maidens. [5] The last of these wars was commenced by the Sabines and proved the most serious of all, for nothing was done in passion or impatience; they masked their designs till war had actually commenced., Strategy was aided by craft and deceit, as the following incident shows. Spurius Tarpeius was in command of the Roman citadel. Whilst his daughter had gone outside the fortifications to fetch water for some religious ceremonies, Tatius bribed her to admit his troops within the citadel. [7] Once admitted, they crushed her to death beneath their shields, either that the citadel might appear to have been taken by assault, or that her example might be left as a warning that no faith should be kept with traitors. [8] A further story runs that the Sabines were in the habit of wearing heavy gold armlets on their left arms and richly jeweled rings, and that the girl made them promise to give her ‘what they had on their left arms,’ accordingly they piled their shields upon her instead of golden gifts., Some say that in bargaining for what they had in their left hands, she expressly asked for their shields, and being suspected of wishing to betray them, fell a victim to her own bargain. 1.12. However this may be, the Sabines were in possession of the citadel. And they would not come down from it the next day, though the Roman army was drawn up in battle array over the whole of the ground between the Palatine and the Capitoline hill, until, exasperated at the loss of their citadel and determined to recover it, the Romans mounted to the attack. [2] Advancing before the rest, Mettius Curtius, on the side of the Sabines, and Hostius Hostilius, on the side of the Romans, engaged in single combat., Hostius, fighting on disadvantageous ground, upheld the fortunes of Rome by his intrepid bravery, but at last he fell; the Roman line broke and fled to what was then the gate of the Palatine. [4] Even Romulus was being swept away by the crowd of fugitives, and lifting up his hands to heaven he exclaimed: ‘Jupiter, it was thy omen that I obeyed when I laid here on the Palatine the earliest foundations of the City. Now the Sabines hold its citadel, having bought it by a bribe, and coming thence have seized the valley and are pressing hitherwards in battle. [5] Do thou, Father of gods and men, drive hence our foes, banish terror from Roman hearts, and stay our shameful flight!, Here do I vow a temple to thee, ‘Jove Stator (the Stayer),’ as a memorial for the generations to come that it is through thy present help that the City has been saved.’ [7] Then, as though he had become aware that his prayer had been heard, he cried, ‘Back, Romans! Jupiter Optimus Maximus bids you stand and renew the battle.’ [8] They stopped as though commanded by a voice from heaven-Romulus dashed up to the foremost line, just as Mettius Curtius had run down from the citadel in front of the Sabines and driven the Romans in headlong flight over the whole of the ground now occupied by the Forum. He was now not far from the gate of the Palatine, and was shouting: ‘We have conquered our faithless hosts, our cowardly foes; now they know that to carry off maidens is a very different thing from fighting with men.’, In the midst of these vaunts Romulus, with a compact body of valiant troops, charged down on him. Mettius happened to be on horseback, so he was the more easily driven back, the Romans followed in pursuit, and, inspired by the courage of their king, the rest of the Roman army routed the Sabines. [10] Mettius, unable to control his horse, maddened by the noise of his pursuers, plunged into a morass. The danger of their general drew off the attention of the Sabines for a moment from the battle; they called out and made signals to encourage him, so, animated to fresh efforts, he succeeded in extricating himself. Thereupon the Romans and Sabines renewed the fighting in the middle of the valley, but the fortune of Rome was in the ascendant. 1.13. Then it was that the Sabine women, whose wrongs had led to the war, throwing off all womanish fears in their distress, went boldly into the midst of the flying missiles with dishevelled hair and rent garments. [2] Running across the space between the two armies they tried to stop any further fighting and calm the excited passions by appealing to their fathers in the one army and their husbands in the other not to bring upon themselves a curse by staining their hands with the blood of a father-in-law or a son-in-law, nor upon their posterity the taint of parricide., ‘If,’ they cried, ‘you are weary of these ties of kindred, these marriage-bonds, then turn your anger upon us; it is we who are the cause of the war, it is we who have wounded and slain our husbands and fathers. Better for us to perish rather than live without one or the other of you, as widows or as orphans.’ [4] The armies and their leaders were alike moved by this appeal. There was a sudden hush and silence. Then the generals advanced to arrange the terms of a treaty. It was not only peace that was made, the two nations were united into one State, the royal power was shared between them, and the seat of government for both nations was Rome. [5] After thus doubling the City, a concession was made to the Sabines in the new appellation of Quirites, from their old capital of Cures. As a memorial of the battle, the place where Curtius got his horse out of the deep marsh on to safer ground was called the Curtian lake., The joyful peace, which put an abrupt close to such a deplorable war, made the Sabine women still dearer to their husbands and fathers, and most of all to Romulus himself. [7] Consequently when he effected the distribution of the people into the thirty curiae, he affixed their names to the curiae. No doubt there were many more than thirty women, and tradition is silent as to whether those whose names were given to the curiae were selected on the ground of age, or on that of personal distinction — either their own or their husbands' — or merely by lot. [8] The enrolment of the three centuries of knights took place at the same time; the Ramnenses were called after Romulus, the Titienses from T. Tatius. The origin of the Luceres and why they were so called is uncertain. Thenceforward the two kings exercised their joint sovereignty with perfect harmony. 9.40. Equally hard fighting and an equally brilliant success characterised the campaign which immediately followed against the Samnites. In addition to their usual preparations for war, they had new glittering armour made in which their troops were quite resplendent. [2] There were two divisions; one had their shields plated with gold, the other with silver. The shield was made straight and broad at the top to cover the chest and shoulders, then became narrower towards the bottom to allow of it being more easily moved about., To protect the front of the body they wore coats of chain armour; the left leg was covered with a greave, and their helmets were plumed to give them the appearance of being taller than they really were. [4] The tunics of the men with gold plated shields were in variegated colours, those with the silver shields had tunics of white linen. The latter were assigned to the right wing, the former were posted on the left. [5] The Romans knew that all this splendid armour had been provided, and they had been taught by their generals that a soldier ought to inspire dread not by being decked out in gold and silver but by trusting to his courage and his sword., They looked upon those things as a spoil for the enemy rather than a defence for the wearer, resplendent enough before a battle but soon stained and fouled by wounds and bloodshed. [7] They knew that the one ornament of the soldier was courage, and all that finery would belong to whichever side won the victory; an enemy however rich was the prize of the victor, however poor the victor might be. With this teaching fresh in their minds, Cursor led his men into battle. [8] He took his place on the right wing, and gave the command of the left to the Master of the Horse., As soon as the two lines came into collision, a contest began between the Dictator and the Master of the Horse, quite as keen as the struggle against the enemy, as to whose division should be the first to win the victory. Junius happened to be the first to dislodge the enemy. [10] Bringing up his left wing against the enemy's right, where the "devoted" soldiers were posted, conspicuous in their white tunics and glittering armour, he declared that he would sacrifice them to Orcus, and, pushing the attack, he shook their ranks and made them visibly give way. [11] On seeing this, the Dictator exclaimed, ‘Shall the victory begin on the left wing? Is the right wing, the Dictator's own division, going to follow where another had led the way in battle, and not win for itself the greatest share of the victory?’, This roused the men; the cavalry behaved with quite as much gallantry as the infantry, and the staff-officers displayed no less energy than the generals. [13] M. Valerius on the right wing, and P. Decius on the left, both men of consular rank, rode up to the cavalry who were covering the flanks and urged them to snatch some of the glory for themselves. They charged the enemy on both flanks, and the double attack increased the consternation of the enemy. [14] To complete their discomfiture, the Roman legions again raised their battleshout and charged home. Now the Samnites took to flight, and soon the plain was filled with shining armour and heaps of bodies., At first the terrified Samnites found shelter in their camp, but they were not able even to hold that; it was captured, plundered, and burnt before nightfall. The senate decreed a triumph for the Dictator. [16] By far the greatest sight in the procession was the captured armour, and so magnificent were the pieces considered that the gilded shields were distributed amongst the owners of the silversmiths' shops to adorn the Forum. [17] This is said to be the origin of the custom of the aediles decorating the Forum when the symbols of three Capitoline deities are conducted in procession through the City on the occasion of the Great Games. Whilst the Romans made use of this armour to honour the gods, the Campanians, out of contempt and hatred towards the Samnites, made the gladiators who performed at their banquets wear it, and they then called them ‘ Samnites.’, The consul Fabius fought a battle this year with the remts of the Etruscans at Perusia, for this city had broken the truce. [19] He gained an easy and decisive victory, and after the battle he approached the walls and would have taken the place had not envoys been sent on to surrender it. [20] After he had stationed a garrison in Perusia, deputations came to him from different cities in Etruria to ask for a restoration of amicable relations; these he sent on to the senate at Rome., Then he entered the city in triumphal procession, after achieving a more solid success than the Dictator, especially as the defeat of the Samnites was put down largely to the credit of the staff-officers, P. Decius and M. Valerius. These men were chosen by an almost uimous vote at the next elections — one as consul, the other as praetor. 23.11. During these occurrences Q. Fabius Pictor returned home from his mission to Delphi. He read the response of the oracle from a manuscript, in which were contained the names of the gods and goddesses to whom supplications were to be made, and the forms to be observed in making them. This was the closing paragraph: "If ye act thus, Romans, your estate will be better and less troubled, your republic will go forward as ye would have it, and the victory in the war will belong to the people of Rome. When your commonwealth is prosperous and safe send to Pythian Apollo a gift from the gains you have earned and honour him with your substance out of the plunder, the booty, and the spoils. Put away from you all wanton and godless living." He translated this from the Greek as he read it, and when he had finished reading he said that as soon as he left the oracle he offered sacrifice with wine and incense to all the deities who were named, and further that he was instructed by the priest to go on board wearing the same laurel garland in which he had visited the oracle and not to lay it aside till he got to Rome. He stated that he had carried out all his instructions most carefully and conscientiously, and had laid the garland on the altar of Apollo. The senate passed a decree that the sacrifices and intercessions which were enjoined should be carefully performed at the earliest opportunity. During these occurrences in Rome and Italy, Mago, Hamilcar's son, had arrived at Carthage with the news of the victory of Cannae. He had not been sent by his brother immediately after the battle, but had been detained for some days in receiving into alliance Bruttian communities as they successively revolted. When he appeared before the senate he unfolded the story of his brother's successes in Italy, how he had fought pitched battles with six commanders-in-chief, four of whom were consuls and two a Dictator and his Master of Horse, and how he had killed about 200,000 of the enemy and taken more than 50,000 prisoners. Out of four consuls two had fallen, of the two survivors one was wounded and the other, after losing the whole of his army, had escaped with fifty men. The Master of the Horse, whose powers were those of a consul, had been routed and put to flight, and the Dictator, because he had never fought an action, was looked upon as a matchless general. The Bruttians and Apulians, with some of the Samnite and Lucanian communities, had gone over to the Carthaginians. Capua, which was not only the chief city of Campania, but now that the power of Rome had been shattered at Cannae was the head of Italy, had surrendered to Hannibal. For all these great victories he felt that they ought to be truly grateful and public thanksgivings ought to be offered to the immortal gods.

79. Socrates Rhodius, Fragments, f1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, mark antony posing as Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 176

80. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 8.56 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 115

81. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.2.23 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 110

1.2.23. qui tribadas deprehendit et occidit, describere coepit mariti adfectum, in quo non deberet exigi inhonesta inquisitio: e)gw\ d' e)sko/phs' a)\n pro/teron to\n a)/ndra ei) gege/nnhtai/ tis h)\ prose/rraptai . GRANDAVS, Asianus aeque declamator, cum diceret in eadem controuersia, num ideo occidi ut adulteros non paterentur? dixit: ei) de\ fhla/rrena moixo\n e)/labon ; In hac controuersia de sacerdote non minus obscene dixit MVRREDIVS: fortasse dum repellit libidinem, manibus excepit. Longe recedendum est ab omni obscenitate et uerborum et sensuum. quaedam satius est causae detrimento tacere quam uerecundiae dicere . VIBIVS RVFVS uidebatur cotidianis uerbis usus non male dixisse: ista sacerdos quantum militi abstulit!

82. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 243

83. Ovid, Fasti, 3.167-3.258 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146

3.167. ‘Si licet occultos monitus audire deorum 3.170. dic mihi, matronae cur tua festa colant.’ 3.177. disce, Latinorum vates operose dierum, 3.183. quae fuerit nostri, si quaeris, regia nati, 3.184. aspice de canna straminibusque domum. 3.185. in stipula placidi capiebat munera somni, 3.186. et tamen ex illo venit in astra toro. 3.187. iamque loco maius nomen Romanus habebat, 3.188. nec coniunx illi nec socer ullus erat. 3.199. festa parat Conso. Consus tibi cetera dicet 3.218. inque sinu natos, pignora cara, tenent,

3.167. ‘If it’s right for the secret promptings of the god 3.170. Your feast, you who are apt to be served by men.’ 3.177. Have what you seek, labouring poet of Latin days, 3.183. If you ask where my son’s palace was, 3.184. See there, that house made of straw and reeds. 3.185. He snatched the gifts of peaceful sleep on straw, 3.186. Yet from that same low bed he rose to the stars. 3.187. Already the Roman’s name extended beyond his city, 3.188. Though he possessed neither wife nor father-in-law. 3.199. He prepared a feast for the god, Consus. Consus will tell you 3.218. Holding their infants, dear pledges of love, to their breasts.

84. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 1.2.1-1.2.9, 4.1.3, 9.17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus •dionysus, as vegetation deity •vegetation deities, dionysus as Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 41; Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 108, 252

1.2.1. 1. Architecture depends on fitness (ordinatio) and arrangement (dispositio), the former being called ÏÎ¬Î¾Î¹Ï, in Greek, and the latter Î´Î¹Î¬Î¸ÎµÏÎ¹Ï; it also depends on proportion, uniformity, consistency, and economy, which the Greeks call Î¿á¼°ÎºÎ¿Î½Î¿Î¼Î¯Î±. 1.2.2. 2. Fitness is the adjustment of size of the several parts to their several uses, and required due regard to the general proportions of the fabric: it arises out of dimension (quantitas), which the Greeks call ÏÎ¿ÏÏÏÎ·Ï. Dimension regulated the general scale of the work, so that the parts may all tell and be effective. Arrangement is the disposition in their just and proper places of all the parts of the building, and the pleasing effect of the same; keeping in view its appropriate character. It is divisible into three heads, which, considered together, constitute design: these, by the Greeks, are named á¼°Î´ÎÎ±Î¹: they are called ichnography, orthography, and scenography. The first is the representation on a plane of the ground-plan of the work, drawn by rule and compasses. The second is the elevation of the front, slightly shadowed, and shewing the forms of the intended building. The last exhibits the front and a receding side properly shadowed, the lines being drawn to their proper vanishing points. These three are the result of thought and invention. Thought is an effort of the mind, ever incited by the pleasure attendant on success in compassing an object. Invention is the effect of this effort; which throws a new light on things the most recondite, and produces them to answer the intended purpose. These are the ends of arrangement. 1.2.3. 3. Proportion is that agreeable harmony between the several parts of a building, which is the result of a just and regular agreement of them with each other; the height to the width, this to the length, and each of these to the whole. 1.2.4. 4. Uniformity is the parity of the parts to one another; each corresponding with its opposite, as in the human figure. The arms, feet, hands, fingers, are similar to, and symmetrical with, one another; so should the respective parts of a building correspond. In the balista, by the size of the hole which the Greeks call ÏÎµÏÎ¯ÏÏÎ·ÏÎ¿Î½; in ships, by the space between the thowls, which space in Greek is called Î´Î¹ÏÎ·ÏÎ±Î¹Îºá½´, we have a measure, by the knowledge of which the whole of the construction of a vessel may be developed. 1.2.5. 5. Consistency is found in that work whose whole and detail are suitable to the occasion. It arises from circumstance, custom, and nature. From circumstance, which the Greeks call Î¸ÎµÎ¼Î±ÏÎ¹ÏÎ¼á½¸Ï, when temples are built, hypÃ¦thral and uninclosed, to Jupiter, Thunderer, Coelus, the Sun and Moon; because these divinities are continually known to us by their presence night and day, and throughout all space. For a similar reason, temples of the Doric order are erected to Minerva, Mars, and Hercules; on account of whose valour, their temples should be of masculine proportions, and without delicate ornament. The character of the Corinthian order seems more appropriate to Venus, Flora, Proserpine, and Nymphs of Fountains; because its slenderness, elegance and richness, and its ornamental leaves surmounted by volutes, seem to bear an analogy to their dispositions. A medium between these two is chosen for temples to Juno, Diana, Bacchus, and other similar deities, which should be of the Ionic order, tempered between the severity of the Doric and the slenderness and delicacy of the Corinthian order. 1.2.6. 6. In respect of custom, consistency is preserved when the vestibules of magnificent edifices are conveniently contrived and richly finished: for those buildings cannot be said to be consistent, to whose splendid interiors you pass through poor and mean entrances. So also, if dentilled cornices are used in the Doric order, or triglyphs applied above the voluted Ionic, thus transferring parts to one order which properly belong to another, the eye will be offended, because custom otherwise applies these peculiarities. 1.2.7. 7. Natural consistency arises from the choice of such situations for temples as possess the advantages of salubrious air and water; more especially in the case of temples erected to Ãsculapius, to the Goddess of Health, and such other divinities as possess the power of curing diseases. For thus the sick, changing the unwholesome air and water to which they have been accustomed for those that are healthy, sooner convalesce; and a reliance upon the divinity will be therefore increased by proper choice of situation. Natural consistency also requires that chambers should be lighted from the east; baths and winter apartments from the south-west; picture and other galleries which require a steady light, from the north, because from that quarter the light is not sometimes brilliant and at other times obscured, but is nearly the same throughout the day. 1.2.8. 8. Economy consists in a due and proper application of the means afforded according to the ability of the employer and the situation chosen; care being taken that the expenditure is prudently conducted. In this respect the architect is to avoid the use of materials which are not easily procured and prepared on the spot. For it cannot be expected that good pit-sand, stone, fir of either sort, or marble, can be procured every where in plenty, but they must, in some instances, be brought from a distance, with much trouble and at great expense. In such cases, river or sea-sand may be substituted for pit-sand; cypress, poplar, elm, and pine, for the different sorts of fir; and the like of the rest, according to circumstances. 1.2.9. 9. The other branch of economy consists in suiting the building to the use which is to be made of it, the money to be expended, and the elegance appropriate thereto; because, as one or other of these circumstances prevails, the design should be varied. That which would answer very well as a town house, would ill suit as a country house, in which store-rooms must be provided for the produce of the farm. So the houses of men of business must be differently designed from those which are built for men of taste. Mansions for men of consequence in the government must be adapted to their particular habits. In short, economy must ever depend on the circumstances of the case.

85. Horace, Ars Poetica, 391, 393, 392 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84

392. caedibus et victu foedo deterruit Orpheus,

86. Catullus, Poems, 66.27 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 237

87. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.724 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as vegetation deity •vegetation deities, dionysus as Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 261

1.724. crateras magnos statuunt et vina corot.

1.724. or where the fleet was landed, or what aim

88. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4, 4.4.1-4.4.2, 4.4.4, 4.4.7, 4.4.14-4.4.15, 4.4.53-4.4.62, 4.4.89 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 176, 193, 194, 208

89. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus., antony as the ‘new dionysus’ Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 37

25. I made the sea peaceful and freed it of pirates. In that war I captured about 30,000 slaves who had escaped from their masters and taken up arms against the republic, and I handed them over to their masters for punishment. 2 The whole of Italy of its own free will swore allegiance to me and demanded me as the leader in the war in which I was victorious at Actium. The Gallic and Spanish provinces, Africa, Sicily and Sardinia swore the same oath of allegiance. 3 More than seven hundred senators served under my standards at that time, including eighty-three who previously or subsequently (down to the time of writing) were appointed consuls, and about one hundred and seventy who were appointed priests..

90. Strabo, Geography, 1.3.17, 5.4.12, 7.7.1, 9.2.2, 10.3.16, 12.4.10, 12.8.2, 12.8.21, 14.1.6, 14.1.23, 14.643 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas •dionysus of halicarnassus •technitai (artists of dionysus), athenian association •bassareus (dionysus) •dionysus, theater, as god of •theater and tragedy, dionysus as god of •collegia, parasites of dionysus •technitai (artists of dionysus), egyptian association (alexandria, ptolemais, cyprus) •technitai (artists of dionysus), ionian-hellespontine association (pergamum, teos) Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 52, 102; Harrison, Brill's Companion to Roman Tragedy (2015) 380; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 187; Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 73

1.3.17. Many writers have recorded similar occurrences, but it will suffice us to narrate those which have been collected by Demetrius of Skepsis. Apropos of that passage of Homer: — And now they reach'd the running rivulets clear, Where from Scamander's dizzy flood arise Two fountains, tepid one, from which a smoke Issues voluminous as from a fire, The other, even in summer heats, like hail For cold, or snow, or crystal stream frost-bound: Iliad xxii. 147. this writer tells us we must not be surprised, that although the cold spring still remains, the hot cannot be discovered; and says we must reckon the failing of the hot spring as the cause. He goes on to relate certain catastrophes recorded by Democles, how formerly in the reign of Tantalus there were great earthquakes in Lydia and Ionia as far as the Troad, which swallowed up whole villages and overturned Mount Sipylus; marshes then became lakes, and the city of Troy was covered by the waters. Pharos, near Egypt, which anciently was an island, may now be called a peninsula, and the same may be said of Tyre and Clazomenae. During my stay at Alexandria in Egypt the sea rose so high near Pelusium and Mount Casius as to overflow the land, and convert the mountain into an island, so that a journey from Casius into Phoenicia might have been undertaken by water. We should not be surprised therefore if in time to come the isthmus which separates the Egyptian sea from the Erythraean Sea, should part asunder or subside, and becoming a strait, connect the outer and inner seas, similarly to what has taken place at the strait of the Pillars. At the commencement of this work will be found some other narrations of a similar kind, which should be considered at the same time, and which will greatly tend to strengthen our belief both in these works of nature and also in its other changes. 5.4.12. Concerning the Samnitae there is another story current to this effect: The Sabini, since they had long been at war with the Ombrici, vowed (just as some of the Greeks do) to dedicate everything that was produced that year; and, on winning the victory, they partly sacrificed and partly dedicated all that was produced; then a dearth ensued, and some one said that they ought to have dedicated the babies too; this they did, and devoted to Mars all the children born that year; and these children, when grown to manhood, they sent away as colonists, and a bull led the way; and when the bull lay down to rest in the land of the Opici (who, as it chanced, were living only in villages), the Sabini ejected them and settled on the spot, and, in accordance with the utterance of their seers, slaughtered the bull as a sacrifice to Mars who had given it for a guide. It is reasonable to suppose therefore that their name Sabelli is a nickname derived from the name of their forefathers, while their name Samnitae (the Greeks say Saunitai) is due to a different cause. Some say, moreover, that a colony of Laconians joined the Samnitae, and that for this reason the Samnitae actually became philhellenes, and that some of them were even called Pitanatae. But it is thought that the Tarantini simply fabricated this, to flatter, and at the same time to win the friendship of, a powerful people on their borders; because, on a time, the Samnitae were wont to send forth an army of as many as eighty thousand infantry and eight thousand cavalry. And they say that among the Samnitae there is a law which is indeed honourable and conducive to noble qualities; for they are not permitted to give their daughters in marriage to whom they wish, but every year ten virgins and ten young men, the noblest of each sex, are selected, and, of these, the first choice of the virgins is given to the first choice of the young men, and the second to the second, and so on to the end; but if the young man who wins the meed of honour changes and turns out bad, they disgrace him and take away from him the woman given him. Next after the Samnitae come the Hirpini, and they too are Samnitae; they got their name from the wolf that led the way for their colony (for hirpus is what the Samnitae call the wolf); and their territory adjoins that of those Leucani who live in the interior. So much, then, for the Samnitae. 7.7.1. EpirusThese alone, then, of all the tribes that are marked off by the Ister and by the Illyrian and Thracian mountains, deserve to be mentioned, occupying as they do the whole of the Adriatic seaboard beginning at the recess, and also the sea-board that is called the left parts of the Pontus, and extends from the Ister River as far as Byzantium. But there remain to be described the southerly parts of the aforesaid mountainous country and next thereafter the districts that are situated below them, among which are both Greece and the adjacent barbarian country as far as the mountains. Now Hecataeus of Miletus says of the Peloponnesus that before the time of the Greeks it was inhabited by barbarians. Yet one might say that in the ancient times the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, if one reasons from the traditions themselves: Pelops brought over peoples from Phrygia to the Peloponnesus that received its name from him; and Danaus from Egypt; whereas the Dryopes, the Caucones, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, and other such peoples, apportioned among themselves the parts that are inside the isthmus — and also the parts outside, for Attica was once held by the Thracians who came with Eumolpus, Daulis in Phocis by Tereus, Cadmeia by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and Boeotia itself by the Aones and Temmices and Hyantes. According to Pindar, there was a time when the Boeotian tribe was called Syes. Moreover, the barbarian origin of some is indicated by their names — Cecrops, Godrus, Aiclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. And even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians — Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acaria and Aitolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes — Epeirotic tribes. 9.2.2. Ephorus declares that Boeotia is superior to the countries of the bordering tribes, not only in fertility of soil, but also because it alone has three seas and has a greater number of good harbors; in the Crisaean and Corinthian Gulf s it receives the products of Italy and Sicily and Libya, while in the part which faces Euboea, since its seaboard branches off on either side of the Euripus, on one side towards Aulis and the territory of Tanagra and on the other towards Salganeus and Anthedon, the sea stretches unbroken in the one direction towards Egypt and Cyprus and the islands, and in the other direction towards Macedonia and the regions of the Propontis and the Hellespont. And he adds that Euboea has, in a way, been made a part of Boeotia by the Euripus, since the Euripus is so narrow and is spanned by a bridge to Euripus only two plethra long. Now he praises the country on account of these things; and he says that it is naturally well suited to hegemony, but that those who were from time to time its leaders neglected careful training and education, and therefore, although they at times achieved success, they maintained it only for a short time, as is shown in the case of Epameinondas; for after he died the Thebans immediately lost the hegemony, having had only a taste of it; and that the cause of this was the fact that they belittled the value of learning and of intercourse with mankind, and cared for the military virtues alone. Ephorus should have added that these things are particularly useful in dealing with Greeks, although force is stronger than reason in dealing with the barbarians. And the Romans too, in ancient times, when carrying on war with savage tribes, needed no training of this kind, but from the time that they began to have dealings with more civilized tribes and races, they applied themselves to this training also, and so established themselves as lords of all. 10.3.16. Also resembling these rites are the Cotytian and the Bendideian rites practiced among the Thracians, among whom the Orphic rites had their beginning. Now the Cotys who is worshipped among the Edonians, and also the instruments used in her rites, are mentioned by Aeschylus; for he says,O adorable Cotys among the Edonians, and ye who hold mountain-ranging instruments; and he mentions immediately afterwards the attendants of Dionysus: one, holding in his hands the bombyces, toilsome work of the turner's chisel, fills full the fingered melody, the call that brings on frenzy, while another causes to resound the bronze-bound cotylae and again,stringed instruments raise their shrill cry, and frightful mimickers from some place unseen bellow like bulls, and the semblance of drums, as of subterranean thunder, rolls along, a terrifying sound; for these rites resemble the Phrygian rites, and it is at least not unlikely that, just as the Phrygians themselves were colonists from Thrace, so also their sacred rites were borrowed from there. Also when they identify Dionysus and the Edonian Lycurgus, they hint at the homogeneity of their sacred rites. 14.1.6. Ephorus says: Miletus was first founded and fortified above the sea by the Cretans, where the Milatos of olden times is now situated, being settled by Sarpedon, who brought colonists from the Cretan Milatos and named the city after that Miletus, the place formerly being in the possession of the Leleges; but later Neleus and his followers fortified the present city. The present city has four harbors, one of which is large enough for a fleet. Many are the achievements of this city, but the greatest is the number of its colonizations; for the Euxine Pontus has been colonized everywhere by these people, as also the Propontis and several other regions. At any rate, Anaximenes of Lampsacus says that the Milesians colonized the islands Icaros and Leros; and, near the Hellespont, Limnae in the Chersonesus, as also Abydus and Arisba and Paesus in Asia; and Artace and Cyzicus in the island of the Cyziceni; and Scepsis in the interior of the Troad. I, however, in my detailed description speak of the other cities, which have been omitted by him. Both Milesians and Delians invoke an Apollo Ulius, that is, as god of health and healing, for the verb ulein means to be healthy; whence the noun ule and the salutation, Both health and great joy to thee; for Apollo is the god of healing. And Artemis has her name from the fact that she makes people Artemeas. And both Helius and Selene are closely associated with these, since they are the causes of the temperature of the air. And both pestilential diseases and sudden deaths are imputed to these gods. 14.1.23. After the completion of the temple of Artemis, which, he says, was the work of Cheirocrates (the same man who built Alexandreia and the same man who proposed to Alexander to fashion Mt. Athos into his likeness, representing him as pouring a libation from a kind of ewer into a broad bowl, and to make two cities, one on the right of the mountain and the other on the left, and a river flowing from one to the other) — after the completion of the temple, he says, the great number of dedications in general were secured by means of the high honor they paid their artists, but the whole of the altar was filled, one might say, with the works of Praxiteles. They showed me also some of the works of Thrason, who made the chapel of Hecate, the waxen image of Penelope, and the old woman Eurycleia. They had eunuchs as priests, whom they called Megabyzi. And they were always in quest of persons from other places who were worthy of this preferment, and they held them in great honor. And it was obligatory for maidens to serve as colleagues with them in their priestly office. But though at the present some of their usages are being preserved, yet others are not; but the sanctuary remains a place of refuge, the same as in earlier times, although the limits of the refuge have often been changed; for example, when Alexander extended them for a stadium, and when Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the roof and thought it went a little farther than a stadium, and when Antony doubled this distance and included within the refuge a part of the city. But this extension of the refuge proved harmful, and put the city in the power of criminals; and it was therefore nullified by Augustus Caesar.

91. Horace, Epodes, 9.7-9.9, 9.11-9.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus., antony as the ‘new dionysus’ Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 38

92. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 3.658-3.659, 11.90-11.193 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as an epiphanic/visible god •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68, 69; Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 37, 102

3.658. Per tibi nunc ipsum (nec enim praesentior illo 3.659. est deus) adiuro, tam me tibi vera referre, 11.90. at Silenus abest: titubantem annisque meroque 11.91. ruricolae cepere Phryges vinctumque coronis 11.92. ad regem duxere Midan, cui Thracius Orpheus 11.93. orgia tradiderat cum Cecropio Eumolpo. 11.146. Ille, perosus opes, silvas et rura colebat 11.147. Panaque montanis habitantem semper in antris. 11.148. Pingue sed ingenium mansit, nocituraque, ut ante, 11.149. rursus erant domino stultae praecordia mentis. 11.150. Nam freta prospiciens late riget arduus alto 11.151. Tmolus in adscensu, clivoque extensus utroque 11.152. Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypaepis. 11.153. Pan ibi dum teneris iactat sua carmina nymphis 11.154. et leve cerata modulatur harundine carmen, 11.155. ausus Apollineos prae se contemnere cantus, 11.156. iudice sub Tmolo certamen venit ad impar. 11.157. Monte suo senior iudex consedit et aures 11.158. liberat arboribus: quercu coma caerula tantum 11.159. cingitur, et pendent circum cava tempora glandes. 11.160. Isque deum pecoris spectans “in indice” dixit 11.161. “nulla mora est.” Calamis agrestibus insonat ille 11.162. barbaricoque Midan (aderat nam forte canenti) 11.163. carmine delenit. Post hunc sacer ora retorsit 11.164. Tmolus ad os Phoebi: vultum sua silva secuta est. 11.165. Ille caput flavum lauro Parnaside vinctus 11.166. verrit humum Tyrio saturata murice palla, 11.167. instrictamque fidem gemmis et dentibus Indis 11.168. sustinet a laeva; tenuit manus altera plectrum. 11.169. Artificis status ipse fuit. Tum stamina docto 11.170. pollice sollicitat, quorum dulcedine captus 11.171. Pana iubet Tmolus citharae submittere cannas. 11.172. Iudicium sanctique placet sententia montis 11.173. omnibus, arguitur tamen atque iniusta vocatur 11.174. unius sermone Midae; nec Delius aures 11.175. humanam stolidas patitur retinere figuram, 11.176. sed trahit in spatium villisque albentibus implet 11.177. instabilesque imas facit et dat posse moveri, 11.178. cetera sunt hominis: partem damnatur in unam 11.179. induiturque aures lente gradientis aselli. 11.180. Ille quidem celare cupit, turpisque pudore 11.181. tempora purpureis temptat velare tiaris. 11.182. Sed solitus longos ferro resecare capillos 11.183. viderat hoc famulus. Qui cum nec prodere visum 11.184. dedecus auderet, cupiens efferre sub auras, 11.185. nec posset reticere tamen, secedit humumque 11.186. effodit et, domini quales adspexerit aures, 11.187. voce refert parva terraeque inmurmurat haustae, 11.188. indiciumque suae vocis tellure regesta 11.189. obruit et scrobibus tacitus discedit opertis. 11.190. Creber harundinibus tremulis ibi surgere lucus 11.191. coepit et, ut primum pleno maturuit anno, 11.192. prodidit agricolam: leni nam motus ab austro 11.193. obruta verba refert dominique coarguit aures.

11.90. appeared and saved the head from that attack: 11.91. before the serpent could inflict a sting, 11.92. he drove it off, and hardened its wide jaw 11.93. to rigid stone. 11.146. of Bacchus, he kept joyful festival, 11.147. with his old comrade, twice five days and nights. 11.149. had dimmed the lofty multitude of stars, 11.150. King Midas and Silenus went from there 11.151. joyful together to the Lydian lands. 11.152. There Midas put Silenus carefully 11.153. under the care of his loved foster-child, 11.154. young Bacchus. He with great delight, because 11.155. he had his foster-father once again, 11.156. allowed the king to choose his own reward— 11.157. a welcome offer, but it led to harm. 11.158. And Midas made this ill-advised reply: 11.159. “Cause whatsoever I shall touch to change 11.160. at once to yellow gold.” Bacchus agreed 11.161. to his unfortunate request, with grief 11.162. that Midas chose for harm and not for good. 11.163. The Berecynthian hero, king of Phrygia , 11.164. with joy at his misfortune went away, 11.165. and instantly began to test the worth 11.166. of Bacchus' word by touching everything. 11.168. a twig down from a holm-oak, growing on 11.169. a low hung branch. The twig was turned to gold. 11.170. He lifted up a dark stone from the ground 11.171. and it turned pale with gold. He touched a clod 11.172. and by his potent touch the clod became 11.173. a mass of shining gold. He plucked some ripe, 11.174. dry spears of grain, and all that wheat he touched 11.175. was golden. Then he held an apple which 11.176. he gathered from a tree, and you would think 11.177. that the Hesperides had given it. 11.178. If he but touched a lofty door, at once 11.179. each door-post seemed to glisten. When he washed 11.180. his hands in liquid streams, the lustrous drop 11.181. upon his hands might have been those which once 11.182. astonished Danae. He could not now 11.183. conceive his large hopes in his grasping mind, 11.184. as he imagined everything of gold. 11.186. his servants set a table for his meal, 11.187. with many dainties and with needful bread: 11.188. but when he touched the gift of Ceres with 11.189. his right hand, instantly the gift of Cere 11.190. tiffened to gold; or if he tried to bite 11.191. with hungry teeth a tender bit of meat, 11.192. the dainty, as his teeth but touched it, shone 11.193. at once with yellow shreds and flakes of gold.

93. Statius, Thebais, 2.265-2.305 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 26

94. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 4.3.5, 9.6.1, 9.6.prae (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 73

4.3.5. M'. Curius, a most upright specimen of Roman frugality, as well as a perfect example of courage, was not ashamed to show himself sitting upon a rustic stool before the fire eating from a wooden platter - you may guess at his how simple the food was. He despised the riches of the Samnites, and the Samnites wondered at his poverty. For when they brought him a great weight of gold, sent to him by their countrymen as a present, and politely asked him to accept it, he fell into laughter, and presently said, "You have come here upon a needless, if I may not call it foolish embassy. Go tell the Samnites that Curius had rather command rich men than be rich himself; and carry back that precious gift invented for the evil of mankind; and remember that I can neither be overcome in battle, nor be corrupted with money."

95. Suetonius, Augustus, 12, 45, 70 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 37

96. Appian, The War Against Hannibal, 27 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 48

97. Tacitus, Annals, 6.19, 6.41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 37

6.19. Post quos Sex. Marius Hispaniarum ditissimus defertur incestasse filiam et saxo Tarpeio deicitur. ac ne dubium haberetur magnitudinem pecuniae malo vertisse, aerarias aurariasque eius, quamquam publicarentur, sibimet Tiberius seposuit. inritatusque suppliciis cunctos qui carcere attinebantur accusati societatis cum Seiano necari iubet. iacuit immensa strages, omnis sexus, omnis aetas, inlustres ignobiles, dispersi aut aggerati. neque propinquis aut amicis adsistere, inlacrimare, ne visere quidem diutius dabatur, sed circumiecti custodes et in maerorem cuiusque intenti corpora putrefacta adsectabantur, dum in Tiberim traherentur ubi fluitantia aut ripis adpulsa non cremare quisquam, non contingere. interciderat sortis humanae commercium vi metus, quantumque saevitia glisceret, miseratio arcebatur. 6.41. Per idem tempus Clitarum natio Cappadoci Archelao subiecta, quia nostrum in modum deferre census, pati tributa adigebatur, in iuga Tauri montis abscessit locorumque ingenio sese contra imbellis regis copias tutabatur, donec M. Trebellius legatus, a Vitellio praeside Syriae cum quattuor milibus legionariorum et delectis auxiliis missus, duos collis quos barbari insederant (minori Cadra, alteri Davara nomen est) operibus circumdedit et erumpere ausos ferro, ceteros siti ad deditionem coegit. At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium et Anthemusiada ceterasque urbes, quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula usurpant, Halumque et Artemitam Parthica oppida recepit, certantibus gaudio qui Artabanum Scythas inter eductum ob saevitiam execrati come Tiridatis ingenium Romanas per artes sperabant.

6.19. After these, Sextus Marius, the richest man of Spain, was arraigned for incest with his daughter and flung from the Tarpeian Rock; while, to leave no doubt that it was the greatness of his wealth which had redounded to his ruin, his copper-mines and gold-mines, though forfeit to the state, were reserved by Tiberius for himself. And as executions had whetted his appetite, he gave orders for all persons in custody on the charge of complicity with Sejanus to be killed. On the ground lay the huge hecatomb of victims: either sex, every age; the famous, the obscure; scattered or piled in mounds. Nor was it permitted to relatives or friends to stand near, to weep over them, or even to view them too long; but a cordon of sentries, with eyes for each beholder's sorrow, escorted the rotting carcasses, as they were dragged to the Tiber, there to float with the current or drift to the banks, with none to commit them to the flames or touch them. The ties of our common humanity had been dissolved by the force of terror; and before each advance of cruelty compassion receded. < 6.19. After these, Sextus Marius, the richest man of Spain, was arraigned for incest with his daughter and flung from the Tarpeian Rock; while, to leave no doubt that it was the greatness of his wealth which had redounded to his ruin, his copper-mines and gold-mines, though forfeit to the state, were reserved by Tiberius for himself. And as executions had whetted his appetite, he gave orders for all persons in custody on the charge of complicity with Sejanus to be killed. On the ground lay the huge hecatomb of victims: either sex, every age; the famous, the obscure; scattered or piled in mounds. Nor was it permitted to relatives or friends to stand near, to weep over them, or even to view them too long; but a cordon of sentries, with eyes for each beholder's sorrow, escorted the rotting carcasses, as they were dragged to the Tiber, there to float with the current or drift to the banks, with none to commit them to the flames or touch them. The ties of our common humanity had been dissolved by the force of terror; and before each advance of cruelty compassion receded. 6.41. About this date, the Cietae, a tribe subject to Archelaus of Cappadocia, pressed to conform with Roman usage by making a return of their property and submitting to a tribute, migrated to the heights of the Tauric range, and, favoured by the nature of the country, held their own against the unwarlike forces of the king; until the legate Marcus Trebellius, despatched by Vitellius from his province of Syria with four thousand legionaries and a picked force of auxiliaries, drew his lines round the two hills which the barbarians had occupied (the smaller is known as Cadra, the other as Davara) and reduced them to surrender â those who ventured to make a sally, by the sword, the others by thirst. Meanwhile, with the acquiescence of the Parthians, Tiridates took over Nicephorium, Anthemusias, and the other cities of Macedonian foundation, carrying Greek names, together with the Parthic towns of Halus and Artemita; enthusiasm running high, as Artabanus, with his Scythian training, had been execrated for his cruelty and it was hoped that Roman culture had mellowed the character of Tiridates. <

98. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 11.3.89 sq. (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus halicarnassensis Found in books: Fleury and Schmidt, Perceptions of the Second Sophistic and Its Times - Regards sur la Seconde Sophistique et son époque(2010) 155

99. Plutarch, De Musica (1131B1147A), 1141b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as conqueror Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 235

100. Plutarch, Romulus, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 146, 193

14. It was in the fourth month after the founding of the city, as Fabius writes, that the rape of the Sabine women was perpetrated. Cf. Livy, i. 9. And some say that Romulus himself, being naturally fond of war, and being persuaded by sundry oracles, too, that it was the destiny of Rome to be nourished and increased by wars till she became the greatest of cities, thereby merely began unprovoked hostilities against the Sabines; for he did not take many maidens, but thirty only, since what he wanted was war rather than marriages.,But this is not likely. On the contrary, seeing his city filling up at once with aliens, few of whom had wives, while the greater part of them, being a mixed rabble of needy and obscure persons, were looked down upon and expected to have no strong cohesion; and hoping to make the outrage an occasion for some sort of blending and fellowship with the Sabines after their women had been kindly entreated, he set his hand to the task, and in the following manner.,First a report was spread abroad by him that he had discovered an altar of a certain god hidden underground. They called this god Consus, and he was either a god of counsel (for consilium is still their word for counsel, and they call their chief magistrates consuls, that is to say, counsellors ), or an equestrian Neptune. For the altar is in the Circus Maximus, and is invisible at all other times, but at the chariot-races it is uncovered.,Some, however, simply say that since counsel is secret and unseen, it is not unreasonable that an altar to the god of counsel should be hidden underground. The altar was kept buried in the earth to signify thesecret processes of nature in the production of crops and vegetation. For Consus was an ancient Italian god of agriculture. Now when this altar was discovered, Romulus appointed by proclamation a splendid sacrifice upon it, with games, and a spectacle open to all people. And many were the people who came together, while he himself sat in front, among his chief men, clad in purple.,The signal that the time had come for the onslaught was to be his rising and folding his cloak and then throwing it round him again. Armed with swords, then, many of his followers kept their eyes intently upon him, and when the signal was given, drew their swords, rushed in with shouts, and ravished away the daughters of the Sabines, but permitted and encouraged the men themselves to escape.,Some say that only thirty maidens were seized, and that from these the Curiae The thirty divisions into which the three ancient Roman tribes were divided for political and ceremonial purposes. Cf. Livy, i. 13, 6 f. were named; but Valerius Antias puts the number at five hundred and twenty-seven, and Juba at six hundred and eighty-three, all maidens. And this was the strongest defence which Romulus could make, namely, that they took only one married woman, Hersilia, and her by mistake, since they did not commit the rape out of wantonness, nor even with a desire to do mischief, but with the fixed purpose of uniting and blending the two peoples in the strongest bonds.,As for this Hersilia, some say that she was married to Hostilius, a most eminent Roman, and others, to Romulus himself, and that she also bore him children: one daughter, Prima, so called from the order of birth, and one son only, whom Romulus named Aollius, from the great concourse A Greek etymology connecting the name with ἀολλής, in throngs. of citizens under him, but later ages Avillius. However, Zenodotus of Troezen, who gives us this account, is contradicted by many.

101. Plutarch, Table Talk, 7.9, 714c, 747e (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graf and Johnston, Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (2007) 123

102. Plutarch, Publicola, 16.7, 16.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 237

103. Plutarch, Pericles, 1.4-1.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, mark antony posing as Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 176

1.4. ταῦτα δὲ ἔστιν ἐν τοῖς ἀπʼ ἀρετῆς ἔργοις, ἃ καὶ ζῆλόν τινα καὶ προθυμίαν ἀγωγὸν εἰς μίμησιν ἐμποιεῖ τοῖς ἱστορήσασιν· ἱστορήσασιν Bekker, Fuhr, and Blass, with Reiske, after Amyot: ἱστορήμασιν ( researches ). ἐπεὶ τῶν γʼ ἄλλων οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀκολουθεῖ τῷ θαυμάσαι τὸ πραχθὲν ὁρμὴ πρὸς τὸ πρᾶξαι· πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοὐναντίον χαίροντες τῷ ἔργῳ τοῦ δημιουργοῦ καταφρονοῦμεν, ὡς ἐπὶ τῶν μύρων καὶ τῶν ἁλουργῶν τούτοις μὲν ἡδόμεθα, τοὺς δὲ βαφεῖς καὶ μυρεψοὺς ἀνελευθέρους ἡγούμεθα καὶ βαναύσους. 1.5. διὸ καλῶς μὲν Ἀντισθένης ἀκούσας ὅτι σπουδαῖός ἐστιν αὐλητὴς Ἰσμηνίας, ἀλλʼ ἄνθρωπος, ἔφη, μοχθηρός· οὐ γὰρ ἂν οὕτω σπουδαῖος ἦν αὐλητής· ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν ἐπιτερπῶς ἔν τινι πότῳ ψήλαντα καὶ τεχνικῶς εἶπεν· οὐκ αἰσχύνῃ καλῶς οὕτω ψάλλων; ἀρκεῖ γάρ, ἂν βασιλεὺς ἀκροᾶσθαι ψαλλόντων σχολάζῃ, καὶ πολὺ νέμει ταῖς Μούσαις ἑτέρων ἀγωνιζομένων τὰ τοιαῦτα θεατὴς γιγνόμενος.

1.4. Such objects are to be found in virtuous deeds; these implant in those who search them out a great and zealous eagerness which leads to imitation. In other cases, admiration of the deed is not immediately accompanied by an impulse to do it. Nay, many times, on the contrary, while we delight in the work, we despise the workman, as, for instance, in the case of perfumes and dyes; we take a delight in them, but dyers and perfumers we regard as illiberal and vulgar folk. 1.5. Therefore it was a fine saying of Antisthenes, when he heard that Ismenias was an excellent piper: But he’s a worthless man, said he, otherwise he wouldn’t be so good a piper. And so Philip Philip of Macedon, to Alexander. once said to his son, who, as the wine went round, plucked the strings charmingly and skilfully, Art not ashamed to pluck the strings so well? It is enough, surely, if a king have leisure to hear others pluck the strings, and he pays great deference to the Muses if he be but a spectator of such contests.

104. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 85

21.2. εἶναι γάρ ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ Πόμπωνος τοὺς Πομπωνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Πίνου τοὺς Πιναρίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Κάλπου τοὺς Καλπουρνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Μαμέρκου τοὺς Μαμερκίους, οἷς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Ῥῆγας γενέσθαι παρωνύμιον, ὅπερ ἐστὶ βασιλέας, τρίτοι δέ εἰσιν οἱ τούτων μὲν κατηγοροῦντες ὡς χαριζομένων τοῖς γένεσι καὶ προστιθέντων οὐκ ἀληθῆ στέμματα τῆς ἀπὸ Νομᾶ διαδοχῆς, τὴν δὲ Πομπιλίαν οὐκ ἐκ Τατίας γεγονέναι λέγοντες, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἑτέρας γυναικός, ἣν ἤδη βασιλεύων ἔγημε, Λουκρητίας·

21.2. From Pompon the Pomponii are descended, from Pinus the Pinarii, from Calpus the Calpurnii, and from Mamercus the Mamercii, who for this reason had also the surname of Reges, or Kings. But there is a third class of writers who accuse the former of paying court to these great families by forging for them lines of descent from Numa, and they say that Pompilia was not the daughter of Tatia, but of Lucretia, another wife whom Numa married after he became king. 21.2. From Pompon the Pomponii are descended, from Pinus the Pinarii, from Calpus the Calpurnii, and from Mamercus the Mamercii, who for this reason had also the surname of Reges, or Kings. But there is a third class of writers who accuse the former of paying court to these great families by forging for them lines of descent from Numa, and they say that Pompilia was not the daughter of Tatia, but of Lucretia, another wife whom Numa married after he became king. 21. As regards his marriages and offspring, historians are at variance. Some say that he had no other wife than Tatia, and no other child than one daughter, Pompilia. Others ascribe to him four sons besides, Pompon, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus, each one of whom was the founder of an honourable family. ,From Pompon the Pomponii are descended, from Pinus the Pinarii, from Calpus the Calpurnii, and from Mamercus the Mamercii, who for this reason had also the surname of Reges, or Kings. But there is a third class of writers who accuse the former of paying court to these great families by forging for them lines of descent from Numa, and they say that Pompilia was not the daughter of Tatia, but of Lucretia, another wife whom Numa married after he became king. ,However, all are agreed that Pompilia was married to Marcius. Now this Marcius was a son of the Marcius who induced Numa to accept the throne. Cf. chapter vi. That Marcius accompanied Numa to Rome, and there was honoured with membership in the Senate. After Numa’s death, he competed for the throne with Hostilius, and being defeated, starved himself to death. But his son Marcius, the husband of Pompilia, remained at Rome, and begat Ancus Marcius, who succeeded Tullus Hostilius in the kingdom. ,This Ancus Marcius is said to have been only five years old when Numa died, not a speedy nor a sudden death, but wasting away gradually from old age and a mild disorder, as Piso writes. He was something over eighty years old when he died. 21. As regards his marriages and offspring, historians are at variance. Some say that he had no other wife than Tatia, and no other child than one daughter, Pompilia. Others ascribe to him four sons besides, Pompon, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus, each one of whom was the founder of an honourable family.,From Pompon the Pomponii are descended, from Pinus the Pinarii, from Calpus the Calpurnii, and from Mamercus the Mamercii, who for this reason had also the surname of Reges, or Kings. But there is a third class of writers who accuse the former of paying court to these great families by forging for them lines of descent from Numa, and they say that Pompilia was not the daughter of Tatia, but of Lucretia, another wife whom Numa married after he became king.,However, all are agreed that Pompilia was married to Marcius. Now this Marcius was a son of the Marcius who induced Numa to accept the throne. Cf. chapter vi. That Marcius accompanied Numa to Rome, and there was honoured with membership in the Senate. After Numa’s death, he competed for the throne with Hostilius, and being defeated, starved himself to death. But his son Marcius, the husband of Pompilia, remained at Rome, and begat Ancus Marcius, who succeeded Tullus Hostilius in the kingdom.,This Ancus Marcius is said to have been only five years old when Numa died, not a speedy nor a sudden death, but wasting away gradually from old age and a mild disorder, as Piso writes. He was something over eighty years old when he died.

105. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 267

1.4. ἀλλὰ τούτῳ μὲν ἴσως ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐμμελείας ταῦτά τε γράφειν ἐπῄει καὶ τὴν Φιλίστου διάλεκτον εὐθύνειν, καὶ τοῖς περὶ Πλάτωνα καὶ Ἀριστοτέλην λοιδορεῖσθαι· ἐμοὶ δʼ ὅλως μὲν ἡ περὶ λέξιν ἅμιλλα καὶ ζηλοτυπία πρὸς ἑτέρους μικροπρεπὲς φαίνεται καὶ σοφιστικόν, ἂν δὲ πρὸς τὰ ἀμίμητα γίγνηται, καὶ τελέως ἀναίσθητον.

1.4. As for Timaeus, he may possibly have been moved to write thus in the exercise of the same critical taste which led him to correct the language of Philistus and abuse Plato and Aristotle; but as for me, I feel that jealous rivalry with other writers in matters of diction is altogether undignified and pedantic, and if it be practised toward what is beyond all imitation, utterly silly.

106. Plutarch, Moralia, 715 e, 299 a-b (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 50

107. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 37.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 115

108. Plutarch, Marcellus, 58.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus., antony as the ‘new dionysus’ Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 117

109. Plutarch, Fabius, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 48

110. Plutarch, Demetrius, 23-26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 88

111. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 17.4, 19.2, 20.7, 21.2, 24.4, 25.2, 133.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priapus, and dionysus/satyrs/thiasos Found in books: Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 106, 111

112. Appian, Civil Wars, 3.43.176, 3.51, 5.132 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus., antony as the ‘new dionysus’ Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 37

113. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 24.4-24.5, 37.2, 40.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 88; Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 38, 117

24.4. ἦν γὰρ ἀμέλει τοιοῦτος ἐνίοις, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς ὠμηστὴς καὶ ἀγριώνιος. ἀφῃρεῖτο γὰρ εὐγενεῖς ἀνθρώπους τὰ ὄντα μαστιγίαις καὶ κόλαξι χαριζόμενος. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ζώντων ὡς τεθνηκότων αἰτησάμενοί τινες οὐσίας ἔλαβον. ἀνδρὸς δὲ Μάγνητος οἶκον ἐδωρήσατο μαγείρῳ περὶ ἕν, ὡς λέγεται, δεῖπνον εὐδοκιμήσαντι. 24.5. τέλος δέ, ταῖς πόλεσι δεύτερον ἐπιβάλλοντος φόρον, ἐτόλμησεν Ὑβρέας ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἀσίας λέγων εἰπεῖν ἀγοραίως μὲν ἐκεῖνα καὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἀντωνίου ζῆλον οὐκ ἀηδῶς, εἰ δύνασαι δὶς λαβεῖν ἑνὸς ἐνιαυτοῦ φόρον, δύνασαι καὶ δὶς ἡμῖν ποιήσασθαι θέρος καὶ δὶς ὀπώραν, πρακτικῶς δὲ καὶ παραβόλως συναγαγὼν ὅτι μυριάδας εἴκοσι ταλάντων ἡ Ἀσία δέδωκε, ταῦτα, εἶπεν, εἰ μὲν οὐκ εἴληφας, ἀπαίτει παρὰ τῶν λαβόντων· εἰ δὲ λαβὼν οὐκ ἔχεις, ἀπολώλαμεν.

24.4. 24.5. 60. , , ,

114. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), ionian-hellespontine association (pergamum, teos) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 35

29. When he had returned from Egypt into Phoenicia, Early in 331 B.C. he honoured the gods with sacrifices and solemn processions, and held contests of dithyrambic choruses and tragedies which were made brilliant, not only by their furnishings, but also by the competitors who exhibited them. For the kings of Cyprus were the choregi, or exhibitors, just like, at Athens, those chosen by lot from the tribes, and they competed against each other with amazing ambition. Most eager of all was the contention between Nicocreon of Salamis and Pasicrates of Soli. , For the lot assigned to these exhibitors the most celebrated actors, to Pasicrates Athenodorus, and to Nicocreon Thessalus, in whose success Alexander himself was interested. He did not reveal this interest, however, until, by the votes of the judges, Athenodorus had been proclaimed victor. But then, as it would appear, on leaving the theatre, he said that he approved the decision of the judges, but would gladly have given up a part of his kingdom rather than to have seen Thessalus vanquished. , And yet, when Athenodorus, who had been fined by the Athenians for not keeping his engagement in the dramatic contest of their Dionysiac festival, asked the king to write a letter to them in his behalf, though he would not do this, he sent them the amount of the fine from his own purse. Furthermore, when Lycon of Scarpheia, who was acting successfully before Alexander, inserted into the comedy a verse containing a request for ten talents, Alexander laughed and gave them to him. Cf. Morals, pp. 334 f. , When Dareius sent to him a letter and friends, This was during the siege of Tyre, according to Arrian ( Anab. ii. 25. 1 ). begging him to accept ten thousand talents as ransom for the captives, to hold all the territory this side of the Euphrates, to take one of his daughters in marriage, and on these terms to be his ally and friend, Alexander imparted the matter to his companions. If I were Alexander, said Parmenio, I would accept these terms. And so indeed would I, said Alexander, were I Parmenio. But to Dareius he wrote: Come to me, and thou shalt receive every courtesy; but otherwise I shall march at once against thee. This was but the conclusion of an arrogant letter. Cf. Arrian, Anab. ii. 25, 3 .

115. Cornutus, De Natura Deorum, 62.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

116. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 19.87 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 73

117. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 11.3.89 sq. (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus halicarnassensis Found in books: Fleury and Schmidt, Perceptions of the Second Sophistic and Its Times - Regards sur la Seconde Sophistique et son époque(2010) 155

118. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 3.5.1, 6.3.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation •bassareus (dionysus) Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84; Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 47

3.5.1. Διόνυσος δὲ εὑρετὴς ἀμπέλου γενόμενος, Ἥρας μανίαν αὐτῷ ἐμβαλούσης περιπλανᾶται Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ Συρίαν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον Πρωτεὺς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς Αἰγυπτίων, αὖθις δὲ εἰς Κύβελα τῆς Φρυγίας ἀφικνεῖται, κἀκεῖ καθαρθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥέας καὶ τὰς τελετὰς ἐκμαθών, καὶ λαβὼν παρʼ ἐκείνης τὴν στολήν, ἐπὶ Ἰνδοὺς 1 -- διὰ τῆς Θράκης ἠπείγετο. Λυκοῦργος δὲ παῖς Δρύαντος, Ἠδωνῶν βασιλεύων, οἳ Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν παροικοῦσι, πρῶτος ὑβρίσας ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν. καὶ Διόνυσος μὲν εἰς θάλασσαν πρὸς Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως κατέφυγε, Βάκχαι δὲ ἐγένοντο αἰχμάλωτοι καὶ τὸ συνεπόμενον Σατύρων πλῆθος αὐτῷ. αὖθις δὲ αἱ Βάκχαι ἐλύθησαν ἐξαίφνης, Λυκούργῳ δὲ μανίαν ἐνεποίησε 2 -- Διόνυσος. ὁ δὲ μεμηνὼς Δρύαντα τὸν παῖδα, ἀμπέλου νομίζων κλῆμα κόπτειν, πελέκει πλήξας ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ ἀκρωτηριάσας αὐτὸν ἐσωφρόνησε. 1 -- τῆς δὲ γῆς ἀκάρπου μενούσης, ἔχρησεν ὁ θεὸς καρποφορήσειν αὐτήν, ἂν θανατωθῇ Λυκοῦργος. Ἠδωνοὶ δὲ ἀκούσαντες εἰς τὸ Παγγαῖον αὐτὸν ἀπαγαγόντες ὄρος ἔδησαν, κἀκεῖ κατὰ Διονύσου βούλησιν ὑπὸ ἵππων διαφθαρεὶς ἀπέθανε.

3.5.1. Dionysus discovered the vine, and being driven mad by Hera he roamed about Egypt and Syria . At first he was received by Proteus, king of Egypt, but afterwards he arrived at Cybela in Phrygia . And there, after he had been purified by Rhea and learned the rites of initiation, he received from her the costume and hastened through Thrace against the Indians. But Lycurgus, son of Dryas, was king of the Edonians, who dwell beside the river Strymon, and he was the first who insulted and expelled him. Dionysus took refuge in the sea with Thetis, daughter of Nereus, and the Bacchanals were taken prisoners together with the multitude of Satyrs that attended him. But afterwards the Bacchanals were suddenly released, and Dionysus drove Lycurgus mad. And in his madness he struck his son Dryas dead with an axe, imagining that he was lopping a branch of a vine, and when he had cut off his son's extremities, he recovered his senses. But the land remaining barren, the god declared oracularly that it would bear fruit if Lycurgus were put to death. On hearing that, the Edonians led him to Mount Pangaeum and bound him, and there by the will of Dionysus he died, destroyed by horses. 3.5.1. Dionysus discovered the vine, and being driven mad by Hera he roamed about Egypt and Syria. At first he was received by Proteus, king of Egypt, but afterwards he arrived at Cybela in Phrygia. And there, after he had been purified by Rhea and learned the rites of initiation, he received from her the costume and hastened through Thrace against the Indians. But Lycurgus, son of Dryas, was king of the Edonians, who dwell beside the river Strymon, and he was the first who insulted and expelled him. Dionysus took refuge in the sea with Thetis, daughter of Nereus, and the Bacchanals were taken prisoners together with the multitude of Satyrs that attended him. But afterwards the Bacchanals were suddenly released, and Dionysus drove Lycurgus mad. And in his madness he struck his son Dryas dead with an axe, imagining that he was lopping a branch of a vine, and when he had cut off his son's extremities, he recovered his senses. But the land remaining barren, the god declared oracularly that it would bear fruit if Lycurgus were put to death. On hearing that, the Edonians led him to Mount Pangaion and bound him, and there by the will of Dionysus he died, destroyed by horses.

119. Apollodorus, Epitome, 5.22, 5.25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and athamas Found in books: Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 549

120. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 17.4, 19.2, 20.7, 21.2, 24.4, 25.2, 133.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •priapus, and dionysus/satyrs/thiasos Found in books: Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 106, 111

121. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 108

122. Antoninus Liberalis, Collection of Metamorphoses, 10.1, 11.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation •dionysus, persona (aspects of) Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 87, 100

123. Lucian, Dionysus, 1, 6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papadodima, Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II (2022) 75, 78

124. Lucian, The Syrian Goddess, 31 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, lions, associated with Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 62

31. But the temple within is not uniform. A special chamber is reared within it; the ascent to this likewise is not steep, nor is it fitted with doors, but is entirely open as you approach it. The great temple is open to all; the chamber to the priests alone and not to all even of these, but only to those who are deemed nearest to the gods and who have the charge of the entire administration of the sacred rites. In this chamber are placed the statues, one of which is Hera, the other Zeus, though they call him by another name. Both of these are golden, both are sitting; Hera is supported by lions, Zeus is sitting on bulls. The effigy of Zeus recalls Zeus in all its details: his head, his robes, his throne; nor even if you wished it could you take him for another deity. 31. But the temple within is not uniform. A special sacred shrine is reared within it; the ascent to this likewise is not steep, nor is it fitted with doors, but is entirely open as you approach it. The great temple is open to all; the sacred shrine to the priests alone and not to all even of these, but only to those who are deemed nearest to the gods and who have the charge of the entire administration of the sacred rites. In this shrine are placed the statues, one of which is Hera, the other Zeus, though they call him by another name. Both of these are golden, both are sitting; Hera is supported by lions, Zeus is sitting on bulls. The effigy of Zeus recalls Zeus in all its details—his head, his robes, his throne; nor even if you wished it could you take him for another deity.

125. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.21.518, 2.10.590, 2.11.591, 2.24.607 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), athenian association Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 164

126. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 1.1.1-1.1.3, 8.25.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •by the persians),, dionysus’ invasion of india •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Papadodima, Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II (2022) 78; Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 39

127. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.15.2, 1.21.2, 1.25.7, 1.29.16, 2.2.6-2.2.7, 2.7.6, 2.9.6, 2.17.4-2.17.5, 2.23.7, 3.19, 3.19.6, 5.1.6, 5.11.8, 5.16.6-5.16.7, 5.17.1, 7.4.8, 9.5.7, 9.12.4, 9.16.5, 9.35.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and athamas •dionysus, persona (aspects of) •nero, new dionysus, antony as •dionysus, theater, as god of •theater and tragedy, dionysus as god of •dionysus, ecstasy/ enthusiasm/madness, association with •dionysus, twin statues, worshipped as •ecstasy/enthusiasm/madness, association of dionysus with •enthusiasm/ecstasy/madness, association of dionysus with •madness/ecstasy/enthusiasm, association of dionysus with •dionysus, as vegetation deity •vegetation deities, dionysus as •dionysus, pillar as cult statue of •dionysus, and midas •aegean islands, dionysus associated with •chalcidian vases, kylix with dionysus and ariadne in chariot (phineus cup) •dionysus, aegean islands, associated with •dionysus, festivals associated with •dionysus, wine, as god of •wine, dionysus as god of •archon basileus, wife of, sacred marriage to dionysus •athens, archon basileus, wife of, sacred marriage to dionysus •dionysus, sacred marriage to wife of archon basileus •exekias, amphora with dionysus and oinopion •polygnotus, skyphos with dionysus’ sacred marriage to wife of archon basileus •weddings and marriages, dionysus’ sacred marriage to wife of archon basileus •basel krater, tragic chorus in theater of dionysus •thebes, association of ares, dionysus, and aphrodite with •thrace, dionysus associated with Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 88; Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 549; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 41, 65, 137, 186, 187, 261, 299, 301, 308, 316, 319; Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 1

1.15.2. ἐν δὲ τῷ μέσῳ τῶν τοίχων Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Θησεὺς Ἀμαζόσι μάχονται. μόναις δὲ ἄρα ταῖς γυναιξὶν οὐκ ἀφῄρει τὰ πταίσματα τὸ ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους ἀφειδές, εἴ γε Θεμισκύρας τε ἁλούσης ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους καὶ ὕστερον φθαρείσης σφίσι τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἣν ἐπʼ Ἀθήνας ἔστειλαν, ὅμως ἐς Τροίαν ἦλθον Ἀθηναίοις τε αὐτοῖς μαχούμεναι καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησιν. ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς Ἀμαζόσιν Ἕλληνές εἰσιν ᾑρηκότες Ἴλιον καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἠθροισμένοι διὰ τὸ Αἴαντος ἐς Κασσάνδραν τόλμημα· καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ γραφὴ τὸν Αἴαντα ἔχει καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἄλλας τε καὶ Κασσάνδραν. 1.21.2. τὴν δὲ εἰκόνα τὴν Αἰσχύλου πολλῷ τε ὕστερον τῆς τελευτῆς δοκῶ ποιηθῆναι καὶ τῆς γραφῆς ἣ τὸ ἔργον ἔχει τὸ Μαραθῶνι. ἔφη δὲ Αἰσχύλος μειράκιον ὢν καθεύδειν ἐν ἀγρῷ φυλάσσων σταφυλάς, καί οἱ Διόνυσον ἐπιστάντα κελεῦσαι τραγῳδίαν ποιεῖν· ὡς δὲ ἦν ἡμέρα— πείθεσθαι γὰρ ἐθέλειν—ῥᾷστα ἤδη πειρώμενος ποιεῖν. 1.25.7. Κάσσανδρος δὲ—δεινὸν γάρ τι ὑπῆν οἱ μῖσος ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους—, ὁ δὲ αὖθις Λαχάρην προεστηκότα ἐς ἐκεῖνο τοῦ δήμου, τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα οἰκειωσάμενος τυραννίδα ἔπεισε βουλεῦσαι, τυράννων ὧν ἴσμεν τά τε ἐς ἀνθρώπους μάλιστα ἀνήμερον καὶ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἀφειδέστατον. Δημητρίῳ δὲ τῷ Ἀντιγόνου διαφορὰ μὲν ἦν ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἤδη τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καθεῖλε δὲ ὅμως καὶ τὴν Λαχάρους τυραννίδα· ἁλισκομένου δὲ τοῦ τείχους ἐκδιδράσκει Λαχάρης ἐς Βοιωτούς, ἅτε δὲ ἀσπίδας ἐξ ἀκροπόλεως καθελὼν χρυσᾶς καὶ αὐτὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα τὸν περιαιρετὸν ἀποδύσας κόσμον ὑπωπτεύετο εὐπορεῖν μεγάλως χρημάτων. 1.29.16. Λυκούργῳ δὲ ἐπορίσθη μὲν τάλαντα ἐς τὸ δημόσιον πεντακοσίοις πλείονα καὶ ἑξακισχιλίοις ἢ ὅσα Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου συνήγαγε, κατεσκεύασε δὲ πομπεῖα τῇ θεῷ καὶ Νίκας χρυσᾶς καὶ παρθένοις κόσμον ἑκατόν, ἐς δὲ πόλεμον ὅπλα καὶ βέλη καὶ τετρακοσίας ναυμαχοῦσιν εἶναι τριήρεις· οἰκοδομήματα δὲ ἐπετέλεσε μὲν τὸ θέατρον ἑτέρων ὑπαρξαμένων, τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ πολιτείας ἃ ᾠκοδόμησεν ἐν Πειραιεῖ νεώς εἰσιν οἶκοι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τῷ Λυκείῳ καλουμένῳ γυμνάσιον. ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἀργύρου πεποιημένα ἦν καὶ χρυσοῦ, Λαχάρης καὶ ταῦτα ἐσύλησε τυραννήσας· τὰ δὲ οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι ἦν. 2.2.6. λόγου δὲ ἄξια ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ μὲν λειπόμενα ἔτι τῶν ἀρχαίων ἐστίν, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκμῆς ἐποιήθη τῆς ὕστερον. ἔστιν οὖν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς— ἐνταῦθα γὰρ πλεῖστά ἐστι τῶν ἱερῶν—Ἄρτεμίς τε ἐπίκλησιν Ἐφεσία καὶ Διονύσου ξόανα ἐπίχρυσα πλὴν τῶν προσώπων· τὰ δὲ πρόσωπα ἀλοιφῇ σφισιν ἐρυθρᾷ κεκόσμηται· Λύσιον δέ, τὸν δὲ Βάκχειον ὀνομάζουσι. 2.2.7. τὰ δὲ λεγόμενα ἐς τὰ ξόανα καὶ ἐγὼ γράφω. Πενθέα ὑβρίζοντα ἐς Διόνυσον καὶ ἄλλα τολμᾶν λέγουσι καὶ τέλος ἐς τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ τῶν γυναικῶν, ἀναβάντα δὲ ἐς δένδρον θεάσασθαι τὰ ποιούμενα· τὰς δέ, ὡς ἐφώρασαν, καθελκύσαι τε αὐτίκα Πενθέα καὶ ζῶντος ἀποσπᾶν ἄλλο ἄλλην τοῦ σώματος. ὕστερον δέ, ὡς Κορίνθιοι λέγουσιν, ἡ Πυθία χρᾷ σφισιν ἀνευρόντας τὸ δένδρον ἐκεῖνο ἴσα τῷ θεῷ σέβειν· καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ διὰ τόδε τὰς εἰκόνας πεποίηνται ταύτας. 2.7.6. ἡγεῖται μὲν οὖν ὃν Βάκχειον ὀνομάζουσιν—Ἀνδροδάμας σφίσιν ὁ Φλάντος τοῦτον ἱδρύσατο—, ἕπεται δὲ ὁ καλούμενος Λύσιος, ὃν Θηβαῖος Φάνης εἰπούσης τῆς Πυθίας ἐκόμισεν ἐκ Θηβῶν. ἐς δὲ Σικυῶνα ἦλθεν ὁ Φάνης, ὅτε Ἀριστόμαχος ὁ Κλεοδαίου τῆς γενομένης μαντείας ἁμαρτὼν διʼ αὐτὸ καὶ καθόδου τῆς ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἥμαρτεν. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ Διονυσίου βαδίζουσιν ἐς τὴν ἀγοράν, ἔστι ναὸς Ἀρτέμιδος ἐν δεξιᾷ Λιμναίας. καὶ ὅτι μὲν κατερρύηκεν ὁ ὄροφος, δῆλά ἐστιν ἰδόντι· περὶ δὲ τοῦ ἀγάλματος οὔτε ὡς κομισθέντος ἑτέρωσε οὔτε ὅντινα αὐτοῦ διεφθάρη τρόπον εἰπεῖν ἔχουσιν. 2.9.6. μετὰ δὲ τὸ Ἀράτου ἡρῷον ἔστι μὲν Ποσειδῶνι Ἰσθμίῳ βωμός, ἔστι δὲ Ζεὺς Μειλίχιος καὶ Ἄρτεμις ὀνομαζομένη Πατρῴα, σὺν τέχνῃ πεποιημένα οὐδεμιᾷ· πυραμίδι δὲ ὁ Μειλίχιος, ἡ δὲ κίονί ἐστιν εἰκασμένη. ἐνταῦθα καὶ βουλευτήριόν σφισι πεποίηται καὶ στοὰ καλουμένη Κλεισθένειος ἀπὸ τοῦ οἰκοδομήσαντος· ᾠκοδόμησε δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων ὁ Κλεισθένης αὐτὴν τὸν πρὸς Κίρρᾳ πόλεμον συμπολεμήσας Ἀμφικτύοσι. τῆς δὲ ἀγορᾶς ἐστιν ἐν τῷ ὑπαίθρῳ Ζεὺς χαλκοῦς, τέχνη Λυσίππου, παρὰ δὲ αὐτὸν Ἄρτεμις ἐπίχρυσος. 2.17.4. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἥρας ἐπὶ θρόνου κάθηται μεγέθει μέγα, χρυσοῦ μὲν καὶ ἐλέφαντος, Πολυκλείτου δὲ ἔργον· ἔπεστι δέ οἱ στέφανος Χάριτας ἔχων καὶ Ὥρας ἐπειργασμένας, καὶ τῶν χειρῶν τῇ μὲν καρπὸν φέρει ῥοιᾶς, τῇ δὲ σκῆπτρον. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐς τὴν ῥοιὰν—ἀπορρητότερος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ λόγος—ἀφείσθω μοι· κόκκυγα δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ σκήπτρῳ καθῆσθαί φασι λέγοντες τὸν Δία, ὅτε ἤρα παρθένου τῆς Ἥρας, ἐς τοῦτον τὸν ὄρνιθα ἀλλαγῆναι, τὴν δὲ ἅτε παίγνιον θηρᾶσαι. τοῦτον τὸν λόγον καὶ ὅσα ἐοικότα εἴρηται περὶ θεῶν οὐκ ἀποδεχόμενος γράφω, γράφω δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον. 2.17.5. λέγεται δὲ παρεστηκέναι τῇ Ἥρᾳ τέχνη Ναυκύδους ἄγαλμα Ἥβης, ἐλέφαντος καὶ τοῦτο καὶ χρυσοῦ· παρὰ δὲ αὐτήν ἐστιν ἐπὶ κίονος ἄγαλμα Ἥρας ἀρχαῖον. τὸ δὲ ἀρχαιότατον πεποίηται μὲν ἐξ ἀχράδος, ἀνετέθη δὲ ἐς Τίρυνθα ὑπὸ Πειράσου τοῦ Ἄργου, Τίρυνθα δὲ ἀνελόντες Ἀργεῖοι κομίζουσιν ἐς τὸ Ἡραῖον· ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς εἶδον, καθήμενον ἄγαλμα οὐ μέγα. 2.23.7. ἄλλα δέ ἐστιν Ἀργείοις θέας ἄξια· κατάγαιον οἰκοδόμημα, ἐπʼ αὐτῷ δὲ ἦν ὁ χαλκοῦς θάλαμος, ὃν Ἀκρίσιός ποτε ἐπὶ φρουρᾷ τῆς θυγατρὸς ἐποίησε· Περίλαος δὲ καθεῖλεν αὐτὸν τυραννήσας. τοῦτό τε οὖν τὸ οἰκοδόμημά ἐστι καὶ Κροτώπου μνῆμα καὶ Διονύσου ναὸς Κρησίου. Περσεῖ γὰρ πολεμήσαντα αὐτὸν καὶ αὖθις ἐλθόντα ἐς λύσιν τοῦ ἔχθους τά τε ἄλλα τιμηθῆναι μεγάλως λέγουσιν ὑπὸ Ἀργείων καὶ τέμενός οἱ δοθῆναι τοῦτο ἐξαίρετον· 5.11.8. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ βάθρου τοῦ τὸν θρόνον τε ἀνέχοντος καὶ ὅσος ἄλλος κόσμος περὶ τὸν Δία, ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ βάθρου χρυσᾶ ποιήματα, ἀναβεβηκὼς ἐπὶ ἅρμα Ἤλιος καὶ Ζεύς τέ ἐστι καὶ Ἥρα, ἔτι δὲ Ἥφαιστος, παρὰ δὲ αὐτὸν Χάρις· ταύτης δὲ Ἑρμῆς ἔχεται, τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ δὲ Ἑστία· μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑστίαν Ἔρως ἐστὶν ἐκ θαλάσσης Ἀφροδίτην ἀνιοῦσαν ὑποδεχόμενος, τὴν δὲ Ἀφροδίτην στεφανοῖ Πειθώ· ἐπείργασται δὲ καὶ Ἀπόλλων σὺν Ἀρτέμιδι Ἀθηνᾶ τε καὶ Ἡρακλῆς, καὶ ἤδη τοῦ βάθρου πρὸς τῷ πέρατι Ἀμφιτρίτη καὶ Ποσειδῶν Σελήνη τε ἵππον ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἐλαύνουσα. τοῖς δέ ἐστιν εἰρημένα ἐφʼ ἡμιόνου τὴν θεὸν ὀχεῖσθαι καὶ οὐχ ἵππου, καὶ λόγον γέ τινα ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμιόνῳ λέγουσιν εὐήθη. 5.16.6. αἱ πόλεις δὲ ἀφʼ ὧν τὰς γυναῖκας εἵλοντο, ἦσαν Ἦλις . ἀπὸ τούτων μὲν αἱ γυναῖκες οὖσαι τῶν πόλεων Πισαίοις διαλλαγὰς πρὸς Ἠλείους ἐποίησαν· ὕστερον δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐπετράπησαν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν θεῖναι τὰ Ἡραῖα καὶ ὑφήνασθαι τῇ Ἥρᾳ τὸν πέπλον. αἱ δὲ ἑκκαίδεκα γυναῖκες καὶ χοροὺς δύο ἱστᾶσι καὶ τὸν μὲν Φυσκόας τῶν χορῶν, τὸν δὲ Ἱπποδαμείας καλοῦσι· τὴν Φυσκόαν δὲ εἶναι ταύτην φασὶν ἐκ τῆς Ἤλιδος τῆς Κοίλης, τῷ δήμῳ δὲ ἔνθα ᾤκησεν ὄνομα μὲν Ὀρθίαν εἶναι. 5.16.7. ταύτῃ τῇ Φυσκόᾳ Διόνυσον συγγενέσθαι λέγουσι, Φυσκόαν δὲ ἐκ Διονύσου τεκεῖν παῖδα Ναρκαῖον· τοῦτον, ὡς ηὐξήθη, πολεμεῖν τοῖς προσοίκοις καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπὶ μέγα ἀρθῆναι, καὶ δὴ καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Ναρκαίας αὐτὸν ἱδρύσασθαι· Διονύσῳ τε τιμὰς λέγουσιν ὑπὸ Ναρκαίου καὶ Φυσκόας δοθῆναι πρώτων. Φυσκόας μὲν δὴ γέρα καὶ ἄλλα καὶ χορὸς ἐπώνυμος παρὰ τῶν ἑκκαίδεκα γυναικῶν, φυλάσσουσι δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον Ἠλεῖοι καὶ τἄλλα καταλυθεισῶν ὅμως τῶν πόλεων· νενεμημένοι γὰρ ἐς ὀκτὼ φυλὰς ἀφʼ ἑκάστης αἱροῦνται γυναῖκας δύο. 5.17.1. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἔχει κατὰ τὰ προειρημένα· τῆς Ἥρας δέ ἐστιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ Διός, τὸ δὲ Ἥρας ἄγαλμα καθήμενόν ἐστιν ἐπὶ θρόνῳ· παρέστηκε δὲ γένειά τε ἔχων καὶ ἐπικείμενος κυνῆν ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ, ἔργα δέ ἐστιν ἁπλᾶ. τὰς δὲ ἐφεξῆς τούτων καθημένας ἐπὶ θρόνων Ὥρας ἐποίησεν Αἰγινήτης Σμῖλις . παρὰ δὲ αὐτὰς Θέμιδος ἅτε μητρὸς τῶν Ὡρῶν ἄγαλμα ἕστηκε Δορυκλείδου τέχνη, γένος μὲν Λακεδαιμονίου, μαθητοῦ δὲ Διποίνου καὶ Σκύλλιδος . 7.4.8. Ἴωνι δὲ τῷ ποιήσαντι τραγῳδίαν ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ συγγραφῇ τοιάδε εἰρημένα, Ποσειδῶνα ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἔρημον οὖσαν ἀφικέσθαι καὶ νύμφῃ τε ἐνταῦθα συγγενέσθαι καὶ ὑπὸ τὰς ὠδῖνας τῆς νύμφης χιόνα ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πεσεῖν ἐς τὴν γῆν, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου Ποσειδῶνα τῷ παιδὶ ὄνομα θέσθαι Χίον· συγγενέσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ ἑτέρᾳ νύμφῃ, καὶ γενέσθαι οἱ παῖδας Ἄγελόν τε καὶ Μέλανα· ἀνὰ χρόνον δὲ καὶ Οἰνοπίωνα ἐς τὴν Χίον κατᾶραι ναυσὶν ἐκ Κρήτης, ἕπεσθαι δέ οἱ καὶ τοὺς παῖδας Τάλον καὶ Εὐάνθην καὶ Μέλανα καὶ Σάλαγόν τε καὶ Ἀθάμαντα. 9.12.4. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τόδε, ὡς ὁμοῦ τῷ κεραυνῷ βληθέντι ἐς τὸν Σεμέλης θάλαμον πέσοι ξύλον ἐξ οὐρανοῦ· Πολύδωρον δὲ τὸ ξύλον τοῦτο χαλκῷ λέγουσιν ἐπικοσμήσαντα Διόνυσον καλέσαι Κάδμον. πλησίον δὲ Διονύσου ἄγαλμα, καὶ τοῦτο Ὀνασιμήδης ἐποίησε διʼ ὅλου πλῆρες ὑπὸ τοῦ χαλκοῦ· τὸν βωμὸν δὲ οἱ παῖδες εἰργάσαντο οἱ Πραξιτέλους . 9.35.5. Ἡσίοδος δὲ ἐν Θεογονίᾳ—προσιέσθω δὲ ὅτῳ φίλον τὴν Θεογονίαν—, ἐν δʼ οὖν τῇ ποιήσει ταύτῃ τὰς Χάριτάς φησιν εἶναι Διός τε καὶ Εὐρυνόμης καί σφισιν ὀνόματα Εὐφροσύνην τε καὶ Ἀγλαΐαν εἶναι καὶ Θαλίαν. κατὰ ταὐτὰ δὲ ἐν ἔπεσίν ἐστι τοῖς Ὀνομακρίτου. Ἀντίμαχος δὲ οὔτε ἀριθμὸν Χαρίτων οὔτε ὀνόματα εἰπὼν Αἴγλης εἶναι θυγατέρας καὶ Ἡλίου φησὶν αὐτάς. Ἑρμησιάνακτι δὲ τῷ τὰ ἐλεγεῖα γράψαντι τοσόνδε οὐ κατὰ τὴν τῶν πρότερον δόξαν ἐστὶν αὐτῷ πεποιημένον, ὡς ἡ Πειθὼ Χαρίτων εἴη καὶ αὐτὴ μία.

1.15.2. On the middle wall are the Athenians and Theseus fighting with the Amazons. So, it seems, only the women did not lose through their defeats their reckless courage in the face of danger; Themiscyra was taken by Heracles, and afterwards the army which they dispatched to Athens was destroyed, but nevertheless they came to Troy to fight all the Greeks as well as the Athenians them selves. After the Amazons come the Greeks when they have taken Troy, and the kings assembled on account of the outrage committed by Ajax against Cassandra. The picture includes Ajax himself, Cassandra and other captive women. 1.21.2. The likeness of Aeschylus is, I think, much later than his death and than the painting which depicts the action at Marathon Aeschylus himself said that when a youth he slept while watching grapes in a field, and that Dionysus appeared and bade him write tragedy. When day came, in obedience to the vision, he made an attempt and hereafter found composing quite easy. 1.25.7. But Cassander, inspired by a deep hatred of the Athenians, made a friend of Lachares, who up to now had been the popular champion, and induced him also to arrange a tyranny. We know no tyrant who proved so cruel to man and so impious to the gods. Although Demetrius the son of Antigonus was now at variance with the Athenian people, he notwithstanding deposed Lachares too from his tyranny, who, on the capture of the fortifications, escaped to Boeotia . Lachares took golden shields from the Acropolis, and stripped even the statue of Athena of its removable ornament; he was accordingly suspected of being a very wealthy man, 1.29.16. Lycurgus provided for the state-treasury six thousand five hundred talents more than Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, collected, and furnished for the procession of the Goddess golden figures of Victory and ornaments for a hundred maidens; for war he provided arms and missiles, besides increasing the fleet to four hundred warships. As for buildings, he completed the theater that others had begun, while during his political life he built dockyards in the Peiraeus and the gymnasium near what is called the Lyceum. Everything made of silver or gold became part of the plunder Lachares made away with when he became tyrant, but the buildings remained to my time. 2.2.6. The things worthy of mention in the city include the extant remains of antiquity, but the greater number of them belong to the period of its second ascendancy. On the market-place, where most of the sanctuaries are, stand Artemis surnamed Ephesian and wooden images of Dionysus, which are covered with gold with the exception of their faces; these are ornamented with red paint. They are called Lysius and Baccheus, 2.2.7. and I too give the story told about them. They say that Pentheus treated Dionysus despitefully, his crowning outrage being that he went to Cithaeron, to spy upon the women, and climbing up a tree beheld what was done. When the women detected Pentheus, they immediately dragged him down, and joined in tearing him, living as he was, limb from limb. Afterwards, as the Corinthians say, the Pythian priestess commanded them by an oracle to discover that tree and to worship it equally with the god. For this reason they have made these images from the tree. 2.7.6. The first is the one named Baccheus, set up by Androdamas, the son of Phlias, and this is followed by the one called Lysius (Deliverer), brought from Thebes by the Theban Phanes at the command of the Pythian priestess. Phanes came to Sicyon when Aristomachus, the son of Cleodaeus, failed to understand the oracle I To wait for “the third fruit,” i.e. the third generation. It was interpreted to mean the third year. given him, and therefore failed to return to the Peloponnesus . As you walk from the temple of Dionysus to the market-place you see on the right a temple of Artemis of the lake. A look shows that the roof has fallen in, but the inhabitants cannot tell whether the image has been removed or how it was destroyed on the spot. 2.9.6. After the hero-shrine of Aratus is an altar to Isthmian Poseidon, and also a Zeus Meilichius (Gracious) and an Artemis named Patroa (Paternal), both of them very inartistic works. The Meilichius is like a pyramid, the Artemis like a pillar. Here too stand their council-chamber and a portico called Cleisthenean from the name of him who built it. It was built from spoils by Cleisthenes, who helped the Amphictyons in the war at Cirrha . c. 590 B.C. In the market-place under the open sky is a bronze Zeus, a work of Lysippus, Contemporary of Alexander the Great. and by the side of it a gilded Artemis. 2.17.4. The statue of Hera is seated on a throne; it is huge, made of gold and ivory, and is a work of Polycleitus. She is wearing a crown with Graces and Seasons worked upon it, and in one hand she carries a pomegranate and in the other a sceptre. About the pomegranate I must say nothing, for its story is somewhat of a holy mystery. The presence of a cuckoo seated on the sceptre they explain by the story that when Zeus was in love with Hera in her maidenhood he changed himself into this bird, and she caught it to be her pet. This tale and similar legends about the gods I relate without believing them, but I relate them nevertheless. 2.17.5. By the side of Hera stands what is said to be an image of Hebe fashioned by Naucydes; it, too, is of ivory and gold. By its side is an old image of Hera on a pillar. The oldest image is made of wild-pear wood, and was dedicated in Tiryns by Peirasus, son of Argus, and when the Argives destroyed Tiryns they carried it away to the Heraeum. I myself saw it, a small, seated image. 2.23.7. for instance, an underground building over which was the bronze chamber which Acrisius once made to guard his daughter. Perilaus, however, when he became tyrant, pulled it down. Besides this building there is the tomb of Crotopus and a temple of Cretan Dionysus. For they say that the god, having made war on Perseus, afterwards laid aside his enmity, and received great honors at the hands of the Argives, including this precinct set specially apart for himself. 5.11.8. On the pedestal supporting the throne and Zeus with all his adornments are works in gold: the Sun mounted on a chariot, Zeus and Hera, Hephaestus, and by his side Grace. Close to her comes Hermes, and close to Hermes Hestia. After Hestia is Eros receiving Aphrodite as she rises from the sea, and Aphrodite is being crowned by Persuasion. There are also reliefs of Apollo with Artemis, of Athena and of Heracles; and near the end of the pedestal Amphitrite and Poseidon, while the Moon is driving what I think is a horse. Some have said that the steed of the goddess is a mule not a horse, and they tell a silly story about the mule. 5.16.6. The cities from which they chose the women were Elis, The women from these cities made peace between Pisa and Elis . Later on they were entrusted with the management of the Heraean games, and with the weaving of the robe for Hera. The Sixteen Women also arrange two choral dances, one called that of Physcoa and the other that of Hippodameia. This Physcoa they say came from Elis in the Hollow, and the name of the parish where she lived was Orthia. 5.16.7. She mated they say with Dionysus, and bore him a son called Narcaeus. When he grew up he made war against the neighboring folk, and rose to great power, setting up moreover a sanctuary of Athena surnamed Narcaea. They say too that Narcaeus and Physcoa were the first to pay worship to Dionysus. So various honors are paid to Physcoa, especially that of the choral dance, named after her and managed by the Sixteen Women. The Eleans still adhere to the other ancient customs, even though some of the cities have been destroyed. For they are now divided into eight tribes, and they choose two women from each. 5.17.1. These things, then, are as I have already described. In the temple of Hera is an image of Zeus, and the image of Hera is sitting on a throne with Zeus standing by her, bearded and with a helmet on his head. They are crude works of art. The figures of Seasons next to them, seated upon thrones, were made by the Aeginetan Smilis. circa 580-540 B.C. Beside them stands an image of Themis, as being mother of the Seasons. It is the work of Dorycleidas, a Lacedaemonian by birth and a disciple of Dipoenus and Scyllis. 7.4.8. . . . Ion the tragic poet says in his history that Poseidon came to the island when it was uninhabited; that there he had intercourse with a nymph, and that when she was in her pains there was a fall of snow ( chion), and that accordingly Poseidon called his son Chios . Ion also says that Poseidon had intercourse with another nymph, by whom he had Agelus and Melas ; that in course of time Oenopion too sailed with a fleet from Crete to Chios, accompanied by his sons Talus, Euanthes, Melas, Salagus and Athamas. 9.12.4. There is also a story that along with the thunderbolt hurled at the bridalchamber of Semele there fell a log from heaven. They say that Polydorus adorned this log with bronze and called it Dionysus Cadmus. Near is an image of Dionysus; Onasimedes made it of solid bronze. The altar was built by the sons of Praxiteles. 9.35.5. Hesiod in the Theogony Hes. Th. 907 (though the authorship is doubtful, this poem is good evidence) says that the Graces are daughters of Zeus and Eurynome, giving them the names of Euphrosyne, Aglaia and Thalia. The poem of Onomacritus agrees with this account. Antimachus, while giving neither the number of the Graces nor their names, says that they are daughters of Aegle and the Sun. The elegiac poet Hermesianax disagrees with his predecessors in that he makes Persuasion also one of the Graces.

128. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as teacher of viticulture Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 82

27. And if you adhere to their teaching, why do you fight against me for choosing such views of doctrine as I approve? Is it not unreasonable that, while the robber is not to be punished for the name he bears, but only when the truth about him has been clearly ascertained, yet we are to be assailed with abuse on a judgment formed without examination? Diagoras was an Athenian, but you punished him for divulging the Athenian mysteries; yet you who read his Phrygian discourses hate us. You possess the commentaries of Leo, and are displeased with our refutations of them; and having in your hands the opinions of Apion concerning the Egyptian gods, you denounce us as most impious. The tomb of Olympian Zeus is shown among you, though some one says that the Cretans are liars. Your assembly of many gods is nothing. Though their despiser Epicurus acts as a torch-bearer, I do not any the more conceal from the rulers that view of God which I hold in relation to His government of the universe. Why do you advise me to be false to my principles? Why do you who say that you despise death exhort us to use art in order to escape it? I have not the heart of a deer; but your zeal for dialectics resembles the loquacity of Thersites. How can I believe one who tells me that the sun is a red-hot mass and the moon an earth? Such assertions are mere logomachies, and not a sober exposition of truth. How can it be otherwise than foolish to credit the books of Herodotus relating to the history of Hercules, which tell of an upper earth from which the lion came down that was killed by Hercules? And what avails the Attic style, the sorites of philosophers, the plausibilities of syllogisms, the measurements of the earth, the positions of the stars, and the course of the sun? To be occupied in such inquiries is the work of one who imposes opinions on himself as if they were laws.

129. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4.46 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, theater, as god of •theater and tragedy, dionysus as god of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 187

130. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 12.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, theater, as god of •theater and tragedy, dionysus as god of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 186

131. Tertullian, On The Games, 22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, mark antony posing as Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 176

22. What wonder is there in it? Such inconsistencies as these are just such as we might expect from men, who confuse and change the nature of good and evil in their inconstancy of feeling and fickleness in judgment. Why, the authors and managers of the spectacles, in that very respect with reference to which they highly laud the charioteers, and actors, and wrestlers, and those most loving gladiators, to whom men prostitute their souls, women too their bodies, slight and trample on them, though for their sakes they are guilty of the deeds they reprobate; nay, they doom them to ignominy and the loss of their rights as citizens, excluding them from the Curia, and the rostra, from senatorial and equestrian rank, and from all other honours as well as certain distinctions. What perversity! They have pleasure in those whom yet they punish; they put all slights on those to whom, at the same time, they award their approbation; they magnify the art and brand the artist. What an outrageous thing it is, to blacken a man on account of the very things which make him meritorious in their eyes! Nay, what a confession that the things are evil, when their authors, even in highest favour, are not without a mark of disgrace upon them!

132. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 246l, 296l, 364l, 496l (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 39, 240

133. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 46.29.2, 46.30.1, 54.8.2, 59.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 129, 164; Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 37, 117

54.8.2. Augustus received them as if he had conquered the Parthian in a war; for he took great pride in the achievement, declaring that he had recovered without a struggle what had formerly been lost in battle. 59.5. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor., For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public., Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given., At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,, driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. < 59.5. 1. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. <

134. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 9.405, 4.29 (148b-c), 5.198c, 5.198d, 5.194a-203b, 5.197e-202a, 38 e, 35 e, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 88

135. Aelian, Varia Historia, 3.18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68

3.18. Theopompus relates a discourse between Midas the Phrygian and Silenus. This Silenus was son of a Nymph, inferior by nature to the Gods only, superior to men and Death. Amongst other things, Silenus told Midas that Europe, Asia and Africa were Islands surrounded by the Ocean: That there was but one Continent only, which was beyond this world, and that as to magnitude it was infinite: That in it were bred, besides other very great creatures, men twice as big as those here, and they lived double our age: That many great cities are there, and peculiar manners of life; and that they have laws wholly different from those amongst us: That there are two cities far greater then the rest, nothing to like each other; one named Machimus, warlike, the other Eusebes, Pious: That the Pious people live in peace, abounding in wealth, and reap the fruits of the Earth without ploughs or oxen, having no need of tillage or sowing. They live, as he said, free from sickness, and die laughing, and with great pleasure: They are so exactly just, that the Gods many times vouchsafe to converse with them. The inhabitants of the city Machimus are very warlike, continually armed and fighting: They subdue their neighbours, and this one city predominates over many. The inhabitants are not fewer then two hundred myriads: they die sometimes of sickness, but this happens very rarely, for most commonly they are killed in the wars by stones or wood, for they are invulnerable by steel. They have vast plenty of gold and silver, insomuch that gold is of less value with them then iron with us. He said that they once designed a voyage to these our Islands, and sailed upon the Ocean, being in number a thousand myriads of men, till they came to the Hyperboreans; but understanding that they were the happiest men amongst us, they contemned us as persons that led a mean inglorious life, and therefore thought it not worth their going farther. He added what is yet more wonderful, that there are men living amongst them called Meropes, who inhabit many great cities; and that at the farthest end of their country there is a place named Anostus, (from whence there is no return) which resembles a Gulf; it is neither very light nor very dark, the air being dusky intermingled with a kind of red: That there are two rivers in this place, one of pleasure, the other of grief; and that along each river grow trees of the bigness of a plane-tree. Those which grow up by the river of grief bear fruit of this nature; If any one eat of them, he shall spend all the rest of his life in tears and grief, and so die. The other trees which grow by the river of pleasure produce fruit of a contrary nature, for who tasts thereof shall be eased from all his former desires: If he loved any thing, he shall quite forget it; and in a short time shall become younger, and live over again his former years: he shall cast off old age, and return to the prime of his strength, becoming first a young man, then a child, lastly, an infant, and so die. This, if any man think the Chian worthy credit, he may believe. To me he appears an egregious Romancer as well in this as other things.

136. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.8.3, 3.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bassareus (dionysus) •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84; de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

137. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.180, 7.199, 7.201-7.202, 9.49 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnasus •dionysus, as teacher of viticulture Found in books: Celykte, The Stoic Theory of Beauty (2020) 15; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 82

7.180. So renowned was he for dialectic that most people thought, if the gods took to dialectic, they would adopt no other system than that of Chrysippus. He had abundance of matter, but in style he was not successful. In industry he surpassed every one, as the list of his writings shows; for there are more than 705 of them. He increased their number by arguing repeatedly on the same subject, setting down anything that occurred to him, making many corrections and citing numerous authorities. So much so that in one of his treatises he copied out nearly the whole of Euripides' Medea, and some one who had taken up the volume, being asked what he was reading, replied, The Medea of Chrysippus. 7.199. [1] Ethics dealing with the classification of ethical conceptions.First series:Outline of Ethical Theory, addressed to Theoporos, one book.Ethical Theses, one book.Probable Premisses for Ethical Doctrines, addressed to Philomathes, three books.Definitions of the Good or Virtuous, addressed to Metrodorus, two books.Definitions of the Bad or Vicious, addressed to Metrodorus, two books.Definitions of the Morally Intermediate, addressed to Metrodorus, two books.Definitions of the Generic Notions [in Ethics], addressed to Metrodorus, seven books.Definitions concerned with other Branches of Science, addressed to Metrodorus, two books.Second series:of Similes, addressed to Aristocles, three books.of Definitions, addressed to Metrodorus, seven books.Third series:of the Objections wrongly urged against the Definitions, addressed to Laodamas, seven books. 7.201. [2] Ethics dealing with the common view and the sciences and virtues thence arising.First series:Against the Touching up of Paintings, addressed to Timonax, one book.How it is we name each Thing and form a Conception of it, one book.of Conceptions, addressed to Laodamas, two books.of Opinion or Assumption, addressed to Pythonax, three books.Proofs that the Wise Man will not hold Opinions, one book.of Apprehension, of Knowledge and of Ignorance, four books.of Reason, two books.of the Use of Reason, addressed to Leptines.Second series:That the Ancients rightly admitted Dialectic as well as Demonstration, addressed to Zeno, two books.

138. Philostratus, Pictures, 1.14.3 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as an epiphanic/visible god Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 37

139. Eunapius, Lives of The Philosophers, 9.1.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theatre of dionysus, christian basilica Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella, Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas (2022) 73

140. Themistius, Orations, 30.349a (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bassareus (dionysus) Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84

141. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 9.23-9.24, 14.118, 14.229, 21.81, 42.35 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

142. Proclus, In Platonis Parmenidem Commentarii, 3.792.9-3.792.15 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 152

143. Proclus, Institutio Theologica, 21, 24.22-5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan

144. Proclus, Theologia Platonica ( ), 3.19, 6.6, 6.8, 6.10, 29.6-23, 35.23-4, 46.8-14 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan

145. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 1.10.13-1.10.22, 1.11.9-1.11.27, 1.12.20-1.12.28, 2.3.6-2.3.8, 2.80.19-2.80.31, 3.110.12-3.110.30, 3.224.4-3.224.6, 3.225.7-3.225.13, 3.230.16-3.230.18, 3.284.21-3.284.27 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 152

146. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, s.v. εἰραφιώτης, τ255, π1202, δ1831 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

147. Proclus, On The Existence of Evils, 20 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus as demiurge Found in books: d'Hoine and Martijn, All From One: A Guide to Proclus (2017) 146

148. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon (A-O), s.v. εἰραφιώτης, τ255, π1202, δ1831 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

149. Olympiodorus The Younger of Alexandria, In Platonis Alcibiadem Commentarii, 12 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeus as father of dionysus Found in books: Pucci, Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay (2016) 149

150. Aeschylus, Incertarum Fabularum, 341 Tagged with subjects: •bassareus (dionysus) Found in books: Bednarek, The Myth of Lycurgus in Aeschylus, Naevius, and beyond (2021) 84, 94

151. Andocides, Orations, 4.17-4.18 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as teacher of viticulture Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 82

154. Anon., Epigrams, 44.2 p (9.2 gp) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as ptolemaic divine ancestor •ptolemies, claim of dionysus as divine ancestor Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 299

155. Epigraphy, Cig, 3068a Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), egyptian association (alexandria, ptolemais, cyprus) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 38

156. Epigraphy, Cil, 1(2) p. 258 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 38

157. Epigraphy, Demos Rhamnountos Ii, 156 Tagged with subjects: •assembly, theater of dionysus Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas, Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B (2020) 151

158. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 334-335, 354 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas, Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B (2020) 151

159. Epigraphy, I.Salamis, 5-6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 50

160. Anon., Treat. Seth, 3.16.8 Tagged with subjects: •nero, new dionysus, antony as Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 91

161. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, mark antony posing as Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 176

162. Aeschylus, Incertarum Fabularum Fragmenta, 341 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 48

163. Sophocles, Incertarum Fabularum Fragmenta, 959 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 50

164. Aeschylus, Trophoi/Dionysou Trophoi, 246c, 246d Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 105

165. Euripides, Bassarae, 23 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 106

166. Epigraphy, Ig, 4.558.2-4.558.3, 7.1773.22-7.1773.24, 7.2447, 7.2484.3, 7.3197, 11.4.1060, 12.9.910 Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), athenian association •technitai (artists of dionysus), egyptian association (alexandria, ptolemais, cyprus) •technitai (artists of dionysus), ionian-hellespontine association (pergamum, teos) •technitai (artists of dionysus), isthmian-nemean association (argos, chalcis, corinth, opus, thebes) •technitai (artists of dionysus), cyprian association (paphos) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 38, 39, 43, 80, 164

167. Various, Anthologia Graeca, 9.524.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

169. Photius, Lexicon, δ 588 theodoridis Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, persona (aspects of) Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 87

170. Herodianus, Περὶ Ὀρθ., 502.6 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

171. Hymni Homerici, Hymni Homerici, 1.2, 1.17, 1.20 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

172. Priapea, Priapea, 35, 38, 28 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 106

173. Arrianus, Bith., 42.5 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

174. Anon., Suda, φ422 Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), athenian association Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 164

175. Andocides, Orations, 4.17-4.18 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as teacher of viticulture Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 82

178. Epigraphy, Petrovic And Petrovic 2018, 0 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus in cyme, thiasitai of, Found in books: Gabrielsen and Paganini, Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity (2021) 134, 135, 141

179. Epigraphy, Ameling 1983, 37-38 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas, Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B (2020) 151

182. Bacchylides, Odes, 9.6-9.7 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, lions, associated with Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 62

183. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 1.929 Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), ionian-hellespontine association (pergamum, teos) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 35

185. Anon., Life of Aeschylus, 7 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 105

186. Aeschylus, Edonians, 60 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 106

187. Aeschylus, Xantriae, 172a Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 106

188. Hephaestion, Enchiridion, 8, 13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 47

189. Aeschylus, Prometheus (Pr.), 574 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 19

190. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.61.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus., antony as the ‘new dionysus’ Found in books: Xinyue, Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry (2022) 37

191. Epigraphy, Cid Iv, 12.67-12.68, 12.83-12.84 Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), athenian association •technitai (artists of dionysus), egyptian association (alexandria, ptolemais, cyprus) •technitai (artists of dionysus), ionian-hellespontine association (pergamum, teos) •technitai (artists of dionysus), isthmian-nemean association (argos, chalcis, corinth, opus, thebes) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 39

192. Epigraphy, I. Paphos, 45, 85, 90-92, 96, 95 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 40

193. Min. Fel., Oct., 22.5 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (2001) 115

194. Epigraphy, Teos, 46a, 46b, 46c, 46d, 62 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 78

195. Anon., Tragica Adespota, fr. 144 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as a bull/his bestial incarnation Found in books: Xanthaki-Karamanou, 'Dionysiac' Dialogues: Euripides, Bacchae', Aeschylus and 'Christus Patiens' (2022) 47

196. Megasthenes, Bnj 715, 33, 4, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papadodima, Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II (2022) 78

197. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 328 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

198. Homeric Hymn, To Dionysus, 315, 314 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 322

199. Aeschylussphinx, Trgf 3, Sphinx, Trgf 3231-2, 287-8, 341-43 Radt, frr. 95-97a radt, trgf 3.214-16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 241

200. Clement of Alexandria, Cypria (Fragmenta), 166 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as vegetation deity •vegetation deities, dionysus as Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 261

201. Sappho, of The Spartans, 6 Tagged with subjects: •aegean islands, dionysus associated with •chalcidian vases, kylix with dionysus and ariadne in chariot (phineus cup) •dionysus, aegean islands, associated with •dionysus, as vegetation deity •dionysus, festivals associated with •dionysus, wine, as god of •vegetation deities, dionysus as •wine, dionysus as god of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 316

202. Epigraphy, Ogis, 51.43 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 39, 43, 45, 46, 50

203. Epigraphy, Roesch, Ithesp, 358 Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), athenian association •technitai (artists of dionysus), cyprian association (paphos) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 129, 164

204. Epigraphy, Seg, 25.226, 35.1327, 39.1334, 40.403, 52.1496, 53.1758, 57.1134-57.1137 Tagged with subjects: •statues, of dionysus of dionysiastae •technitai (artists of dionysus), ionian-hellespontine association (pergamum, teos) •theatre of dionysus, christian basilica •technitai (artists of dionysus), cyprian association (paphos) Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella, Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas (2022) 73; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 79, 80, 129; Mikalson, New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society (2016) 102

205. Epigraphy, Schuler 2007, 0 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus in cyme, thiasitai of, Found in books: Gabrielsen and Paganini, Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity (2021) 134, 135

206. Pseudo-Xenophon, of The Spartans, 2.9 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, theater, as god of •theater and tragedy, dionysus as god of Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 186

207. Orphic Hymns., Hymni, 48.2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

208. Epigraphy, Magnesia, 145-146, 149, 151, 148 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 80

209. Epigraphy, Lbw, 20, 91, 93, 92 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 79, 80

210. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1.344, 1.346-1.347, 1.347.11-1.347.15, 1.423 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 88; Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 35; Mackil and Papazarkadas, Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B (2020) 151

3173. The People (dedicated this temple) to the Goddess Roma and [[Augustus Caesar]], when the hoplite general was Pammenes, son of Zenon, of Marathon, priest of the Goddess Roma and Augustus Soter on the Acropolis, when the priestess of Athena Polias was Megiste, daughter of Asklepiades of Halai, (5) in the archonship of Areios, son of Dorion, of Paiania. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II² 3173 - Dedicatory inscription on the temple of Roma and Augustus

212. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,7, 62 (amorgos) Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, eiraphiotes, -as, eraphiotas, eriphios Found in books: de Jáuregui, Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity (2010) 130

213. Epigraphy, Ik Kyme, 17 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus in cyme, thiasitai of, Found in books: Gabrielsen and Paganini, Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity (2021) 134, 135

214. Epigraphy, Ivo, 405 Tagged with subjects: •technitai (artists of dionysus), egyptian association (alexandria, ptolemais, cyprus) Found in books: Csapo et al., Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World (2022) 38

215. Euphorion, Dionysus, 13-18 powell Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as ptolemaic divine ancestor •ptolemies, claim of dionysus as divine ancestor Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 299

216. Erigone, Fr., 22-27 powell Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as ptolemaic divine ancestor •ptolemies, claim of dionysus as divine ancestor Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 299

217. Anon., Dieg. (P.Mil. 18), 4.30 p Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as ptolemaic divine ancestor •ptolemies, claim of dionysus as divine ancestor Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 299

218. On The Diseases of Young Girls, On The Diseases of Women, on the diseases of young girls Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, disease, symptoms of Found in books: Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 42

219. Parthenius, Erotica Pathemata, 30, 17 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 237

220. Timotheus, Tyrtaeus, 12.6-12.7 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 68

221. Conon, Fgrh 262, f1.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, and midas Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 69

222. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, Frh, 7 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 85, 87

223. Parthenius, Erotica Pathemata, 30, 17 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 237

224. Cato The Elder, Orf, 4) 8 Tagged with subjects: •dionysus of halicarnassus Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 193

225. Fabius Pictor, Frh, 13, 24, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 26, 49, 50, 56, 61, 64

226. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ra, 1.3.4, 1.5.1, 1.6.3, 1.7.3, 1.72., 1.79.4, 1.90.1, 2, 2.30, 2.30.5, 2.31, 2.32, 2.32.1, 2.33, 2.34, 2.35, 2.36, 2.37, 2.38.2, 2.38, 2.38.3, 2.38.1, 2.38.4, 2.38.5, 2.39, 2.39.1, 2.39.2, 2.40.3, 2.40, 2.40.1, 2.40.2, 2.41, 2.42, 2.43, 2.44, 2.45, 2.46, 2.47, 2.49.5, 2.50.3, 2.66.4, 4.7.5, 4.15.5, 4.26, 5.25.3, 5.25.1, 5.25.2, 7.66.3, 7.66.4, 7.66.5, 10.14.2, 10.14.1, 12.4.2, 12.9.3, 15.5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Welch, Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth (2015) 26, 249, 250

228. Callimachus, Lyric, Hexameter, And Elegiac Fragments, 383.16 p Tagged with subjects: •dionysus, as ptolemaic divine ancestor •ptolemies, claim of dionysus as divine ancestor Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 299

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database