The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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377 results for "dionysius"

1. Septuagint, Genesis, 3 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218, 232, 246, 261, 290, 292, 360, 367, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 386, 401, 404, 405, 413, 425

2. Septuagint, Judges, 1-2 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 404

3. Septuagint, Habakkuk, 1.10 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 372

4. Septuagint, Judges, 2, 1 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 404

5. Septuagint, Exodus, 3.14, 19.1-19.24, 33.17-33.23 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, mystical theology •dionysius of halicarnassus, ps.-dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 59

6. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 102.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 105

102.13. "וְאַתָּה יְהוָה לְעוֹלָם תֵּשֵׁב וְזִכְרְךָ לְדֹר וָדֹר׃",

102.13. "But Thou, O LORD, sittest enthroned for ever; and Thy name is unto all generations.",

7. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 21.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 167

21.8. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה עֲשֵׂה לְךָ שָׂרָף וְשִׂים אֹתוֹ עַל־נֵס וְהָיָה כָּל־הַנָּשׁוּךְ וְרָאָה אֹתוֹ וָחָי׃",

21.8. "And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘Make thee a fiery serpent, and set it upon a pole; and it shall come to pass, that every one that is bitten, when he seeth it, shall live.’",

8. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 3.1, 3.14-3.15, 9.20, 49.17-49.18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 31, 107, 109, 123, 132, 166, 167, 172, 199, 239, 240, 247, 262

3.1. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֶת־קֹלְךָ שָׁמַעְתִּי בַּגָּן וָאִירָא כִּי־עֵירֹם אָנֹכִי וָאֵחָבֵא׃", 3.1. "וְהַנָּחָשׁ הָיָה עָרוּם מִכֹּל חַיַּת הַשָּׂדֶה אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה יְהוָה אֱלֹהִים וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־הָאִשָּׁה אַף כִּי־אָמַר אֱלֹהִים לֹא תֹאכְלוּ מִכֹּל עֵץ הַגָּן׃", 3.14. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהֹוָה אֱלֹהִים אֶל־הַנָּחָשׁ כִּי עָשִׂיתָ זֹּאת אָרוּר אַתָּה מִכָּל־הַבְּהֵמָה וּמִכֹּל חַיַּת הַשָּׂדֶה עַל־גְּחֹנְךָ תֵלֵךְ וְעָפָר תֹּאכַל כָּל־יְמֵי חַיֶּיךָ׃", 3.15. "וְאֵיבָה אָשִׁית בֵּינְךָ וּבֵין הָאִשָּׁה וּבֵין זַרְעֲךָ וּבֵין זַרְעָהּ הוּא יְשׁוּפְךָ רֹאשׁ וְאַתָּה תְּשׁוּפֶנּוּ עָקֵב׃", 49.17. "יְהִי־דָן נָחָשׁ עֲלֵי־דֶרֶךְ שְׁפִיפֹן עֲלֵי־אֹרַח הַנֹּשֵׁךְ עִקְּבֵי־סוּס וַיִּפֹּל רֹכְבוֹ אָחוֹר׃", 49.18. "לִישׁוּעָתְךָ קִוִּיתִי יְהוָה׃",

3.1. "Now the serpent was more subtle than any beast of the field which the LORD God had made. And he said unto the woman: ‘Yea, hath God said: Ye shall not eat of any tree of the garden?’", 3.14. "And the LORD God said unto the serpent: ‘Because thou hast done this, cursed art thou from among all cattle, and from among all beasts of the field; upon thy belly shalt thou go, and dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life.", 3.15. "And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed; they shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise their heel.’", 9.20. "And Noah, the man of the land, began and planted a vineyard.", 49.17. "Dan shall be a serpent in the way, A horned snake in the path, That biteth the horse’s heels, So that his rider falleth backward.", 49.18. "I wait for Thy salvation, O Lord.",

9. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 66; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 172

15.1. "אָז יָשִׁיר־מֹשֶׁה וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶת־הַשִּׁירָה הַזֹּאת לַיהוָה וַיֹּאמְרוּ לֵאמֹר אָשִׁירָה לַיהוָה כִּי־גָאֹה גָּאָה סוּס וְרֹכְבוֹ רָמָה בַיָּם׃", 15.1. "נָשַׁפְתָּ בְרוּחֲךָ כִּסָּמוֹ יָם צָלֲלוּ כַּעוֹפֶרֶת בְּמַיִם אַדִּירִים׃",

15.1. "Then sang Moses and the children of Israel this song unto the LORD, and spoke, saying: I will sing unto the LORD, for He is highly exalted; The horse and his rider hath He thrown into the sea.",

10. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 20.1, 20.5-20.7, 20.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 109, 172, 239

20.1. "כִּי־תִקְרַב אֶל־עִיר לְהִלָּחֵם עָלֶיהָ וְקָרָאתָ אֵלֶיהָ לְשָׁלוֹם׃", 20.1. "כִּי־תֵצֵא לַמִּלְחָמָה עַל־אֹיְבֶיךָ וְרָאִיתָ סוּס וָרֶכֶב עַם רַב מִמְּךָ לֹא תִירָא מֵהֶם כִּי־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ עִמָּךְ הַמַּעַלְךָ מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם׃", 20.5. "וְדִבְּרוּ הַשֹּׁטְרִים אֶל־הָעָם לֵאמֹר מִי־הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר בָּנָה בַיִת־חָדָשׁ וְלֹא חֲנָכוֹ יֵלֵךְ וְיָשֹׁב לְבֵיתוֹ פֶּן־יָמוּת בַּמִּלְחָמָה וְאִישׁ אַחֵר יַחְנְכֶנּוּ׃", 20.6. "וּמִי־הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־נָטַע כֶּרֶם וְלֹא חִלְּלוֹ יֵלֵךְ וְיָשֹׁב לְבֵיתוֹ פֶּן־יָמוּת בַּמִּלְחָמָה וְאִישׁ אַחֵר יְחַלְּלֶנּוּ׃", 20.7. "וּמִי־הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־אֵרַשׂ אִשָּׁה וְלֹא לְקָחָהּ יֵלֵךְ וְיָשֹׁב לְבֵיתוֹ פֶּן־יָמוּת בַּמִּלְחָמָה וְאִישׁ אַחֵר יִקָּחֶנָּה׃",

20.1. "When thou goest forth to battle against thine enemies, and seest horses, and chariots, and a people more than thou, thou shalt not be afraid of them; for the LORD thy God is with thee, who brought thee up out of the land of Egypt.", 20.5. "And the officers shall speak unto the people, saying: ‘What man is there that hath built a new house, and hath not dedicated it? let him go and return to his house, lest he die in the battle, and another man dedicate it.", 20.6. "And what man is there that hath planted a vineyard, and hath not used the fruit thereof? let him go and return unto his house, lest he die in the battle, and another man use the fruit thereof.", 20.7. "And what man is there that hath betrothed a wife, and hath not taken her? let him go and return unto his house, lest he die in the battle, and another man take her.’", 20.20. "Only the trees of which thou knowest that they are not trees for food, them thou mayest destroy and cut down, that thou mayest build bulwarks against the city that maketh war with thee, until it fall.",

11. Septuagint, Isaiah, 55.2 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 372

12. Homer, Odyssey, 4.244-4.258, 4.354 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on laocoön •dreams and visions, examples, dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 578; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 252

13. Homer, Iliad, 1.188-1.194, 1.247-1.249, 4.297-4.300, 6.92, 6.123-6.132, 6.273, 11.37 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •coriolanus, in dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 104; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 145; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 10; Greensmith (2021), The Resurrection of Homer in Imperial Greek Epic: Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica and the Poetics of Impersonation, 183; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 162

1.188. / how much mightier I am than you, and another may shrink from declaring himself my equal and likening himself to me to my face. So he spoke. Grief came upon the son of Peleus, and within his shaggy breast his heart was divided, whether he should draw his sharp sword from beside his thigh, 1.189. / how much mightier I am than you, and another may shrink from declaring himself my equal and likening himself to me to my face. So he spoke. Grief came upon the son of Peleus, and within his shaggy breast his heart was divided, whether he should draw his sharp sword from beside his thigh, 1.190. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.191. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.192. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.193. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.194. / and break up the assembly, and slay the son of Atreus, or stay his anger and curb his spirit. While he pondered this in mind and heart, and was drawing from its sheath his great sword, Athene came from heaven. The white-armed goddess Hera had sent her forth, 1.247. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 1.248. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 1.249. / the staff studded with golden nails, and himself sat down, while over against him the son of Atreus continued to vent his wrath. Then among them arose Nestor, sweet of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the Pylians, from whose tongue flowed speech sweeter than honey. Two generations of mortal men had passed away in his lifetime, 4.297. / around mighty Pelagon and Alastor and Chromius and lord Haemon and Bias, shepherd of the host. The charioteers first he arrayed with their horses and cars, and behind them the footmen, many and valiant, to be a bulwark of battle; but the cowards he drave into the midst, 4.298. / around mighty Pelagon and Alastor and Chromius and lord Haemon and Bias, shepherd of the host. The charioteers first he arrayed with their horses and cars, and behind them the footmen, many and valiant, to be a bulwark of battle; but the cowards he drave into the midst, 4.299. / around mighty Pelagon and Alastor and Chromius and lord Haemon and Bias, shepherd of the host. The charioteers first he arrayed with their horses and cars, and behind them the footmen, many and valiant, to be a bulwark of battle; but the cowards he drave into the midst, 4.300. / that were he never so loath each man must needs fight perforce. Upon the charioteers was he first laying charge, and he bade them keep their horses in hand, nor drive tumultuously on amid the throng.Neither let any man, trusting in his horsemanship and his valour, be eager to fight with the Trojans alone in front of the rest, 6.92. / the robe that seemeth to her the fairest and amplest in her hall, and that is far dearest to her own self, this let her lay upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and vow to her that she will sacrifice in her temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if she will have compassion 6.123. / came together in the space between the two hosts, eager to do battle. And when the twain were now come near as they advanced one against the other, Diomedes, good at the war-cry, was first to speak, saying:Who art thou, mighty one, among mortal men? For never have I seen thee in battle where men win glory 6.124. / came together in the space between the two hosts, eager to do battle. And when the twain were now come near as they advanced one against the other, Diomedes, good at the war-cry, was first to speak, saying:Who art thou, mighty one, among mortal men? For never have I seen thee in battle where men win glory 6.125. / until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.126. / until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.127. / until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.128. / until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.129. / until this day, but now hast thou come forth far in advance of all in thy hardihood, in that thou abidest my far-shadowing spear. Unhappy are they whose children face my might. But and if thou art one of the immortals come down from heaven, then will I not fight with the heavenly gods. 6.130. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.131. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.132. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.273. / driver of the spoil, with burnt-offerings, when thou hast gathered together the aged wives; and the robe that seemeth to thee the fairest and amplest in thy hall, and that is dearest far to thine own self, this do thou lay upon the knees of fair-haired Athene and vow to her that thou wilt sacrifice in her temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, 11.37. / gleaming white, and in the midst of them was one of dark cyanus. And thereon was set as a crown the Gorgon, grim of aspect, glaring terribly, and about her were Terror and Rout. From the shield was hung a baldric of silver, and thereon writhed a serpent of cyanus, that had

14. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 12.1, 12.25-12.33, 13.1-13.26, 14.1-14.16, 14.19-14.20 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, josephus’ indebtedness to Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 362

12.1. "וַיְדַבְּרוּ אֵלָיו הַיְלָדִים אֲשֶׁר גָּדְלוּ אִתּוֹ לֵאמֹר כֹּה־תֹאמַר לָעָם הַזֶּה אֲשֶׁר דִּבְּרוּ אֵלֶיךָ לֵאמֹר אָבִיךָ הִכְבִּיד אֶת־עֻלֵּנוּ וְאַתָּה הָקֵל מֵעָלֵינוּ כֹּה תְּדַבֵּר אֲלֵיהֶם קָטָנִּי עָבָה מִמָּתְנֵי אָבִי׃", 12.1. "וַיֵּלֶךְ רְחַבְעָם שְׁכֶם כִּי שְׁכֶם בָּא כָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל לְהַמְלִיךְ אֹתוֹ׃", 12.25. "וַיִּבֶן יָרָבְעָם אֶת־שְׁכֶם בְּהַר אֶפְרַיִם וַיֵּשֶׁב בָּהּ וַיֵּצֵא מִשָּׁם וַיִּבֶן אֶת־פְּנוּאֵל׃", 12.26. "וַיֹּאמֶר יָרָבְעָם בְּלִבּוֹ עַתָּה תָּשׁוּב הַמַּמְלָכָה לְבֵית דָּוִד׃", 12.27. "אִם־יַעֲלֶה הָעָם הַזֶּה לַעֲשׂוֹת זְבָחִים בְּבֵית־יְהוָה בִּירוּשָׁלִַם וְשָׁב לֵב הָעָם הַזֶּה אֶל־אֲדֹנֵיהֶם אֶל־רְחַבְעָם מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה וַהֲרָגֻנִי וְשָׁבוּ אֶל־רְחַבְעָם מֶלֶךְ־יְהוּדָה׃", 12.28. "וַיִּוָּעַץ הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיַּעַשׂ שְׁנֵי עֶגְלֵי זָהָב וַיֹּאמֶר אֲלֵהֶם רַב־לָכֶם מֵעֲלוֹת יְרוּשָׁלִַם הִנֵּה אֱלֹהֶיךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר הֶעֱלוּךָ מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם׃", 12.29. "וַיָּשֶׂם אֶת־הָאֶחָד בְּבֵית־אֵל וְאֶת־הָאֶחָד נָתַן בְּדָן׃", 12.31. "וַיַּעַשׂ אֶת־בֵּית בָּמוֹת וַיַּעַשׂ כֹּהֲנִים מִקְצוֹת הָעָם אֲשֶׁר לֹא־הָיוּ מִבְּנֵי לֵוִי׃", 12.32. "וַיַּעַשׂ יָרָבְעָם חָג בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁמִינִי בַּחֲמִשָּׁה־עָשָׂר יוֹם לַחֹדֶשׁ כֶּחָג אֲשֶׁר בִּיהוּדָה וַיַּעַל עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ כֵּן עָשָׂה בְּבֵית־אֵל לְזַבֵּחַ לָעֲגָלִים אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה וְהֶעֱמִיד בְּבֵית אֵל אֶת־כֹּהֲנֵי הַבָּמוֹת אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה׃", 12.33. "וַיַּעַל עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה בְּבֵית־אֵל בַּחֲמִשָּׁה עָשָׂר יוֹם בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁמִינִי בַּחֹדֶשׁ אֲשֶׁר־בָּדָא מלבד [מִלִּבּוֹ] וַיַּעַשׂ חָג לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וַיַּעַל עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ לְהַקְטִיר׃", 13.1. "וְהִנֵּה אִישׁ אֱלֹהִים בָּא מִיהוּדָה בִּדְבַר יְהוָה אֶל־בֵּית־אֵל וְיָרָבְעָם עֹמֵד עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ לְהַקְטִיר׃", 13.1. "וַיֵּלֶךְ בְּדֶרֶךְ אַחֵר וְלֹא־שָׁב בַּדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר בָּא בָהּ אֶל־בֵּית־אֵל׃", 13.2. "וַיְהִי הֵם יֹשְׁבִים אֶל־הַשֻּׁלְחָן וַיְהִי דְּבַר־יְהוָה אֶל־הַנָּבִיא אֲשֶׁר הֱשִׁיבוֹ׃", 13.2. "וַיִּקְרָא עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ בִּדְבַר יְהוָה וַיֹּאמֶר מִזְבֵּחַ מִזְבֵּחַ כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה הִנֵּה־בֵן נוֹלָד לְבֵית־דָּוִד יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ שְׁמוֹ וְזָבַח עָלֶיךָ אֶת־כֹּהֲנֵי הַבָּמוֹת הַמַּקְטִרִים עָלֶיךָ וְעַצְמוֹת אָדָם יִשְׂרְפוּ עָלֶיךָ׃", 13.3. "וַיַּנַּח אֶת־נִבְלָתוֹ בְּקִבְרוֹ וַיִּסְפְּדוּ עָלָיו הוֹי אָחִי׃", 13.3. "וְנָתַן בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא מוֹפֵת לֵאמֹר זֶה הַמּוֹפֵת אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה הִנֵּה הַמִּזְבֵּחַ נִקְרָע וְנִשְׁפַּךְ הַדֶּשֶׁן אֲשֶׁר־עָלָיו׃", 13.4. "וַיְהִי כִשְׁמֹעַ הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־דְּבַר אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים אֲשֶׁר קָרָא עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ בְּבֵית־אֵל וַיִּשְׁלַח יָרָבְעָם אֶת־יָדוֹ מֵעַל הַמִּזְבֵּחַ לֵאמֹר תִּפְשֻׂהוּ וַתִּיבַשׁ יָדוֹ אֲשֶׁר שָׁלַח עָלָיו וְלֹא יָכֹל לַהֲשִׁיבָהּ אֵלָיו׃", 13.5. "וְהַמִּזְבֵּחַ נִקְרָע וַיִּשָּׁפֵךְ הַדֶּשֶׁן מִן־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ כַּמּוֹפֵת אֲשֶׁר נָתַן אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים בִּדְבַר יְהוָה׃", 13.6. "וַיַּעַן הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים חַל־נָא אֶת־פְּנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וְהִתְפַּלֵּל בַּעֲדִי וְתָשֹׁב יָדִי אֵלָי וַיְחַל אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים אֶת־פְּנֵי יְהוָה וַתָּשָׁב יַד־הַמֶּלֶךְ אֵלָיו וַתְּהִי כְּבָרִאשֹׁנָה׃", 13.7. "וַיְדַבֵּר הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶל־אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים בֹּאָה־אִתִּי הַבַּיְתָה וּסְעָדָה וְאֶתְּנָה לְךָ מַתָּת׃", 13.8. "וַיֹּאמֶר אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ אִם־תִּתֶּן־לִי אֶת־חֲצִי בֵיתֶךָ לֹא אָבֹא עִמָּךְ וְלֹא־אֹכַל לֶחֶם וְלֹא אֶשְׁתֶּה־מַּיִם בַּמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 13.9. "כִּי־כֵן צִוָּה אֹתִי בִּדְבַר יְהוָה לֵאמֹר לֹא־תֹאכַל לֶחֶם וְלֹא תִשְׁתֶּה־מָּיִם וְלֹא תָשׁוּב בַּדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר הָלָכְתָּ׃", 13.11. "וְנָבִיא אֶחָד זָקֵן יֹשֵׁב בְּבֵית־אֵל וַיָּבוֹא בְנוֹ וַיְסַפֶּר־לוֹ אֶת־כָּל־הַמַּעֲשֶׂה אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים הַיּוֹם בְּבֵית־אֵל אֶת־הַדְּבָרִים אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיְסַפְּרוּם לַאֲבִיהֶם׃", 13.12. "וַיְדַבֵּר אֲלֵהֶם אֲבִיהֶם אֵי־זֶה הַדֶּרֶךְ הָלָךְ וַיִּרְאוּ בָנָיו אֶת־הַדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר הָלַךְ אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים אֲשֶׁר־בָּא מִיהוּדָה׃", 13.13. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־בָּנָיו חִבְשׁוּ־לִי הַחֲמוֹר וַיַּחְבְּשׁוּ־לוֹ הַחֲמוֹר וַיִּרְכַּב עָלָיו׃", 13.14. "וַיֵּלֶךְ אַחֲרֵי אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים וַיִּמְצָאֵהוּ יֹשֵׁב תַּחַת הָאֵלָה וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו הַאַתָּה אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים אֲשֶׁר־בָּאתָ מִיהוּדָה וַיֹּאמֶר אָנִי׃", 13.15. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו לֵךְ אִתִּי הַבָּיְתָה וֶאֱכֹל לָחֶם׃", 13.16. "וַיֹּאמֶר לֹא אוּכַל לָשׁוּב אִתָּךְ וְלָבוֹא אִתָּךְ וְלֹא־אֹכַל לֶחֶם וְלֹא־אֶשְׁתֶּה אִתְּךָ מַיִם בַּמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 13.17. "כִּי־דָבָר אֵלַי בִּדְבַר יְהוָה לֹא־תֹאכַל לֶחֶם וְלֹא־תִשְׁתֶּה שָׁם מָיִם לֹא־תָשׁוּב לָלֶכֶת בַּדֶּרֶךְ אֲשֶׁר־הָלַכְתָּ בָּהּ׃", 13.18. "וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ גַּם־אֲנִי נָבִיא כָּמוֹךָ וּמַלְאָךְ דִּבֶּר אֵלַי בִּדְבַר יְהוָה לֵאמֹר הֲשִׁבֵהוּ אִתְּךָ אֶל־בֵּיתֶךָ וְיֹאכַל לֶחֶם וְיֵשְׁתְּ מָיִם כִּחֵשׁ לוֹ׃", 13.19. "וַיָּשָׁב אִתּוֹ וַיֹּאכַל לֶחֶם בְּבֵיתוֹ וַיֵּשְׁתְּ מָיִם׃", 13.21. "וַיִּקְרָא אֶל־אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים אֲשֶׁר־בָּא מִיהוּדָה לֵאמֹר כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה יַעַן כִּי מָרִיתָ פִּי יְהוָה וְלֹא שָׁמַרְתָּ אֶת־הַמִּצְוָה אֲשֶׁר צִוְּךָ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃", 13.22. "וַתָּשָׁב וַתֹּאכַל לֶחֶם וַתֵּשְׁתְּ מַיִם בַּמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר אֵלֶיךָ אַל־תֹּאכַל לֶחֶם וְאַל־תֵּשְׁתְּ מָיִם לֹא־תָבוֹא נִבְלָתְךָ אֶל־קֶבֶר אֲבֹתֶיךָ׃", 13.23. "וַיְהִי אַחֲרֵי אָכְלוֹ לֶחֶם וְאַחֲרֵי שְׁתוֹתוֹ וַיַּחֲבָשׁ־לוֹ הַחֲמוֹר לַנָּבִיא אֲשֶׁר הֱשִׁיבוֹ׃", 13.24. "וַיֵּלֶךְ וַיִּמְצָאֵהוּ אַרְיֵה בַּדֶּרֶךְ וַיְמִיתֵהוּ וַתְּהִי נִבְלָתוֹ מֻשְׁלֶכֶת בַּדֶּרֶךְ וְהַחֲמוֹר עֹמֵד אֶצְלָהּ וְהָאַרְיֵה עֹמֵד אֵצֶל הַנְּבֵלָה׃", 13.25. "וְהִנֵּה אֲנָשִׁים עֹבְרִים וַיִּרְאוּ אֶת־הַנְּבֵלָה מֻשְׁלֶכֶת בַּדֶּרֶךְ וְאֶת־הָאַרְיֵה עֹמֵד אֵצֶל הַנְּבֵלָה וַיָּבֹאוּ וַיְדַבְּרוּ בָעִיר אֲשֶׁר הַנָּבִיא הַזָּקֵן יֹשֵׁב בָּהּ׃", 13.26. "וַיִּשְׁמַע הַנָּבִיא אֲשֶׁר הֱשִׁיבוֹ מִן־הַדֶּרֶךְ וַיֹּאמֶר אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים הוּא אֲשֶׁר מָרָה אֶת־פִּי יְהוָה וַיִּתְּנֵהוּ יְהוָה לָאַרְיֵה וַיִּשְׁבְּרֵהוּ וַיְמִתֵהוּ כִּדְבַר יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר־לוֹ׃", 14.1. "לָכֵן הִנְנִי מֵבִיא רָעָה אֶל־בֵּית יָרָבְעָם וְהִכְרַתִּי לְיָרָבְעָם מַשְׁתִּין בְּקִיר עָצוּר וְעָזוּב בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל וּבִעַרְתִּי אַחֲרֵי בֵית־יָרָבְעָם כַּאֲשֶׁר יְבַעֵר הַגָּלָל עַד־תֻּמּוֹ׃", 14.1. "בָּעֵת הַהִיא חָלָה אֲבִיָּה בֶן־יָרָבְעָם׃", 14.2. "וַיֹּאמֶר יָרָבְעָם לְאִשְׁתּוֹ קוּמִי נָא וְהִשְׁתַּנִּית וְלֹא יֵדְעוּ כִּי־אתי [אַתְּ] אֵשֶׁת יָרָבְעָם וְהָלַכְתְּ שִׁלֹה הִנֵּה־שָׁם אֲחִיָּה הַנָּבִיא הוּא־דִבֶּר עָלַי לְמֶלֶךְ עַל־הָעָם הַזֶּה׃", 14.2. "וְהַיָּמִים אֲשֶׁר מָלַךְ יָרָבְעָם עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁתַּיִם שָׁנָה וַיִּשְׁכַּב עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וַיִּמְלֹךְ נָדָב בְּנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", 14.3. "וְלָקַחַתְּ בְּיָדֵךְ עֲשָׂרָה לֶחֶם וְנִקֻּדִים וּבַקְבֻּק דְּבַשׁ וּבָאת אֵלָיו הוּא יַגִּיד לָךְ מַה־יִּהְיֶה לַנָּעַר׃", 14.3. "וּמִלְחָמָה הָיְתָה בֵין־רְחַבְעָם וּבֵין יָרָבְעָם כָּל־הַיָּמִים׃", 14.4. "וַתַּעַשׂ כֵּן אֵשֶׁת יָרָבְעָם וַתָּקָם וַתֵּלֶךְ שִׁלֹה וַתָּבֹא בֵּית אֲחִיָּה וַאֲחִיָּהוּ לֹא־יָכֹל לִרְאוֹת כִּי קָמוּ עֵינָיו מִשֵּׂיבוֹ׃", 14.5. "וַיהוָה אָמַר אֶל־אֲחִיָּהוּ הִנֵּה אֵשֶׁת יָרָבְעָם בָּאָה לִדְרֹשׁ דָּבָר מֵעִמְּךָ אֶל־בְּנָהּ כִּי־חֹלֶה הוּא כָּזֹה וְכָזֶה תְּדַבֵּר אֵלֶיהָ וִיהִי כְבֹאָהּ וְהִיא מִתְנַכֵּרָה׃", 14.6. "וַיְהִי כִשְׁמֹעַ אֲחִיָּהוּ אֶת־קוֹל רַגְלֶיהָ בָּאָה בַפֶּתַח וַיֹּאמֶר בֹּאִי אֵשֶׁת יָרָבְעָם לָמָּה זֶּה אַתְּ מִתְנַכֵּרָה וְאָנֹכִי שָׁלוּחַ אֵלַיִךְ קָשָׁה׃", 14.7. "לְכִי אִמְרִי לְיָרָבְעָם כֹּה־אָמַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל יַעַן אֲשֶׁר הֲרִימֹתִיךָ מִתּוֹךְ הָעָם וָאֶתֶּנְךָ נָגִיד עַל עַמִּי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 14.8. "וָאֶקְרַע אֶת־הַמַּמְלָכָה מִבֵּית דָּוִד וָאֶתְּנֶהָ לָךְ וְלֹא־הָיִיתָ כְּעַבְדִּי דָוִד אֲשֶׁר שָׁמַר מִצְוֺתַי וַאֲשֶׁר־הָלַךְ אַחֲרַי בְּכָל־לְבָבוֹ לַעֲשׂוֹת רַק הַיָּשָׁר בְּעֵינָי׃", 14.9. "וַתָּרַע לַעֲשׂוֹת מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר־הָיוּ לְפָנֶיךָ וַתֵּלֶךְ וַתַּעֲשֶׂה־לְּךָ אֱלֹהִים אֲחֵרִים וּמַסֵּכוֹת לְהַכְעִיסֵנִי וְאֹתִי הִשְׁלַכְתָּ אַחֲרֵי גַוֶּךָ׃", 14.11. "הַמֵּת לְיָרָבְעָם בָּעִיר יֹאכְלוּ הַכְּלָבִים וְהַמֵּת בַּשָּׂדֶה יֹאכְלוּ עוֹף הַשָּׁמָיִם כִּי יְהוָה דִּבֵּר׃", 14.12. "וְאַתְּ קוּמִי לְכִי לְבֵיתֵךְ בְּבֹאָה רַגְלַיִךְ הָעִירָה וּמֵת הַיָּלֶד׃", 14.13. "וְסָפְדוּ־לוֹ כָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְקָבְרוּ אֹתוֹ כִּי־זֶה לְבַדּוֹ יָבֹא לְיָרָבְעָם אֶל־קָבֶר יַעַן נִמְצָא־בוֹ דָּבָר טוֹב אֶל־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּבֵית יָרָבְעָם׃", 14.14. "וְהֵקִים יְהוָה לוֹ מֶלֶךְ עַל־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר יַכְרִית אֶת־בֵּית יָרָבְעָם זֶה הַיּוֹם וּמֶה גַּם־עָתָּה׃", 14.15. "וְהִכָּה יְהוָה אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל כַּאֲשֶׁר יָנוּד הַקָּנֶה בַּמַּיִם וְנָתַשׁ אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל מֵעַל הָאֲדָמָה הַטּוֹבָה הַזֹּאת אֲשֶׁר נָתַן לַאֲבוֹתֵיהֶם וְזֵרָם מֵעֵבֶר לַנָּהָר יַעַן אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ אֶת־אֲשֵׁרֵיהֶם מַכְעִיסִים אֶת־יְהוָה׃", 14.16. "וְיִתֵּן אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל בִּגְלַל חַטֹּאות יָרָבְעָם אֲשֶׁר חָטָא וַאֲשֶׁר הֶחֱטִיא אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 14.19. "וְיֶתֶר דִּבְרֵי יָרָבְעָם אֲשֶׁר נִלְחַם וַאֲשֶׁר מָלָךְ הִנָּם כְּתוּבִים עַל־סֵפֶר דִּבְרֵי הַיָּמִים לְמַלְכֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃",

12.1. "And Rehoboam went to Shechem; for all Israel were come to Shechem to make him king.", 12.25. "Then Jeroboam built Shechem in the hill-country of Ephraim, and dwelt therein; and he went out from thence, and built Penuel.", 12.26. "And Jeroboam said in his heart: ‘Now will the kingdom return to the house of David.", 12.27. "If this people go up to offer sacrifices in the house of the LORD at Jerusalem, then will the heart of this people turn back unto their lord, even unto Rehoboam king of Judah; and they will kill me, and return to Rehoboam king of Judah.’", 12.28. "Whereupon the king took counsel, and made two calves of gold; and he said unto them: ‘Ye have gone up long enough to Jerusalem; behold thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt.’", 12.29. "And he set the one in Beth-el, and the other put he in Dan.", 12.30. "And this thing became a sin; for the people went to worship before the one, even unto Dan.", 12.31. "And he made houses of high places, and made priests from among all the people, that were not of the sons of Levi.", 12.32. "And Jeroboam ordained a feast in the eighth month, on the fifteenth day of the month, like unto the feast that is in Judah, and he went up unto the altar; so did he in Beth-el, to sacrifice unto the calves that he had made; and he placed in Beth-el the priests of the high places that he had made.", 12.33. "And he went up unto the altar which he had made in Beth-el on the fifteenth day in the eighth month, even in the month which he had devised of his own heart; and he ordained a feast for the children of Israel, and went up unto the altar, to offer.", 13.1. "And, behold, there came a man of God out of Judah by the word of the LORD unto Beth-el; and Jeroboam was standing by the altar to offer.", 13.2. "And he cried against the altar by the word of the LORD, and said: ‘O altar, altar, thus saith the LORD: Behold, a son shall be born unto the house of David, Josiah by name; and upon thee shall he sacrifice the priests of the high places that offer upon thee, and men’s bones shall they burn upon thee.’", 13.3. "And he gave a sign the same day saying: ‘This is the sign which the LORD hath spoken: Behold, the altar shall be rent, and the ashes that are upon it shall be poured out.’", 13.4. "And it came to pass, when the king heard the saying of the man of God, which he cried against the altar in Beth-el, that Jeroboam put forth his hand from the altar, saying: ‘Lay hold on him.’ And his hand, which he put forth against him, dried up, so that he could not draw it back to him.", 13.5. "The altar also was rent, and the ashes poured out from the altar, according to the sign which the man of God had given by the word of the LORD.", 13.6. "And the king answered and said unto the man of God: ‘Entreat now the favour of the LORD thy God, and pray for me, that my hand may be restored me.’ And the man of God entreated the LORD, and the king’s hand was restored him, and became as it was before.", 13.7. "And the king said unto the man of God: ‘Come home with me, and refresh thyself, and I will give thee a reward.’", 13.8. "And the man of God said unto the king: ‘If thou wilt give me half thy house, I will not go in with thee, neither will I eat bread nor drink water in this place.", 13.9. "For it so was charged me by the word of the LORD, saying: Thou shalt eat no bread, nor drink water, neither return by the way that thou camest.’", 13.10. "So he went another way, and returned not by the way that he came to Beth-el.", 13.11. "Now there dwelt an old prophet in Beth-el; and one of his sons came and told him all the works that the man of God had done that day in Beth-el, and the words which he had spoken unto the king, and they told them unto their father.", 13.12. "And their father said unto them: ‘What way went he?’ For his sons had seen what way the man of God went, that came from Judah.", 13.13. "And he said unto his sons: ‘Saddle me the ass.’ So they saddled him the ass; and he rode thereon.", 13.14. "And he went after the man of God, and found him sitting under a terebinth; and he said unto him: ‘Art thou the man of God that camest from Judah?’ And he said: ‘I am.’", 13.15. "Then he said unto him: ‘Come home with me, and eat bread.’", 13.16. "And he said: ‘I may not return with thee, nor go in with thee; neither will I eat bread nor drink water with thee in this place.", 13.17. "For it was said to me by the word of the LORD: Thou shalt eat no bread nor drink water there, nor turn back to go by the way that thou camest.’", 13.18. "And he said unto him: ‘I also am a prophet as thou art; and an angel spoke unto me by the word of the LORD, saying: Bring him back with thee into thy house, that he may eat bread and drink water.’—He lied unto him.—", 13.19. "So he went back with him, and did eat bread in his house, and drank water.", 13.20. "And it came to pass, as they sat at the table, that the word of the LORD came unto the prophet that brought him back.", 13.21. "And he cried unto the man of God that came from Judah, saying: ‘Thus saith the LORD: Forasmuch as thou hast rebelled against the word of the LORD, and hast not kept the commandment which the LORD thy God commanded thee,", 13.22. "but camest back, and hast eaten bread and drunk water in the place of which He said to thee: Eat no bread, and drink no water; thy carcass shall not come unto the sepulchre of thy fathers.’", 13.23. "And it came to pass, after he had eaten bread, and after he had drunk, that he saddled for him the ass, namely, for the prophet whom he had brought back.", 13.24. "And when he was gone, a lion met him by the way, and slew him; and his carcass was cast in the way, and the ass stood by it; the lion also stood by the carcass.", 13.25. "And, behold, men passed by, and saw the carcass cast in the way, and the lion standing by the carcass; and they came and told it in the city where the old prophet dwelt.", 13.26. "And when the prophet that brought him back from the way heard thereof, he said: ‘It is the man of God, who rebelled against the word of the LORD; therefore the LORD hath delivered him unto the lion, which hath torn him, and slain him, according to the word of the LORD, which He spoke unto him.’", 14.1. "At that time Abijah the son of Jeroboam fell sick.", 14.2. "And Jeroboam said to his wife: ‘Arise, I pray thee, and disguise thyself, that thou be not known to be the wife of Jeroboam; and get thee to Shiloh; behold, there is Ahijah the prophet, who spoke concerning me that I should be king over this people.", 14.3. "And take with thee ten loaves, and biscuits, and a cruse of honey, and go to him; he will tell thee what shall become of the child.’", 14.4. "And Jeroboam’s wife did so, and arose, and went to Shiloh, and came to the house of Ahijah. Now Ahijah could not see; for his eyes were set by reason of his age.", 14.5. "Now the LORD had said unto Ahijah: ‘Behold, the wife of Jeroboam cometh to inquire of thee concerning her son; for he is sick; thus and thus shalt thou say unto her; for it will be, when she cometh in, that she will feign herself to be another woman.’", 14.6. "And it was so, when Ahijah heard the sound of her feet, as she came in at the door, that he said: ‘Come in, thou wife of Jeroboam; why feignest thou thyself to be another? for I am sent to thee with heavy tidings.", 14.7. "Go, tell Jeroboam: Thus saith the LORD, the God of Israel: Forasmuch as I exalted thee from among the people, and made thee prince over My people Israel,", 14.8. "and rent the kingdom away from the house of David, and gave it thee; and yet thou hast not been as My servant David, who kept My commandments, and who followed Me with all his heart, to do that only which was right in Mine eyes;", 14.9. "but hast done evil above all that were before thee, and hast gone and made thee other gods, and molten images, to provoke Me, and hast cast Me behind thy back;", 14.10. "therefore, behold, I will bring evil upon the house of Jeroboam, and will cut off from Jeroboam every man-child, and him that is shut up and him that is left at large in Israel, and will utterly sweep away the house of Jeroboam, as a man sweepeth away dung, till it be all gone.", 14.11. "Him that dieth of Jeroboam in the city shall the dogs eat; and him that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the air eat; for the LORD hath spoken it.", 14.12. "Arise thou therefore, get thee to thy house; and when thy feet enter into the city, the child shall die.", 14.13. "And all Israel shall make lamentation for him, and bury him; for he only of Jeroboam shall come to the grave; because in him there is found some good thing toward the LORD, the God of Israel, in the house of Jeroboam.", 14.14. "Moreover the LORD will raise Him up a king over Israel, who shall cut off the house of Jeroboam that day. But what is it even then?", 14.15. "for the LORD will smite Israel, as a reed is shaken in the water; and He will root up Israel out of this good land, which He gave to their fathers, and will scatter them beyond the River; because they have made their Asherim, provoking the LORD.", 14.16. "And He will give Israel up because of the sins of Jeroboam, which he hath sinned, and wherewith he hath made Israel to sin.’", 14.19. "And the rest of the acts of Jeroboam, how he warred, and how he reigned, behold, they are written in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel.", 14.20. "And the days which Jeroboam reigned were two and twenty years; and he slept with his fathers, and Nadab his son reigned in his stead.",

15. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 355 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 261

355. ἀνατροπάς, ὅταν Ἄρης

355. whenever violence raised in the home seizes someone near and dear. So speeding after this man, we weaken him, even though he is strong, because of the fresh blood. Chorus 355. whenever violence raised in the home seizes someone near and dear. Speeding after this man, we weaken him, even though he is strong, because of the fresh blood. Chorus

16. Hecataeus of Miletus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 5

17. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 4 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 39

18. Plato, Euthydemus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 340

273e. Soc. But if you now in truth possess this other knowledge, have mercy—you see I address you just as though you were a couple of gods, beseeching you to forgive my former remarks.

19. Plato, Ion, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 135

20. Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.2.6, 6.2.16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218

21. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, a b c d\n0 1.21.2 1.21.2 1 21\n1 1.22.1 1.22.1 1 22\n2 7.14.4 7.14.4 7 14\n3 1.22.4 1.22.4 1 22\n4 '1.91.1 '1.91.1 '1 91\n.. ... ... .. ..\n182 1.6.1 1.6.1 1 6 \n183 1.6.2 1.6.2 1 6 \n184 1.6.4 1.6.4 1 6 \n185 1.6.3 1.6.3 1 6 \n186 6.31.6 6.31.6 6 31\n\n[187 rows x 4 columns] (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 111

1.21.2. καὶ ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος, καίπερ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐν ᾧ μὲν ἂν πολεμῶσι τὸν παρόντα αἰεὶ μέγιστον κρινόντων, παυσαμένων δὲ τὰ ἀρχαῖα μᾶλλον θαυμαζόντων, ἀπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων σκοποῦσι δηλώσει ὅμως μείζων γεγενημένος αὐτῶν.

1.21.2. To come to this war; despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it.

22. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290, 292

23. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290, 292

24. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290, 292

25. Aristophanes, Wasps, 1259, 1427-1437, 1439-1440, 1438 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 15

1438. εἶθ' ἡ Συβαρῖτις εἶπεν, “εἰ ναὶ τὰν κόραν

26. Critias, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 232

27. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, ps.-dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 27

28. Isocrates, Antidosis, '311 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

29. Isocrates, Orations, 6.51, 8.51 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 375

30. Herodotus, Histories, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 548

3.122.1. These are the two reasons alleged for Polycrates' death; believe whichever you like. But the consequence was that Oroetes, then at Magnesia which is above the river Maeander , sent Myrsus son of Gyges, a Lydian, with a message to Samos , having learned Polycrates' intention;

31. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 99; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 70

264c. οὕτως ἀκριβῶς διιδεῖν. ΣΩ. ἀλλὰ τόδε γε οἶμαί σε φάναι ἄν, δεῖν πάντα λόγον ὥσπερ ζῷον συνεστάναι σῶμά τι ἔχοντα αὐτὸν αὑτοῦ, ὥστε μήτε ἀκέφαλον εἶναι μήτε ἄπουν, ἀλλὰ μέσα τε ἔχειν καὶ ἄκρα, πρέποντα ἀλλήλοις καὶ τῷ ὅλῳ γεγραμμένα. ΦΑΙ. πῶς γὰρ οὔ; ΣΩ. σκέψαι τοίνυν τὸν τοῦ ἑταίρου σου λόγον εἴτε οὕτως εἴτε ἄλλως ἔχει, καὶ εὑρήσεις τοῦ ἐπιγράμματος οὐδὲν διαφέροντα, ὃ Μίδᾳ τῷ Φρυγί φασίν τινες ἐπιγεγράφθαι.

264c. Phaedrus. You flatter me in thinking that I can discern his motives so accurately. Socrates. But I do think you will agree to this, that every discourse must be organized, like a living being, with a body of its own, as it were, so as not to be headless or footless, but to have a middle and members, composed in fitting relation to each other and to the whole. Phaedrus. Certainly. Socrates. See then whether this is the case with your friend’s discourse, or not. You will find

32. Hebrew Bible, Ecclesiastes, 21.22.0 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan

33. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 192 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218

34. Euripides, Fragments, 853, 906-907 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 196

35. Hellanicus of Lesbos, Fgrh I P. 104., None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 383

36. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 109

191c. συγχωρήσεται, ἴσως δὲ ἀντιτενεῖ. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐν τοιούτῳ ἐχόμεθα, ἐν ᾧ ἀνάγκη πάντα μεταστρέφοντα λόγον βασανίζειν. σκόπει οὖν εἰ τὶ λέγω. ἆρα ἔστιν μὴ εἰδότα τι πρότερον ὕστερον μαθεῖν; ΘΕΑΙ. ἔστι μέντοι. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν καὶ αὖθις ἕτερον καὶ ἕτερον; ΘΕΑΙ. τί δʼ οὔ; ΣΩ. θὲς δή μοι λόγου ἕνεκα ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἡμῶν ἐνὸν κήρινον ἐκμαγεῖον, τῷ μὲν μεῖζον, τῷ δʼ ἔλαττον, καὶ τῷ μὲν καθαρωτέρου κηροῦ, τῷ δὲ κοπρωδεστέρου, καὶ σκληροτέρου,

191c. THEAET. To be sure he can. SOC. Again, then, can he learn one thing after another? THEAET. Why not? SOC. Please assume, then, for the sake of argument, that there is in our souls a block of wax, in one case larger, in another smaller, in one case the wax is purer, in another more impure and harder, in some cases softer,

37. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 169

38. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 261

325c. if not instructed and cultivated in virtue—and not merely death, but confiscation of property and practically the entire subversion of their house—here they do not have them taught or take the utmost care of them? So at any rate we must conclude, Socrates.

39. Euripides, Andromache, 215 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290

215. εἰ δ' ἀμφὶ Θρῄκην τὴν χιόνι κατάρρυτον

40. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 74-78, 73 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

73. καὶ μὴν τά γ' ἄλλ' ὑμῖν ὁρῶ πεπραγμένα.

41. Aeschines, Letters, 1.70, 1.113, 3.173 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 249; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218

42. Aristoxenus, Elements of Harmony, 1.8, 1.18 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 20

43. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 261

44. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 73

45. Ephorus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 4

46. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 261

47. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

48. Aristotle, Categories, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 46, 47

49. Hieronymus of Cardia, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 79

50. Duris of Samos, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 79

51. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 69 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218

52. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 4.1551-4.1585, 4.1731-4.1745, 4.1750-4.1758 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 39

4.1551. τοῖσιν δʼ αἰζηῷ ἐναλίγκιος ἀντεβόλησεν 4.1552. τρίτων εὐρυβίης, γαίης δʼ ἀνὰ βῶλον ἀείρας 4.1553. ξείνιʼ ἀριστήεσσι προΐσχετο, φώνησέν τε· 4.1554. ‘Δέχθε, φίλοι· ἐπεὶ οὐ περιώσιον ἐγγυαλίξαι 4.1555. ἐνθάδε νῦν πάρʼ ἐμοὶ ξεινήιον ἀντομένοισιν. 4.1556. εἰ δέ τι τῆσδε πόρους μαίεσθʼ ἁλός, οἷά τε πολλὰ 4.1557. ἄνθρωποι χατέουσιν ἐπʼ ἀλλοδαπῇ περόωντες, 4.1558. ἐξερέω. δὴ γάρ με πατὴρ ἐπιίστορα πόντου 4.1559. θῆκε Ποσειδάων τοῦδʼ ἔμμεναι. αὐτὰρ ἀνάσσω 4.1560. παρραλίης, εἰ δή τινʼ ἀκούετε νόσφιν ἐόντες 4.1561. Εὐρύπυλον Λιβύῃ θηροτρόφῳ ἐγγεγαῶτα.’ 4.1562. ὧς ηὔδα· πρόφρων δʼ ὑπερέσχεθε βώλακι χεῖρας 4.1563. Εὔφημος, καὶ τοῖα παραβλήδην προσέειπεν· 4.1564. ‘Ἀπίδα καὶ πέλαγος Μινώιον εἴ νύ που, ἥρως, 4.1565. ἐξεδάης, νημερτὲς ἀνειρομένοισιν ἔνισπε. 4.1566. δεῦρο γὰρ οὐκ ἐθέλοντες ἱκάνομεν, ἀλλὰ βαρείαις 4.1567. χρίμψαντες γαίης ἐπὶ πείρασι τῆσδε θυέλλαις 4.1568. νῆα μεταχρονίην ἐκομίσσαμεν ἐς τόδε λίμνης 4.1569. χεῦμα διʼ ἠπείρου βεβαρημένοι· οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν, 4.1570. πῇ πλόος ἐξανέχει Πελοπηίδα γαῖαν ἱκέσθαι.’ 4.1571. ὧς ἄρʼ ἔφη· ὁ δὲ χεῖρα τανύσσατο, δεῖξε δʼ ἄπωθεν 4.1572. φωνήσας πόντον τε καὶ ἀγχιβαθὲς στόμα λίμνης· 4.1573. ‘κείνη μὲν πόντοιο διήλυσις, ἔνθα μάλιστα 4.1574. βένθος ἀκίνητον μελανεῖ· ἑκάτερθε δὲ λευκαὶ 4.1575. ῥηγμῖνες φρίσσουσι διαυγέες· ἡ δὲ μεσηγὺ 4.1576. ῥηγμίνων στεινὴ τελέθει ὁδὸς ἐκτὸς ἐλάσσαι. 4.1577. κεῖνο δʼ ὑπηέριον θείην Πελοπηίδα γαῖαν 4.1578. εἰσανέχει πέλαγος Κρήτης ὕπερ· ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ χειρὸς 4.1579. δεξιτερῆς, λίμνηθεν ὅτʼ εἰς ἁλὸς οἶδμα βάλητε, 4.1580. τόφρʼ αὐτὴν παρὰ χέρσον ἐεργμένοι ἰθύνεσθε, 4.1581. ἔστʼ ἂν ἄνω τείνῃσι· περιρρήδην δʼ ἑτέρωσε 4.1582. κλινομένης χέρσοιο, τότε πλόος ὔμμιν ἀπήμων 4.1583. ἀγκῶνος τέτατʼ ἰθὺς ἀπὸ προύχοντος ἰοῦσιν. 4.1584. ἀλλʼ ἴτε γηθόσυνοι, καμάτοιο δὲ μήτις ἀνίη 4.1585. γιγνέσθω, νεότητι κεκασμένα γυῖα μογῆσαι.’ 4.1731. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ κἀκεῖθεν ὑπεύδια πείσματʼ ἔλυσαν, 4.1732. μνήσατʼ ἔπειτʼ Εὔφημος ὀνείρατος ἐννυχίοιο, 4.1733. ἁζόμενος Μαίης υἷα κλυτόν. εἴσατο γάρ οἱ 4.1734. δαιμονίη βῶλαξ ἐπιμάστιος ᾧ ἐν ἀγοστῷ 4.1735. ἄρδεσθαι λευκῇσιν ὑπαὶ λιβάδεσσι γάλακτος, 4.1736. ἐκ δὲ γυνὴ βώλοιο πέλειν ὀλίγης περ ἐούσης 4.1737. παρθενικῇ ἰκέλη· μίχθη δέ οἱ ἐν φιλότητι 4.1738. ἄσχετον ἱμερθείς· ὀλοφύρετο δʼ ἠύτε κούρην 4.1739. ζευξάμενος, τήν τʼ αὐτὸς ἑῷ ἀτίταλλε γάλακτι· 4.1740. ἡ δέ ἑ μειλιχίοισι παρηγορέεσκʼ ἐπέεσσιν· 4.1741. ‘Τρίτωνος γένος εἰμί, τεῶν τροφός, ὦ φίλε, παίδων, 4.1742. οὐ κούρη· τρίτων γὰρ ἐμοὶ Λιβύη τε τοκῆες. 4.1743. ἀλλά με Νηρῆος παρακάτθεο παρθενικῇσιν 4.1744. ἂμ πέλαγος ναίειν Ἀνάφης σχεδόν· εἶμι δʼ ἐς αὐγὰς 4.1745. ἠελίου μετόπισθε, τεοῖς νεπόδεσσιν ἑτοίμη.’ 4.1750. βώλακα γὰρ τεύξουσι θεοὶ πόντονδε βαλόντι 4.1751. νῆσον, ἵνʼ ὁπλότεροι παίδων δέθεν ἐννάσσονται 4.1752. παῖδες· ἐπεὶ Τρίτων ξεινήιον ἐγγυάλιξεν 4.1753. τήνδε τοι ἠπείροιο Λιβυστίδος. οὔ νύ τις ἄλλος 4.1754. ἀθανάτων, ἢ κεῖνος, ὅ μιν πόρεν ἀντιβολήσας.’ 4.1755. ὧς ἔφατʼ· οὐδʼ ἁλίωσεν ὑπόκρισιν Αἰσονίδαο 4.1756. Εὔφημος· βῶλον δέ, θεοπροπίῃσιν ἰανθείς, 4.1757. ἧκεν ὑποβρυχίην. τῆς δʼ ἔκτοθι νῆσος ἀέρθη 4.1758. καλλίστη, παίδων ἱερὴ τροφὸς Εὐφήμοιο,

53. Septuagint, Esther, 5.1-5.3 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 371

54. Phylarchus of Athens, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 79

55. Cicero, On Divination, 1.18, 1.44, 1.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 265

1.18. Nam primum astrorum volucris te consule motus Concursusque gravis stellarum ardore micantis Tu quoque, cum tumulos Albano in monte nivalis Lustrasti et laeto mactasti lacte Latinas, Vidisti et claro tremulos ardore cometas, Multaque misceri nocturna strage putasti, Quod ferme dirum in tempus cecidere Latinae, Cum claram speciem concreto lumine luna Abdidit et subito stellanti nocte perempta est. Quid vero Phoebi fax, tristis nuntia belli, Quae magnum ad columen flammato ardore volabat, Praecipitis caeli partis obitusque petessens? Aut cum terribili perculsus fulmine civis Luce sereti vitalia lumina liquit? Aut cum se gravido tremefecit corpore tellus? Iam vero variae nocturno tempore visae Terribiles formae bellum motusque monebant, Multaque per terras vates oracla furenti Pectore fundebant tristis minitantia casus, 1.44. Quoniám quieti córpus nocturno ínpetu Dedí sopore plácans artus lánguidos, Visúst in somnis pástor ad me appéllere Pecús lanigerum exímia puchritúdine; Duós consanguineos árietes inde éligi Praeclárioremque álterum immoláre me; Deinde eíus germanum córnibus conítier, In me árietare, eoque íctu me ad casúm dari; Exín prostratum térra, graviter saúcium, Resupínum in caelo cóntueri máximum ac Mirifícum facinus: déxtrorsum orbem flámmeum Radiátum solis líquier cursú novo. Eius igitur somnii a coniectoribus quae sit interpretatio facta, videamus: 1.59. Audivi equidem ex te ipso, sed mihi saepius noster Sallustius narravit, cum in illa fuga nobis gloriosa, patriae calamitosa in villa quadam campi Atinatis maneres magnamque partem noctis vigilasses, ad lucem denique arte et graviter dormire te coepisse; itaque, quamquam iter instaret, tamen silentium fieri iussisse se neque esse passum te excitari; cum autem experrectus esses hora secunda fere, te sibi somnium narravisse: visum tibi esse, cum in locis solis maestus errares, C. Marium cum fascibus laureatis quaerere ex te, quid tristis esses, cumque tu te patria vi pulsum esse dixisses, prehendisse eum dextram tuam et bono animo te iussisse esse lictorique proxumo tradidisse, ut te in monumentum suum deduceret, et dixisse in eo tibi salutem fore. Tum et se exclamasse Sallustius narrat reditum tibi celerem et gloriosum paratum, et te ipsum visum somnio delectari. Nam illud mihi ipsi celeriter nuntiatum est, ut audivisses in monumento Marii de tuo reditu magnificentissumum illud senatus consultum esse factum referente optumo et clarissumo viro consule, idque frequentissimo theatro incredibili clamore et plausu comprobatum, dixisse te nihil illo Atinati somnio fieri posse divinius.

1.18. You, being consul, at once did observe the swift constellations,Noting the glare of luminous stars in direful conjunction:Then you beheld the tremulous sheen of the Northern aurora,When, on ascending the mountainous heights of snowy Albanus,You offered joyful libations of milk at the Feast of the Latins;Ominous surely the time wherein fell that Feast of the Latins;Many a warning was given, it seemed, of slaughter nocturnal;Then, of a sudden, the moon at her full was blotted from heaven —Hidden her features resplendent, though night was bejewelled with planets;Then did that dolorous herald of War, the torch of Apollo,Mount all aflame to the dome of the sky, where the sun has its setting;Then did a Roman depart from these radiant abodes of the living,Stricken by terrible lightning from heavens serene and unclouded.Then through the fruit-laden body of earth ran the shock of an earthquake;Spectres at night were observed, appalling and changeful of figure,Giving their warning that war was at hand, and internal commotion;Over all lands there outpoured, from the frenzied bosoms of prophets,Dreadful predictions, gloomy forecasts of impending disaster. 1.44. At nights approach I sought my quiet couchTo soothe my weary limbs with restful sleep.Then in my dreams a shepherd near me droveA fleecy herd whose beauty was extreme.I chose two brother rams from out the flockAnd sacrificed the comelier of the twain.And then, with lowered horns, the other ramAttacked and bore me headlong to the ground.While there I lay outstretched and wounded sore,The sky a wondrous miracle disclosed:The blazing star of day reversed its courseAnd glided to the right by pathway new. 1.59. I come now to your dream. I heard it, of course, from you, but more frequently from our Sallustius. In the course of your banishment, which was glorious for us but disastrous to the State, you stopped for the night at a certain country-house in the plain of Atina. After lying awake most of the night, finally, about daybreak, you fell into a very profound sleep. And though your journey was pressing, yet Sallustius gave instructions to maintain quiet and would not permit you to be disturbed. But you awoke about the second hour and related your dream to him. In it you seemed to be wandering sadly about in solitary places when Gaius Marius, with his fasces wreathed in laurel, asked you why you were sad, and you replied that you had been driven from your country by violence. He then bade you be of good cheer, took you by the right hand, and delivered you to the nearest lictor to be conducted to his memorial temple, saying that there you should find safety. Sallustius thereupon, as he relates, cried out, a speedy and a glorious return awaits you. He further states that you too seemed delighted at the dream. Immediately thereafter it was reported to me that as soon as you heard that it was in Marius temple that the glorious decree of the Senate for your recall had been enacted on motion of the consul, a most worthy and most eminent man, and that the decree had been greeted by unprecedented shouts of approval in a densely crowded theatre, you said that no stronger proof could be given of a divinely inspired dream than this. [29]

56. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.1, 5.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, and classicism Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 226; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 226

5.1. Cum audissem audivissem ER Antiochum, Brute, ut solebam, solebam Vict. solebat cum M. Pisone in eo gymnasio, quod Ptolomaeum vocatur, unaque nobiscum Q. frater et T. Pomponius Luciusque Cicero, frater noster cognatione patruelis, amore germanus, constituimus inter nos ut ambulationem postmeridianam conficeremus in Academia, maxime quod is locus ab omni turba id temporis vacuus esset. itaque ad tempus ad Pisonem omnes. inde sermone vario sex illa a Dipylo stadia confecimus. cum autem venissemus in Academiae non sine causa nobilitata spatia, solitudo erat ea, quam volueramus. 5.3. Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non.

5.1. My dear Brutus, â Once I had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. 5.3. "Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, 'What place is this?' â a mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus's Gardens which we passed just now; but I obey the old saw: I 'think of those that are alive.' Still I could not forget Epicurus, even if I wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings."

57. Cicero, On Laws, 1.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 29

58. Cicero, On Duties, a b c d\n0 '1.51 '1.51 '1 51 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

59. Cicero, De Optimo Genere Oratorum, 15-16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 81

16. num melius quam Plato? Necesse est tamen oratori quem quaerimus controversias explicare explicare Aldus : explicantem GP : an explicantem ... genere uti apto? Friedrich forensis dicendi genere apto ad docendum, ad delectandum, ad permovendum. qua re si quis erit qui se Thucydideo genere causas in foro dicturum esse profiteatur, is abhorrebit etiam a suspicione eius quod quod Ernesti : quae codd. versatur in re civili et forensi; sin sin Orelli : si GP : (et) qui codd. dett. Thucydidem laudabit, ascribat suae nostram sententiam.

60. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.128, 1.172, 1.223, 2.54-2.56, 2.59, 2.147 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 3, 80, 81; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 29; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 40

1.128. in oratore autem acumen dialecticorum, sententiae philosophorum, verba prope poetarum, memoria iuris consultorum, vox tragoedorum, gestus paene summorum actorum est requirendus; quam ob rem nihil in hominum genere rarius perfecto oratore inveniri potest; quae enim, singularum rerum artifices singula si mediocriter adepti sunt, probantur, ea nisi omnia sunt in oratore summa, probari non possunt.' 1.172. Verum, quoniam sententiae atque opinionis meae voluistis esse participes, nihil occultabo et, quoad potero, vobis exponam, quid de quaque re sentiam. Antoni incredibilis quaedam et prope singularis et divina vis ingeni videtur, etiam si hac scientia iuris nudata sit, posse se facile ceteris armis prudentiae tueri atque defendere; quam ob rem hic nobis sit exceptus; ceteros vero non dubitabo primum inertiae condemnare sententia mea, post etiam impudentiae; 1.223. Sed aliud quiddam, longe aliud, Crasse, quaerimus: acuto homine nobis opus est et natura usuque callido, qui sagaciter pervestiget, quid sui cives eique homines, quibus aliquid dicendo persuadere velit, cogitent, sentiant, opinentur, exspectent; teneat oportet venas cuiusque generis, aetatis, ordinis, et eorum, apud quos aliquid aget aut erit acturus, mentis sensusque degustet; 2.54. Paulum se erexit et addidit maiorem historiae sonum vocis vir optimus, Crassi familiaris, Antipater; ceteri non exornatores rerum, sed tantum modo narratores fuerunt.' 'Est,' inquit Catulus 'ut dicis; sed iste ipse Caelius neque distinxit historiam varietate colorum neque verborum conlocatione et tractu orationis leni et aequabili perpolivit illud opus; sed ut homo neque doctus neque maxime aptus ad dicendum, sicut potuit, dolavit; vicit tamen, ut dicis, superiores.' 2.55. 'Minime mirum,' inquit Antonius 'si ista res adhuc nostra lingua inlustrata non est; nemo enim studet eloquentiae nostrorum hominum, nisi ut in causis atque in foro eluceat; apud Graecos autem eloquentissimi homines remoti a causis forensibus cum ad ceteras res inlustris tum ad historiam scribendam maxime se applicaverunt: namque et Herodotum illum, qui princeps genus hoc ornavit, in causis nihil omnino versatum esse accepimus; atqui tanta est eloquentia, ut me quidem, quantum ego Graece scripta intellegere possum, magno opere delectet; et post illum Thucydides omnis dicendi artificio mea sententia facile vicit; 2.56. qui ita creber est rerum frequentia, ut verborum prope numerum sententiarum numero consequatur, ita porro verbis est aptus et pressus, ut nescias, utrum res oratione an verba sententiis inlustrentur: atqui ne hunc quidem, quamquam est in re publica versatus, ex numero accepimus eorum, qui causas dictitarunt; et hos ipsos libros tum scripsisse dicitur, cum a re publica remotus atque, id quod optimo cuique Athenis accidere solitum est, in exsilium pulsus esset; 2.59. Haec cum ille dixisset, 'quid est,' inquit 'Catule?' Caesar; 'ubi sunt, qui Antonium Graece negant scire? Quot historicos nominavit! Quam scienter, quam proprie de uno quoque dixit!' 'Id me hercule' inquit Catulus 'admirans illud iam mirari desino, quod multo magis ante mirabar, hunc, cum haec nesciret, in dicendo posse tantum.' 'Atqui, Catule,' inquit Antonius 'non ego utilitatem aliquam ad dicendum aucupans horum libros et non nullos alios, sed delectationis causa, cum est otium, legere soleo. 2.147. ubi eum locum omnem cogitatione saepseris, si modo usum rerum percallueris, nihil te effugiet atque omne, quod erit in re, occurret atque incidet. Et sic, cum ad inveniendum in dicendo tria sint: acumen, deinde ratio, quam licet, si volumus, appellemus artem, tertium diligentia, non possum equidem non ingenio primas concedere, sed tamen ipsum ingenium diligentia etiam ex tarditate incitat;

61. Cicero, Republic, 1.31, 5.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 161

1.31. Tum Tubero: Non dissentio a te, Laeli, sed quaero, quae tu esse maiora intellegas. L. Dicam mehercule et contemnar a te fortasse, cum tu ista caelestia de Scipione quaesieris, ego autem haec, quae videntur ante oculos esse, magis putem quaerenda. Quid enim mihi L. Pauli nepos, hoc avunculo, nobilissima in familia atque in hac tam clara re publica natus, quaerit, quo modo duo soles visi sint, non quaerit, cur in una re publica duo senatus et duo paene iam populi sint? Nam, ut videtis, mors Tiberii Gracchi et iam ante tota illius ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partis; obtrectatores autem et invidi Scipionis initiis factis a P. Crasso et Appio Claudio tenent nihilo minus illis mortuis senatus alteram partem dissidentem a vobis auctore Metello et P. Mucio neque hunc, qui unus potest, concitatis sociis et nomine Latino, foederibus violatis, triumviris seditiosissimis aliquid cotidie novi molientibus, bonis viris locupletibus perturbatis his tam periculosis rebus subvenire patiuntur. 5.7. Ad vitam autem usumque vivendi ea discripta ratio est iustis nuptiis, legitimis liberis, sanctis penatium deorum Larumque familiarium sedibus, ut omnes et communibus commodis et suis uterentur, nec bene vivi sine bona re publica posset nec esse quicquam civitate bene constituta beatius. Quocirca permirum mihi videri solet, quae sit tanta doc

62. Cicero, De Finibus, 5.1, 5.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, and classicism Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 226; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 226

63. Cicero, Letters, 4.6.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 115

64. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, a b c d\n0 2.12(11).4 2.12(11).4 2 12(11) (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 115, 116

65. Cicero, In Catilinam, 2.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 375

66. Cicero, Orator, 9.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 25; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221

67. Cicero, Philippicae, 11.24, 13.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 163

68. Cicero, Pro Archia, 23, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 228; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 228

30. an vero tam parvi pravi Ee animi videamur esse esse om. E omnes qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur ut, cum usque ad extremum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? an an an cum b2 χ statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerunt reliquerint Manutius ; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne nonne non Lambinus multo malle debemus summis ingeniis expressam et politam? ego vero omnia quae gerebam iam tum in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. haec vero sive sive om. GEea a meo sensu post mortem afutura afut. G : abfut. (affut. Ee ) cett. est est GEea : sunt cett. , sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi animi om. cod. Vrsini mei partem pertinebit pertinebunt bp2 χς , nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector.

69. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 55 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 11

70. Cicero, Pro Scauro, 48 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 163

71. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 232; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 232

1.79. Bene reprehendis, et se isto modo res habet. credamus igitur igitur etiam K Panaetio a Platone suo dissentienti? quem enim omnibus locis divinum, quem sapientissimum, quem sanctissimum, quem Homerum philosophorum appellat, huius hanc unam sententiam de inmortalitate animorum non probat. volt enim, quod nemo negat, quicquid natum sit interire; nasci autem animos, quod declaret eorum similitudo qui procreentur, quae etiam in ingeniis, non solum in corporibus appareat. alteram autem adfert affert hic X rationem, nihil esse quod doleat, quin id aegrum esse quoque possit; quod autem in morbum cadat, id etiam interiturum; dolere dolore V 1 autem animos, ergo etiam interire.

72. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.54 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 161

73. Accius, Praetextae, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 265

74. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.12, 5.12.4-5.12.5, 16.12.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 3; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 115, 116

75. Varro, Fragments, 114 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197

76. Cicero, On Invention, 1.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 8

1.23. Attentos autem faciemus, si demonstrabimus ea, quae dicturi erimus, magna, nova, incredibilia esse, aut ad omnes aut ad eos, qui audient, aut ad aliquos inlustres ho- mines aut ad deos inmortales aut ad summam rem pu- blicam pertinere; et si pollicebimur nos brevi nostram causam demonstraturos atque exponemus iudica- tionem aut iudicationes, si plures erunt. Dociles audi- tores faciemus, si aperte et breviter summam causae exponemus, hoc est, in quo consistat controversia. nam et, cum docilem velis facere, simul attentum facias oportet. nam is est maxime docilis, qui attentissime est paratus audire. Nunc insinuationes quemadmodum tractari con- veniat, deinceps dicendum videtur. insinuatione igitur utendum est, cum admirabile genus causae est, hoc est, ut ante diximus, cum animus auditoris infestus est. id autem tribus ex causis fit maxime: si aut inest in ipsa causa quaedam turpitudo aut ab iis, qui ante dixerunt, iam quiddam auditori persuasum videtur aut eo tempore locus dicendi datur, cum iam illi, quos audire oportet, defessi sunt audiendo. nam ex hac quoque re non minus quam ex primis duabus in oratore nonnumquam animus auditoris offenditur.

77. Cicero, Brutus, 7.29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 25; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221

78. Cicero, On Friendship, '15, '16, '21, '34, 33, 34, 64, 65, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

79. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 34.1-34.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 177

34.1. A man of no understanding has vain and false hopes,and dreams give wings to fools. 34.1. He that is inexperienced knows few things,but he that has traveled acquires much cleverness. 34.2. As one who catches at a shadow and pursues the wind,so is he who gives heed to dreams. 34.2. Like one who kills a son before his fathers eyes is the man who offers a sacrifice from the property of the poor. 34.3. The vision of dreams is this against that,the likeness of a face confronting a face. 34.4. From an unclean thing what will be made clean?And from something false what will be true? 34.5. Divinations and omens and dreams are folly,and like a woman in travail the mind has fancies.

80. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 81

81. Polybius, Histories, a b c d\n0 6.10.13 6.10.13 6 10 \n1 6.10.14 6.10.14 6 10 \n2 6.10.12 6.10.12 6 10 \n3 1.4.6 1.4.6 1 4 \n4 1.4.7 1.4.7 1 4 \n5 1.4.9 1.4.9 1 4 \n6 1.2.8 1.2.8 1 2 \n7 1.2.7 1.2.7 1 2 \n8 1.2.1 1.2.1 1 2 \n9 1.4.10 1.4.10 1 4 \n10 31.22 31.22 31 22 \n11 39.8.6 39.8.6 39 8 \n12 14.1.5 14.1.5 14 1 \n13 11.1.1 11.1.1 11 1 \n14 9.1.1 9.1.1 9 1 \n15 1.5.1 1.5.1 1 5 \n16 1.3.1 1.3.1 1 3 \n17 1.4.8 1.4.8 1 4 \n18 '2.34.2 '2.34.2 '2 34 \n19 '5.26.10 '5.26.10 '5 26 \n20 36.12 36.12 36 12 \n21 3.1.11 3.1.11 3 1 \n22 6.56.7 6.56.7 6 56 \n23 6.56.14 6.56.14 6 56 \n24 6.56.15 6.56.15 6 56 \n25 1.4.1 1.4.1 1 4 \n26 1.4.2 1.4.2 1 4 \n27 1.63.9 1.63.9 1 63 \n28 1.4 1.4 1 4 \n29 1.4.3 1.4.3 1 4 \n30 10.6.2 10.6.2 10 6 \n31 5.51.10 5.51.10 5 51 \n32 6.56.9 6.56.9 6 56 \n33 6.56.6 6.56.6 6 56 \n34 6 6 6 None\n35 3.32.1 3.32.1 3 32 \n36 1.4.11 1.4.11 1 4 \n37 1.3.4 1.3.4 1 3 \n38 1.3.3 1.3.3 1 3 \n39 2.16.13 2.16.13 2 16 \n40 2.16.14 2.16.14 2 16 \n41 3.32.3 3.32.3 3 32 \n42 38.6 38.6 38 6 \n43 3.32.2 3.32.2 3 32 \n44 2.16.15 2.16.15 2 16 \n45 8.11.3 8.11.3 8 11 \n46 3.32.5 3.32.5 3 32 \n47 3.32.4 3.32.4 3 32 \n48 8.11.4 8.11.4 8 11 \n49 38.5 38.5 38 5 \n50 32.6.6 32.6.6 32 6 \n51 31.28.4 31.28.4 31 28 \n52 10.35.3 10.35.3 10 35 \n53 2.57.3 2.57.3 2 57 \n54 6.11.11 6.11.11 6 11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 211

6.10.13. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τὸ μὲν τέλος ταὐτὸ πεποίηνται τῆς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι καταστάσεως,

6.10.13. but the Romans while they have arrived at the same final result as regards their form of government,

82. Octavius Lampadio, Fragments, 23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 66

83. Cicero, Brutus, 7.29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 25; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221

325. sed si quaerimus cur adulescens magis floruerit dicendo quam senior Hortensius, causas reperiemus verissimas duas. Primam primam Ernesti : primum L , quod genus erat orationis Asiaticum adulescentiae magis concessum quam senectuti. Genera autem Asiaticae dictionis duo sunt: unum sententiosum et argutum, sententiis non tam gravibus et severis quam et severs quam vulg. : etsi veris nunquam L concinnis et venustis, qualis in historia Timaeus, in dicendo autem pueris nobis Hierocles Alabandeus, magis etiam Menecles frater eius fuit, quorum utriusque orationes sunt in primis ut Asiatico in genere laudabiles. Aliud aliud L : alterum E. F. Eberhard autem genus est non tam sententiis frequentatum quam verbis volucre atque incitatum, quale quale BHM : quali C : qualis codd. deft. est nunc Asia tota, nec flumine solum orationis, sed etiam exornato et faceto faceto L : facto Ruhnken genere verborum, in quo fuit fuit L : floruit Eberhard Aeschylus Cnidius et meus aequalis Milesius Aeschines. In his erat admirabilis orationis cursus, ornata sententiarum concinnitas non erat.

84. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.2.6-1.2.7, 1.41.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 90, 91

85. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 1.1-1.4, 2.2-2.4, 4.1-4.3, 5.3, 5.5, 7.3, 8.1, 9.2-9.10, 10.1, 10.3, 10.11, 11.1, 15.347.15-15.347.21, 16.4, 19.27, 23.7, 24.1, 24.12, 24.361.9-24.361.10, 24.362.16-24.362.18, 24.362.20-24.362.21, 24.363.4-24.363.9, 24.363.12-24.363.15, 24.363.18-24.363.23, 25.1-25.2, 27.1-27.4, 27.371.3-27.371.4, 28.372.3, 28.372.9-28.372.11, 29.373.22-29.373.23, 29.374.8, 29.374.14-29.374.16, 29.375.3-29.375.4, 29.375.13-29.375.15, 29.375.18-29.375.19, 33.381.5-33.381.6, 34.7, 35.1, 45.3-45.6, 49.2-49.3, 51.1, 51.411.3-51.411.7, 53.412.24-53.412.26, 55.2-55.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 91; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 314; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 188; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 363

86. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, De Veterum Censura, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 233; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 233

87. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Commentaries On The Ancient Orators, 1.1-1.7, 1.16, 2.2, 2.11, 4.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 370; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 25, 221, 237, 345, 347; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 25, 221, 237, 345, 347

88. Horace, Ars Poetica, 100, 234, 240-243, 291, 32-34, 340, 35, 356, 38-40, 46-48, 99, 41 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 39

89. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 1.2-1.3, 3.1-3.21, 3.14.12-3.14.15, 3.239.11-3.239.14, 3.239.19, 3.240.9, 3.240.19-3.240.20, 4.1-4.3, 4.22-4.23, 6.1-6.11 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 92, 95, 98, 99, 102, 103; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 314; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 549; Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 11, 12, 25; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 45; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 75, 76, 78, 89, 90, 91, 95, 96; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 117

90. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Lysias, 1.10, 8.5-8.6, 11.3-11.4, 12.2-12.9, 24.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 8; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 246; Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 47, 110, 119

91. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Dinarchus, 7.5-7.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, mimesis and imitation •dionysius of halicarnassus, rhetorical works Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 59

92. Philo of Alexandria, On The Decalogue, a b c d\n0 '3.155 '3.155 '3 155 \n1 3.14 3.14 3 14 \n2 3.13 3.13 3 13 \n3 '2.91 '2.91 '2 91 \n4 133 133 133 None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 137

93. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, 164, 18, 105 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 278

94. Philo of Alexandria, On The Confusion of Tongues, 107-114, 128, 130-131, 166, 129 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 137

129. And the name is, as the Hebrews say, Phanuel, which translated into our language means, "turning away from God." For any strong building which is erected by means of plausible arguments is not built for the sake of any other object except that of averting and alienating the mind from the honour due to God, than which object what can be more iniquitous?

95. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.7, 4.39.51, 4.55.68-4.55.69 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 158; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 8

96. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.53-1.4.62, 1.5.97-1.5.103 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on composition •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 176; Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 257, 258

97. Horace, Carmen Saeculare, 2.40-2.54 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 89

98. Horace, Odes, 2.3.8, 3.3.57-3.3.68 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 90; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 89

99. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 135 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on laocoön Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 578

100. Sallust, Catiline, 2.11, 3.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 375; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 115

101. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities •dionysius of halicarnassus, rome and roman history Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 78

102. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.117-1.118, 2.7-2.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348

1.117. Ennius ut noster cecinit, qui primus amoeno 1.118. detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam, 2.7. sed nihil dulcius est, bene quam munita tenere 2.8. edita doctrina sapientum templa serena, 2.9. despicere unde queas alios passimque videre 2.10. errare atque viam palantis quaerere vitae,

103. Ovid, Fasti, 1.260-1.262, 4.641-4.672, 6.131-6.143, 6.419-6.422, 6.424, 6.436-6.454 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 162, 163, 179

1.260. protinus Oebalii rettulit arma Tati, 1.261. utque levis custos armillis capta Sabinos 1.262. ad summae tacitos duxerit arcis iter. 4.641. rege Numa, fructu non respondente labori, 4.642. inrita decepti vota colentis erant, 4.643. nam modo siccus erat gelidis aquilonibus annus, 4.644. nunc ager assidua luxuriabat aqua: 4.645. saepe Ceres primis dominum fallebat in herbis, 4.646. et levis obsesso stabat avena solo, 4.647. et pecus ante diem partus edebat acerbos, 4.648. agnaque nascendo saepe necabat ovem. 4.649. silva vetus nullaque diu violata securi 4.650. stabat, Maenalio sacra relicta deo: 4.651. ille dabat tacitis animo responsa quieto 4.652. noctibus, hic geminas rex Numa mactat oves. 4.653. prima cadit Fauno, leni cadit altera Somno: 4.654. sternitur in duro vellus utrumque solo. 4.655. bis caput intonsum fontana spargitur unda, 4.656. bis sua faginea tempora fronde tegit, 4.657. usus abest Veneris, nec fas animalia mensis 4.658. ponere, nec digitis anulus ullus inest, 4.659. veste rudi tectus supra nova vellera corpus 4.660. ponit, adorato per sua verba deo. 4.661. interea placidam redimita papavere frontem 4.662. nox venit et secum somnia nigra trahit. 4.663. Faunus adest, oviumque premens pede vellera duro 4.664. edidit a dextro talia verba toro: 4.665. ‘morte boum tibi, rex, Tellus placanda duarum: 4.666. det sacris animas una iuvenca duas.’ 4.667. excutitur terrore quies: Numa visa revolvit 4.668. et secum ambages caecaque iussa refert, 4.669. expedit errantem nemori gratissima coniunx 4.670. et dixit gravidae posceris exta bovis. 4.671. exta bovis gravidae dantur, fecundior annus 4.672. provenit, et fructum terra pecusque ferunt, 6.131. sunt avidae volucres, non quae Phineia mensis 6.132. guttura fraudabant, sed genus inde trahunt: 6.133. grande caput, stantes oculi, rostra apta rapinis, 6.134. canities pinnis, unguibus hamus inest. 6.135. nocte volant puerosque petunt nutricis egentes 6.136. et vitiant cunis corpora rapta suis. 6.137. carpere dicuntur lactentia viscera rostris 6.138. et plenum poto sanguine guttur habent, 6.139. est illis strigibus nomen; sed nominis huius 6.140. causa, quod horrendum stridere nocte solent, 6.141. sive igitur nascuntur aves, seu carmine fiunt 6.142. naeniaque in volucres Marsa figurat anus, 6.143. in thalamos venere Procae. Proca natus in illis 6.419. moenia Dardanides nuper nova fecerat Ilus 6.420. (Ilus adhuc Asiae dives habebat opes): 6.421. creditur armiferae signum caeleste Minervae 6.422. urbis in Iliacae desiluisse iuga. 6.424. hoc superest illic, Pallada Roma tenet. 6.436. Vesta, quod assiduo lumine cuncta videt, 6.437. heu quantum timuere patres, quo tempore Vesta 6.438. arsit et est tectis obruta paene suis! 6.439. flagrabant sancti sceleratis ignibus ignes, 6.440. mixtaque erat flammae flamma profana piae. 6.441. attonitae flebant demisso crine ministrae: 6.442. abstulerat vires corporis ipse timor, 6.443. provolat in medium, et magna succurrite! voce 6.444. non est auxilium flere Metellus ait. 6.445. ‘pignora virgineis fatalia tollite palmis: 6.446. non ea sunt voto, sed rapienda manu. 6.447. me miserum! dubitatis?’ ait. dubitare videbat 6.448. et pavidas posito procubuisse genu. 6.449. haurit aquas tollensque manus, ignoscite, dixit 6.450. ‘sacra! vir intrabo non adeunda viro. 6.451. si scelus est, in me commissi poena redundet: 6.452. sit capitis damno Roma soluta mei.’ 6.453. dixit et inrupit, factum dea rapta probavit 6.454. pontificisque sui munere tuta fuit.

1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius, 1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets, 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel. 4.641. In Numa’s kingship the harvest failed to reward men’s efforts: 4.642. The farmers, deceived, offered their prayers in vain. 4.643. At one time that year it was dry, with cold northerlies, 4.644. The next, the fields were rank with endless rain: 4.645. often the crop failed the farmer in its first sprouting, 4.646. And meagre wild oats overran choked soil, 4.647. And the cattle dropped their young prematurely, 4.648. And the ewes often died giving birth to lambs. 4.649. There was an ancient wood, long untouched by the axe, 4.650. Still sacred to Pan, the god of Maenalus: 4.651. He gave answers, to calm minds, in night silence. 4.652. Here Numa sacrificed twin ewes. 4.653. The first fell to Faunus, the second to gentle Sleep: 4.654. Both the fleeces were spread on the hard soil. 4.655. Twice the king’s unshorn head was sprinkled with spring water, 4.656. Twice he pressed the beech leaves to his forehead. 4.657. He abstained from sex: no meat might be served 4.658. At table, nor could he wear a ring on any finger. 4.659. Dressed in rough clothes he lay down on fresh fleeces, 4.660. Having worshipped the god with appropriate words. 4.661. Meanwhile Night arrived, her calm brow wreathed 4.662. With poppies: bringing with her shadowy dreams. 4.663. Faunus appeared, and pressing the fleece with a hard hoof, 4.664. From the right side of the bed, he uttered these words: 4.665. ‘King, you must appease Earth, with the death of two cows: 4.666. Let one heifer give two lives, in sacrifice.’ 4.667. Fear banished sleep: Numa pondered the vision, 4.668. And considered the ambiguous and dark command. 4.669. His wife, Egeria, most dear to the grove, eased his doubt, 4.670. Saying: ‘What’s needed are the innards of a pregt cow,’ 4.671. The innards of a pregt cow were offered: the year proved 4.672. More fruitful, and earth and cattle bore their increase. 6.131. There are some greedy birds, not those that cheated 6.132. Phineus of his meal, though descended from that race: 6.133. Their heads are large, their eyes stick out, their beak 6.134. Fit for tearing, their feathers are grey, their claws hooked. 6.135. They fly by night, attacking children with absent nurses, 6.136. And defiling their bodies, snatched from the cradle. 6.137. They’re said to rend the flesh of infants with their beaks, 6.138. And their throats are full of the blood they drink. 6.139. They’re called screech-owls, and the reason for the name 6.140. Is the horrible screeching they usually make at night. 6.141. Whether they’re born as birds, or whether they’re made so 6.142. By spells, old women transformed to birds by Marsian magic, 6.143. They still entered Proca’s bedroom. Proca was fresh 6.419. Ilus, scion of Dardanus, had founded a new city 6.420. (Ilus was still rich, holding the wealth of Asia) 6.421. A sky-born image of armed Minerva was said 6.422. To have fallen on the hillside near to Troy. 6.424. That’s all that’s left there: Rome has the Palladium.) 6.436. Vesta guards it: who sees all things by her unfailing light. 6.437. How worried the Senate was, when Vesta’s temple 6.438. Caught fire: and she was nearly buried by her own roof! 6.439. Holy fires blazed, fed by sinful fires, 6.440. Sacred and profane flames were merged. 6.441. The priestesses with streaming hair, wept in amazement: 6.442. Fear had robbed them of their bodily powers. 6.443. Metellus rushed into their midst, crying in a loud voice: 6.444. ‘Run and help, there’s no use in weeping. 6.445. Seize fate’s pledges in your virgin hands: 6.446. They won’t survive by prayers, but by action. 6.447. Ah me! Do you hesitate?’ he said. He saw them, 6.448. Hesitating, sinking in terror to their knees. 6.449. He took up water, and holding his hands aloft, cried: 6.450. ‘Forgive me, holy relics! A man enters where no man should. 6.451. If it’s wrong, let the punishment fall on me: 6.452. Let my life be the penalty, so Rome is free of harm.’ 6.453. He spoke and entered. The goddess he carried away 6.454. Was saved by her priest’s devotion, and she approved.

104. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 14.775-14.777 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

14.775. moenia conduntur, Tatiusque patresque Sabini 14.776. bella gerunt, arcisque via Tarpeia reclusa 14.777. dignam animam poena congestis exuit armis.

105. Philo of Alexandria, On The Eternity of The World, 75 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 105

75. Moreover, if we saw that there was no such thing as any eternal nature to be seen, those who assert the liability of the world to destruction would not appear to be so guilty of disparaging the world without any excuse, since they would have no example whatever of anything being everlasting; but since fate, according to the doctrine of those who have investigated the principles of natural philosophy most accurately, is a thing without any beginning and without any end, connecting all the causes of everything, as to leave no break and no interruption, why may we not in like manner also affirm of the nature of the world that it subsists for a great length of time, being, as it were, an arrangement of what is otherwise in no order, a harmony of what is otherwise wholly destitute of such harmony, an agreement of what is otherwise without agreement, a union of things previously separated, a condition of stocks and stones, a nature of things growing from seed and of trees, a life of all animals, the mind and reason of men, and the most perfect virtue of virtuous men? But if the nature of the world is uncreated and indestructible, then it is plain that the world is held together and powerfully preserved by an everlasting indissoluble chain.

106. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Admirable Style of Demosthenes, 1.130.1-1.130.3, 8.4, 10.3, 10.148.14-10.148.20, 10.149.1-10.149.13, 15.2, 19.1, 22.2-22.5, 39.213.19-39.213.21, 39.214.17-39.214.19, 41.1, 41.3, 41.5, 51.2-51.4, 54.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 95

107. Philo of Alexandria, On Husbandry, 140-141, 16, 35 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 278

35. Since on what other account can we imagine, that in every quarter of the habitable globe, the theatres are every day filled with incalculable myriads of spectators? For they, being wholly under the dominion of sounds and sights, and allowing their ears and their eyes to be carried away without any restraint, go in pursuit of harp-players and singers to the harp, and every description of effeminate and unmanly music; and, moreover, eagerly receiving dancers and every other kind of actors, because they place themselves and move in all kinds of effeminate positions and motions, they are continually by their applause exciting the factions of the theatre, never thinking either of the propriety of their own conduct or of that of the general body of the citizens; but, miserable as they are, upsetting all their own plan of life for the sake of their eyes and ears.

108. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 3.12-3.14, 3.16-3.18, 4.7-4.11, 4.19-4.20, 5.12, 10.5, 11.5-11.6, 11.8-11.10, 12.8-12.12, 16.5, 19.1, 19.10-19.13, 23.37 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 370, 413; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 44, 48, 49, 50, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 95, 96; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

109. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 2.99-2.104, 3.10, 3.48, 3.78, 3.129-3.131, 3.188, 3.223 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 166, 172, 199, 262; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 165, 242

110. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, a b c d\n0 1.7.2 1.7.2 1 7 \n1 10.54 10.54 10 54\n2 6.7 6.7 6 7 \n3 2.68 2.68 2 68\n4 1.2.1-3.6 1.2.1 1 2 \n.. ... ... .. .. \n361 7.3.3 7.3.3 7 3 \n362 7.3.2 7.3.2 7 3 \n363 5.46.3 5.46.3 5 46\n364 7.59.8 7.59.8 7 59\n365 5.46.1 5.46.1 5 46\n\n[366 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 74; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 116

1.7.2. I arrived in Italy at the very time that Augustus Caesar put an end to the civil war, in the middle of the one hundred and eighty-seventh Olympiad, and having from that time to this present day, a period of twenty-two years, lived at Rome, learned the language of the Romans and acquainted myself with their writings, I have devoted myself during all that time to matters bearing upon my subject.

111. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, '259 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 137

112. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 91 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 292

91. From which circumstance, the simplicity of their daily manner of life was plainly seen: as they made no pretence to magnificence or delicate luxury; the nature of which things is to engender satiety, and satiety is apt to engender insolence, which is the beginning of all evils.

113. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.43, 2.184 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 132, 240; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 278

1.43. for some of their overseers were very savage and furious men, being, as to their cruelty, not at all different from poisonous serpents or carnivorous beasts--wild beasts in human form--being clothed with the form of a human body so as to give an appearance of gentleness in order to deceive and catch their victim, but in reality being harder than iron or adamant. 2.184. for he who seeks to avoid labour is also avoiding good. And he, again, who encounters what is disagreeable to be borne with fortitude and manly perseverance, is taking the best road to happiness; for it is not the nature of virtue to abide with those who are given up to delicacy and luxury, and who have become effeminate in their souls, and whose bodies are enervated by the incessant luxury which they practise every day; but it is subdued by such conduct, and determined to change its abode, having first of all arranged its departure so as to depart to, and abide with, the ruler of right reason.

114. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 110, 190, 205, 22-23, 94-95, 105 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 109

115. Propertius, Elegies, 3.3.6, 3.16.24, 4.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 177; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

116. Philo of Alexandria, That God Is Unchangeable, 127-130 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 262

130. but when it changes so as to assume one uniform white appearance, it displays an involuntary change; since the mind, entirely deprived of the power of reasoning, not having left in it one single seed to beget understanding, like a man in a mist or in deep darkness, sees nothing that ought to be done; but, like a blind man, falling without seeing his way before him into all kinds of error, endures continual falls and disasters one after another, in spite of all its efforts. XXVIII.

117. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.174, 1.287, 1.295, 1.304, 1.336, 2.193, 2.240, 4.229 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 107, 109, 123, 132, 240; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 232, 372

1.174. But high seasonings, and cheesecakes, and sweetmeats, and all the other delicacies which the superfluous skill of confectioners and cooks concoct to cajole the illiterate, and unphilosophical, and most slavish of all the outward senses, namely, taste, which is never influenced by any noble sight, or by any perceptible lesson, but only by desire to indulge the appetites of the miserable belly, constantly engenders incurable diseases both in the body and the mind. 1.287. But some are verbal symbols of things appreciable only by the intellect, and the mystical meaning which is concealed beneath them must be investigated by those who are eager for truth in accordance with the rules of allegory. The altar of God is the grateful soul of the wise man, being compounded of perfect numbers undivided and indivisible; for no part of virtue is useless. 1.295. For, my fine fellow, you came naked into the world, and you shall leave it again naked, having received the interval between your birth and death as a loan from God; during which what ought you to do rather than take care to live in communion and harmony with your fellow creatures, studying equality, and humanity, and virtue, repudiating unequal, and unjust, and irreconcilable unsociable wickedness, which makes that animal which is by nature the most gentle of all, namely, man, a cruel and untractable monster?LIV. 1.304. But those men are to be pitied, and are altogether miserable, who have never banquetted on the labours of virtue; and they have remained to the end the most miserable of all men who have been always ignorant of the taste of moral excellence, when it was in their power to have feasted on and luxuriated among justice and equality. But these men are uncircumcised in their hearts, as the law expresses it, and by reason of the hardness of their hearts they are stubborn, resisting and breaking their traces in a restive manner; 1.336. this, also invented letters, and music, and the whole range of encyclical instruction, and brought them to perfection. This also, is the parent of that greatest of all good things, philosophy, and by means of its different parts it has benefited human life, proceeding by the logical portion of it to an infallible interpretation of difficulties, and by its moral part to a correction of the manners and dispositions of men; and by its physical division to the knowledge of the heaven and the world. And they have also collected and assembled many other praises of the mind on which they dwell, having a continual reference to the species already mentioned, about which we have not at the present time leisure to occupy ourselves.LXII. 2.193. And after the feast of trumpets the solemnity of the fast is celebrated, {27}{part of sections 193û194 was omitted in Yonge's translation because the edition on which Yonge based his translation, Mangey, lacked this material. These lines have been newly translated for this volume.} Perhaps some of those who are perversely minded and are not ashamed to censure excellent things will say, "What sort of a feast is this where there is no eating and drinking, no troupe of entertainers or audience, no copious supply of strong drink nor the generous display of a public banquet, nor moreover the merriment and revelry of dancing to the sound of flute and harp, and timbrels and cymbals, and the other instruments of music which awaken the unruly lusts through the channel of the ears? 2.240. But the law has enjoined fear, because children are accustomed to feel an easy indifference. For though parents attend to their children with an exceeding violence of affection, providing them with necessary things from all quarters, and bestowing all good things upon them, and shrinking from no labour and from no danger, being bound to them by love stronger than any oaths, still some persons do not receive their affection as if it aimed solely at their good, being full of luxury and arrogance; and coveting a luxurious life, and becoming effeminate both in body and soul, permitting them in no respect to entertain proper dispositions as through the native powers of their minds, which they are not ashamed to overthrow, and to enervate, and to deprive of each separate energy, and so they come not to fear their natural correctors, their fathers and mothers yielding to and indulging their own private passions and desires. 4.229. But there is no prohibition against their cutting down those trees which are barren and unproductive, and which are not cultivated for food, for the purpose of making staves, or poles, or posts, or fences; and, when occasion requires, ladders, and engines, and wooden towers; for the chief use of these kinds of trees is for such and other similar purposes.XLII.

118. Livy, History, 1.11.6-1.11.9, 2.7.6, 2.7.11, 2.23-2.30, 2.24.6-2.24.8, 2.30.1-2.30.4, 2.34-2.35, 2.48-2.49, 5.20.1, 5.21-5.22, 5.21.8-5.21.9, 26.27.14, 37.54, 38.17, 38.17.9-38.17.13, 38.17.20, 45.16.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 119; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 5, 6; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 371, 372, 374, 378, 379; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 161, 163, 179

45.16.5. de prodigiis deinde nuntiatis senatus est consultus. aedes deum Penatium in Velia de caelo tacta erat et in oppido Minervio duae portae et muri aliquantum. Anagniae terra pluerat et Lanuvi fax in caelo visa erat; et Calatiae in publico agro M. Valerius civis Romanus nuntiabat e foco suo sanguinem per triduum et duas noctes manasse.

119. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 116, 117

120. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, a b c d\n0 '2.82 '2.82 '2 82 \n1 '1.103 '1.103 '1 103\n2 2.38 2.38 2 38 \n3 1.121 1.121 1 121 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 137

121. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, '151 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 137

122. Philo of Alexandria, On The Sacrifices of Cain And Abel, 49, 86 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 169

86. After those that are cut up, it was very natural to make an offering of such as are ground; that is to say, it is natural after the division to dwell among and pass one's leisure among what had been thus discovered, for continued practice produces firm and stable knowledge, just as continued indifference produces ignorance. Therefore numbers of men from fear of the labour of practice, have lost the strength with which they were endowed by nature, whom those men have not imitated who nourished their souls on prophecy, which is signified under the name of manna, "for they ground it in mills or beat it in a mortar, and baked it in pans, and made cakes of It." every one of them knowing well how to knead and soften the heavenly language of virtue for the sake of making the intellect firmer.

123. Philo of Alexandria, On The Posterity of Cain, 11, 10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 262

10. Accordingly God banished Adam; but Cain went forth from his presence of his own accord; Moses here showing to us the manner of each sort of absence from God, both the voluntary and the involuntary sort; but the involuntary sort as not existing in consequence of any intention on our part, will subsequently have such a remedy applied to it as the case admits of; for God will raise up another offspring in the place of Abel, whom Cain slew, a male offspring for the soul which has not turned by its own intention, by name Seth, which name being interpreted means irrigation;

124. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 3.12-3.14, 3.16-3.18, 4.7-4.11, 4.19-4.20, 5.12, 10.5, 11.5-11.6, 11.8-11.10, 12.8-12.12, 16.5, 19.1, 19.10-19.13, 23.37 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 370, 413; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 44, 48, 49, 50, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 95, 96; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

125. Demetrius, Style, 112-113, 209, 216, 40, 45, 65, 72, 181 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 49

126. Dionysius, Art of Grammar, 51.1, 55.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 85

127. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, 116, 207, 74, 92, 91 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 109

91. And the power which exists in the wise man will show the same result: for when it is occupied with the affairs of the living God it is called piety and holiness: but when it employs itself upon the heaven, and the things in heaven, it is natural philosophy; and when it devotes itself to the investigation of the air, and of the different circumstances attending its variations and changes, whether taking place in the uniform yearly revolutions of the seasons, or in the partial periods of months and days, it is then called meteorology. It is called moral philosophy when it busies itself about the rectification of human morals; and this moral philosophy is divided into several subordinate species; that namely of politics, when occupied about state affairs; economy, when applied to the management of a household; when it is devoted to the subject of banquets and entertainments, it is then convivial philosophy. Again, that power which concerns itself about the government of men, is royal; that which is conversant with commands and prohibitions, is legislative.

128. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, a b c d\n0 5.1.1 5.1.1 5 1 \n1 37.29.5-30.2 37.29.5 37 29 \n2 37.1.3 37.1.3 37 1 \n3 37.4 37.4 37 4 \n4 37.3.4 37.3.4 37 3 \n.. ... ... .. .. \n83 10.29.1 10.29.1 10 29 \n84 16.33.1 16.33.1 16 33 \n85 17.30.7 17.30.7 17 30 \n86 17.103.7 17.103.7 17 103\n87 17.103.8 17.103.8 17 103\n\n[88 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 363

5.1.1. It should be the special care of historians, when they compose their works, to give attention to everything which may be of utility, and especially to the arrangement of the varied material they present. This eye to arrangement, for instance, is not only of great help to persons in the disposition of their private affairs if they would preserve and increase their property, but also, when men come to writing history, it offers them not a few advantages.

129. Philo of Alexandria, On Flight And Finding, 115 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 262

115. There is a certain extravagance of perfection visible in this disposition. He has Known the man who has vowed the great vow in some instances offending unintentionally, even if not of deliberate purpose; for he says, "But if any one die before him suddenly, he shall be at once polluted." For if of things without deliberation anything coming from without strikes down suddenly, such things do at once pollute the soul, but not with a pollution which remains for any length of time, inasmuch as they are unintentional actions. And about these actions the high priest (standing above them, as he also does above those which are voluntary) is indifferent.

130. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, 44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 232

44. I, therefore, having kept myself pure to this day, will not begin now to transgress the law by adultery which is the greatest of all sins, when I ought rather, even if in past time I had lived in an irregular manner, and had been led away by the impulses of youth, and had imitated the licentiousness of the natives, still not to seek to pollute the marriage of another man, an offence which who is there would not avenge with blood? For though different nations differ in other points, still all agree in this alone, that all men think him worthy of ten thousand deaths who does so, and give up the man who is detected in adultery without trial to the husband who has detected him.

131. Philo of Alexandria, Questions On Genesis, 2.67 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 105

132. Philo of Alexandria, On The Migration of Abraham, 128 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 165

128. And this is the end which is celebrated among those who study philosophy in the best manner, namely, to live in accordance with nature. And this takes place when the mind, entering into the path of virtue, treads in the steps of right reason, and follows God, remembering his commandments, and at all times and in all places confirming them both by word and deed;"

133. Philo of Alexandria, On The Change of Names, 10, 74-75 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 107

75. thinking that the walls which are built around for the sake of protecting the fruit have been erected by the possessors of the land, and that the plants have been created for the sake of the production of fruit; thus, therefore, they said that in philosophy it is requisite for the consideration of the physical and the logical part of philosophy to be referred to the moral part, by which the moral character is improved, which as a desire at the same time for both the acquisition and the use of virtue.

134. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 3, 47, 158 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 132

158. And the man devoted to pleasure is free form none of the aforementioned evils; for it is with difficulty that he can raise his head, being weighed down and dragged down, since intemperance trips him up and keeps him down. And he feeds, not on heavenly food, which wisdom offers to contemplative men by means of discourses and opinions; but on that which is put forth by the earth in the varying seasons of the year, from which arise drunkenness and voracity, and licentiousness, breaking through and inflaming the appetites of the belly, and enslaving them in subjection to gluttony, by which they strengthen the impetuous passions, the seat of which is beneath the belly; and make them break forth. And they lick up the result of the labours of cooks and tavern-keepers; and at times some of them in ecstasy with the flavour of the delicious food, moves about his head and reaches forward, being desirous to participate in the sight. And when he sees an expensively furnished table, he throws himself bodily upon the delicacies which are abundantly prepared, and devotes himself to them, wishing to be filled with them all together, and so to depart, having no other end in view than that he should allow nothing of such a sumptuous preparation to be wasted. Owing to which conduct, he too, carries about poison in his teeth, no less than the serpent does;

135. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 8.5, 9.2, 10.2, 25.2, 35.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 177; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 163; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 92, 93

136. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.39, 3.41, 13.88, 15.8, 18.3, 25.4, 25.29, 27.87, 30.84, 34.22-34.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities •dionysius of halicarnassus, rome and roman history •dionysius of halicarnassus, explicit assessment of historiographers by •dionysius of halicarnassus, globalism and unity, herodotus’s role in ideas of •dionysius of halicarnassus, prohairesis (deliberate choice) •thucydides, assessment by dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 92, 93; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 90; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

137. New Testament, Acts, 1.22, 4.32, 4.36, 10.28, 17.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dreams and visions, examples, dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 188; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 233; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 252

1.22. ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τοῦ βαπτίσματος Ἰωάνου ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ἧς ἀνελήμφθη ἀφʼ ἡμῶν, μάρτυρα τῆς ἀναστάσεως αὐτοῦ σὺν ἡμῖν γενέσθαι ἕνα τούτων. 4.32. Τοῦ δὲ πλήθους τῶν πιστευσάντων ἦν καρδία καὶ ψυχὴ μία, καὶ οὐδὲ εἷς τι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων αὐτῷ ἔλεγεν ἴδιον εἶναι, ἀλλʼ ἦν αὐτοῖς πάντα κοινά. 4.36. Ἰωσὴφ δὲ ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Βαρνάβας ἀπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων, ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Υἱὸς Παρακλήσεως, Λευείτης, Κύπριος τῷ γένει, 10.28. ἔφη τε πρὸς αὐτούς Ὑμεῖς ἐπίστασθε ὡς ἀθέμιτόν ἐστιν ἀνδρὶ Ἰουδαίῳ κολλᾶσθαι ἢ προσέρχεσθαι ἀλλοφύλῳ· κἀμοὶ ὁ θεὸς ἔδειξεν μηδένα κοινὸν ἢ ἀκάθαρτον λέγειν ἄνθρωπον· 17.23. διερχόμενος γὰρ καὶ ἀναθεωρῶν τὰ σεβάσματα ὑμῶν εὗρον καὶ βωμὸν ἐν ᾧ ἐπεγέγραπτο ΑΓΝΩΣΤΩ ΘΕΩ. ὃ οὖν ἀγνοοῦντες εὐσεβεῖτε, τοῦτο ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν.

1.22. beginning from the baptism of John, to the day that he was received up from us, of these one must become a witness with us of his resurrection." 4.32. The multitude of those who believed were of one heart and soul. Not one of them claimed that anything of the things which he possessed was his own, but they had all things common. 4.36. Joses, who by the apostles was surnamed Barnabas (which is, being interpreted, Son of Exhortation), a Levite, a man of Cyprus by race, 10.28. He said to them, "You yourselves know how it is an unlawful thing for a man who is a Jew to join himself or come to one of another nation, but God has shown me that I shouldn't call any man unholy or unclean. 17.23. For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you.

138. New Testament, Philippians, 1.4-1.7, 1.14, 1.18, 1.25, 1.27, 2.1-2.3, 2.8, 2.17, 2.24-2.25, 2.27-2.29, 3.1, 4.1-4.4, 4.10-4.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

1.4. μετὰ χαρᾶς τὴν δέησιν ποιούμενος, 1.5. ἐπὶ τῇ κοινωνίᾳ ὑμῶν εἰς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης ἡμέρας ἄχρι τοῦ νῦν, 1.6. πεποιθὼς αὐτὸ τοῦτο ὅτι ὁ ἐναρξάμενος ἐν ὑμῖν ἔργον ἀγαθὸν ἐπιτελέσει ἄχρι ἡμέρας Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ· 1.7. καθώς ἐστιν δίκαιον ἐμοὶ τοῦτο φρονεῖν ὑπὲρ πάντων ὑμῶν, διὰ τὸ ἔχειν με ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ ὑμᾶς, ἔν τε τοῖς δεσμοῖς μου καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀπολογίᾳ καὶ βεβαιώσει τοῦ εὐαγγελίου συνκοινωνούς μου τῆς χάριτος πάντας ὑμᾶς ὄντας· 1.14. καὶ τοὺς πλείονας τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐν κυρίῳ πεποιθότας τοῖς δεσμοῖς μου περισσοτέρως τολμᾷν ἀφόβως τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ λαλεῖν. Τινὲς μὲν καὶ διὰ φθόνον καὶ ἔριν, 1.18. τί γάρ; πλὴν ὅτι παντὶ τρόπῳ, εἴτε προφάσει εἴτε ἀληθείᾳ, Χριστὸς καταγγέλλεται, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ χαίρω· ἀλλὰ καὶ χαρήσομαι, 1.25. καὶ τοῦτο πεποιθὼς οἶδα ὅτι μενῶ καὶ παραμενῶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν εἰς τὴν ὑμῶν προκοπὴν καὶ χαρὰν τῆς πίστεως, 1.27. Μόνον ἀξίως τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τοῦ χριστοῦ πολιτεύεσθε, ἵνα εἴτε ἐλθὼν καὶ ἰδὼν ὑμᾶς εἴτε ἀπὼν ἀκούω τὰ περὶ ὑμῶν, ὅτι στήκετε ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι, μιᾷ ψυχῇ συναθλοῦντες τῇ πίστει τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, 2.1. Εἴ τις οὖν παράκλησις ἐν Χριστῷ, εἴ τι παραμύθιον ἀγάπης, εἴ τις κοινωνία πνεύματος, εἴ τις σπλάγχνα καὶ οἰκτιρμοί, 2.2. πληρώσατέ μου τὴν χαρὰν ἵνα τὸ αὐτὸ φρονῆτε, τὴν αὐτὴν ἀγάπην ἔχοντες, σύνψυχοι, τὸ ἓν φρονοῦντες, 2.3. μηδὲν κατʼ ἐριθίαν μηδὲ κατὰ κενοδοξίαν, ἀλλὰ τῇ ταπεινοφροσύνῃ ἀλλήλους ἡγούμενοι ὑπερέχοντας ἑαυτῶν, 2.8. ἐταπείνωσεν ἑαυτὸν γενόμενος ὑπήκοος μέχρι θανάτου, θανάτου δὲ σταυροῦ· 2.17. Ἀλλὰ εἰ καὶ σπένδομαι ἐπὶ τῇ θυσίᾳ καὶ λειτουργίᾳ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν, χαίρω καὶ συνχαίρω πᾶσιν ὑμῖν· 2.24. πέποιθα δὲ ἐν κυρίῳ ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς ταχέως ἐλεύσομαι. 2.25. ἀναγκαῖον δὲ ἡγησάμην Ἐπαφρόδιτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συνεργὸν καὶ συνστρατιώτην μ́ου, ὑμῶν δὲ ἀπόστολον καὶ λειτουργὸν τῆς χρείας μου, πέμψαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, 2.27. καὶ γὰρ ἠσθένησεν παραπλήσιον θανάτου· ἀλλὰ ὁ θεὸς ἠλέησεν αὐτόν, οὐκ αὐτὸν δὲ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐμέ, ἵνα μὴ λύπην ἐπὶ λύπην σχῶ. 2.28. σπουδαιοτέρως οὖν ἔπεμψα αὐτὸν ἵνα ἰδόντες αὐτὸν πάλιν χαρῆτε κἀγὼ ἀλυπότερος ὦ. 2.29. προσδέχεσθε οὖν αὐτὸν ἐν κυρίῳ μετὰ πάσης χαρᾶς, καὶ τοὺς τοιούτους ἐντίμους ἔχετε, 3.1. Τὸ λοιπόν, ἀδελφοί μου, χαίρετε ἐν κυρίῳ. τὰ αὐτὰ γράφειν ὑμῖν ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐκ ὀκνηρόν, ὑμῖν δὲ ἀσφαλές.— 4.1. Ὥστε, ἀδελφοί μου ἀγαπητοὶ καὶ ἐπιπόθητοι, χαρὰ καὶ στέφανός μου, οὕτως στήκετε ἐν κυρίῳ, ἀγαπητοί. 4.2. Εὐοδίαν παρακαλῶ καὶ Συντύχην παρακαλῶ τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν ἐν κυρίῳ. 4.3. ναὶ ἐρωτῶ καὶ σέ, γνήσιε σύνζυγε, συνλαμβάνου αὐταῖς, αἵτινες ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ συνήθλησάν μοι μετὰ καὶ Κλήμεντος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν συνεργῶν μου, ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα ἐνβίβλῳ ζωῆς. 4.4. Χαίρετε ἐν κυρίῳ πάντοτε· πάλιν ἐρῶ, χαίρετε. 4.10. Ἐχάρην δὲ ἐν κυρίῳ μεγάλως ὅτι ἤδη ποτὲ ἀνεθάλετε τὸ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ φρονεῖν, ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ ἐφρονεῖτε ἠκαιρεῖσθε δέ. 4.11. οὐχ ὅτι καθʼ ὑστέρησιν λέγω, ἐγὼ γὰρ ἔμαθον ἐν οἷς εἰμὶ αὐτάρκης εἶναι· οἶδα καὶ ταπεινοῦσθαι, 4.12. οἶδα καὶ περισσεύειν· ἐν παντὶ καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν μεμύημαι, καὶ χορτάζεσθαι καὶ πεινᾷν, καὶ περισσεύειν καὶ ὑστερεῖσθαι· 4.13. πάντα ἰσχύω ἐν τῷ ἐνδυναμοῦντί με. 4.14. πλὴν καλῶς ἐποιήσατε συνκοινωνήσαντές μου τῇ θλίψει. 4.15. οἴδατε δὲ καὶ ὑμεῖς, Φιλιππήσιοι, ὅτι ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, ὅτε ἐξῆλθον ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας, οὐδεμία μοι ἐκκλησία ἐκοινώνησεν εἰς λόγον δόσεως καὶ λήμψεως εἰ μὴ ὑμεῖς μόνοι, 4.16. ὅτι καὶ ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ καὶ ἅπαξ καὶ δὶς εἰς τὴν χρείαν μοι ἐπέμψατε. 4.17. οὐχ ὅτι ἐπιζητῶ τὸ δόμα, ἀλλὰ ἐπιζητῶ τὸν καρπὸν τὸν πλεονάζοντα εἰς λόγον ὑμῶν. 4.18. ἀπέχω δὲ πάντα καὶ περισσεύω· πεπλήρωμαι δεξάμενος παρὰ Ἐπαφροδίτου τὰ παρʼ ὑμῶν,ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας,θυσίαν δεκτήν, εὐάρεστον τῷ θεῷ. 4.19. ὁ δὲ θεός μου πληρώσει πᾶσαν χρείαν ὑμῶν κατὰ τὸ πλοῦτος αὐτοῦ ἐν δόξῃ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. 4.20. τῷ δὲ θεῷ καὶ πατρὶ ἡμῶν ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων· ἀμήν.

1.4. always in every request of mine on behalf of you all making my requests with joy, 1.5. for your fellowship in furtherance of the gospel from the first day until now; 1.6. being confident of this very thing, that he who began a good work in you will complete it until the day of Jesus Christ. 1.7. It is even right for me to think this way on behalf of all of you, because I have you in my heart, because, both in my bonds and in the defense and confirmation of the gospel, you all are partakers with me of grace. 1.14. and that most of the brothers in the Lord, being confident through my bonds, are more abundantly bold to speak the word of God without fear. 1.18. What does it matter? Only that in every way, whether in pretense or in truth, Christ is proclaimed. I rejoice in this, yes, and will rejoice. 1.25. Having this confidence, I know that I will remain, yes, and remain with you all, for your progress and joy in the faith, 1.27. Only let your manner of life be worthy of the gospel of Christ, that, whether I come and see you or am absent, I may hear of your state, that you stand firm in one spirit, with one soul striving for the faith of the gospel; 2.1. If there is therefore any exhortation in Christ, if any consolation of love, if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any tender mercies and compassion, 2.2. make my joy full, by being like-minded, having the same love, being of one accord, of one mind; 2.3. doing nothing through rivalry or through conceit, but in humility, each counting others better than himself; 2.8. And being found in human form, he humbled himself, becoming obedient to death, yes, the death of the cross. 2.17. Yes, and if I am poured out on the sacrifice and service of your faith, I rejoice, and rejoice with you all. 2.24. But I trust in the Lord that I myself also will come shortly. 2.25. But I counted it necessary to send to you Epaphroditus, my brother, fellow worker, fellow soldier, and your apostle and minister to my need; 2.27. For indeed he was sick, nearly to death, but God had mercy on him; and not on him only, but on me also, that I might not have sorrow on sorrow. 2.28. I have sent him therefore the more diligently, that, when you see him again, you may rejoice, and that I may be the less sorrowful. 2.29. Receive him therefore in the Lord with all joy, and hold such in honor, 3.1. Finally, my brothers, rejoice in the Lord. To write the same things to you, to me indeed is not tiresome, but for you it is safe. 4.1. Therefore, my brothers, beloved and longed for, my joy and crown, so stand firm in the Lord, my beloved. 4.2. I exhort Euodia, and I exhort Syntyche, to think the same way in the Lord. 4.3. Yes, I beg you also, true yoke-fellow, help these women, for they labored with me in the gospel, with Clement also, and the rest of my fellow workers, whose names are in the book of life. 4.4. Rejoice in the Lord always! Again I will say, Rejoice! 4.10. But I rejoice in the Lord greatly, that now at length you have revived your thought for me; in which you did indeed take thought, but you lacked opportunity. 4.11. Not that I speak in respect to lack, for I have learned in whatever state I am, to be content in it. 4.12. I know how to be humbled, and I know also how to abound. In everything and in all things I have learned the secret both to be filled and to be hungry, both to abound and to be in need. 4.13. I can do all things through Christ, who strengthens me. 4.14. However you did well that you had fellowship with my affliction. 4.15. You yourselves also know, you Philippians, that in the beginning of the gospel, when I departed from Macedonia, no assembly had fellowship with me in the matter of giving and receiving but you only. 4.16. For even in Thessalonica you sent once and again to my need. 4.17. Not that I seek for the gift, but I seek for the fruit that increases to your account. 4.18. But I have all things, and abound. I am filled, having received from Epaphroditus the things that came from you, a sweet-smelling fragrance, an acceptable and well-pleasing sacrifice to God. 4.19. My God will supply every need of yours according to his riches in glory in Christ Jesus. 4.20. Now to our God and Father be the glory forever and ever! Amen.

139. New Testament, Luke, 1.2-1.3, 3.3-3.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 188

1.2. καθὼς παρέδοσαν ἡμῖν οἱ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται γενόμενοι τοῦ λόγου, 1.3. ἔδοξε κἀμοὶ παρηκολουθηκότι ἄνωθεν πᾶσιν ἀκριβῶς καθεξῆς σοι γράψαι, κράτιστε Θεόφιλε, 3.3. καὶ ἦλθεν εἰς πᾶσαν περίχωρον τοῦ Ἰορδάνου κηρύσσων βάπτισμα μετανοίας εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν, 3.4. ὡς γέγραπται ἐν βίβλῳ λόγων Ἠσαίου τοῦ προφήτου φωνὴ βοῶντος ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ Ἑτοιμάσατε τὴν ὁδὸν Κυρίου, εὐθείας ποιεῖτε τὰς τρίβους αὐτοῦ. 3.5. πᾶσα φάραγξ πληρωθήσεται καὶ πᾶν ὄρος καὶ βουνὸς ταπεινωθήσεται, καὶ ἔσται τὰ σκολιὰ εἰς εὐθείας καὶ αἱ τραχεῖαι εἰς ὁδοὺς λείας· 3.6. καὶ ὄψεται πᾶσα σὰρξ τὸ σωτήριον τοῦ θεοῦ. 3.7. Ἔλεγεν οὖν τοῖς ἐκπορευομένοις ὄχλοις βαπτισθῆναι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Γεννήματα ἐχιδνῶν, τίς ὑπέδειξεν ὑμῖν φυγεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς μελλούσης ὀργῆς; 3.8. ποιήσατε οὖν καρποὺς ἀξίους τῆς μετανοίας· καὶ μὴ ἄρξησθε λέγειν ἐν ἑαυτοῖς Πατέρα ἔχομεν τὸν Ἀβραάμ, λέγω γὰρ ὑμῖν ὅτι δύναται ὁ θεὸς ἐκ τῶν λίθων τούτων ἐγεῖραι τέκνα τῷ Ἀβραάμ. 3.9. ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἡ ἀξίνη πρὸς τὴν ῥίζαν τῶν δένδρων κεῖται· πᾶν οὖν δένδρον μὴ ποιοῦν καρπὸν [καλὸν] ἐκκόπτεται καὶ εἰς πῦρ βάλλεται. 3.10. καὶ ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν οἱ ὄχλοι λέγοντες Τί οὖν ποιήσωμεν; 3.11. ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Ὁ ἔχων δύο χιτῶνας μεταδότω τῷ μὴ ἔχοντι, καὶ ὁ ἔχων βρώματα ὁμοίως ποιείτω. 3.12. ἦλθον δὲ καὶ τελῶναι βαπτισθῆναι καὶ εἶπαν πρὸς αὐτόν Διδάσκαλε, τί ποιήσωμεν; 3.13. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Μηδὲν πλέον παρὰ τὸ διατεταγμένον ὑμῖν πράσσετε. 3.14. ἐπηρώτων δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ στρατευόμενοι λέγοντες Τί ποιήσωμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς; καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Μηδένα διασείσητε μηδὲ συκοφαντήσητε, καὶ ἀρκεῖσθε τοῖς ὀψωνίοις ὑμῶν. 3.15. Προσδοκῶντος δὲ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ διαλογιζομένων πάντων ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν περὶ τοῦ Ἰωάνου, μή ποτε αὐτὸς εἴη ὁ χριστός, 3.16. ἀπεκρίνατο λέγων πᾶσιν ὁ Ἰωάνης Ἐγὼ μὲν ὕδατι βαπτίζω ὑμᾶς· ἔρχεται δὲ ὁ ἰσχυρότερός μου, οὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἱκανὸς λῦσαι τὸν ἱμάντα τῶν ὑποδημάτων αὐτοῦ· αὐτὸς ὑμᾶς βαπτίσει ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ καὶ πυρί· 3.17. οὗ τὸ πτύον ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ διακαθᾶραι τὴν ἅλωνα αὐτοῦ καὶ συναγαγεῖν τὸν σῖτον εἰς τὴν ἀποθήκην αὐτοῦ, τὸ δὲ ἄχυρον κατακαύσει πυρὶ ἀσβέστῳ. 3.18. Πολλὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἕτερα παρακαλῶν εὐηγγελίζετο τὸν λαόν· 3.19. ὁ δὲ Ἡρῴδης ὁ τετραάρχης, ἐλεγχόμενος ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ περὶ Ἡρῳδιάδος τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ πάντων ὧν ἐποίησεν πονηρῶν ὁ Ἡρῴδης, 3.20. προσέθηκεν καὶ τοῦτο ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, κατέκλεισεν τὸν Ἰωάνην ἐν φυλακῇ. 3.21. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ βαπτισθῆναι ἅπαντα τὸν λαὸν καὶ Ἰησοῦ βαπτισθέντος καὶ προσευχομένου ἀνεῳχθῆναι τὸν οὐρανὸν 3.22. καὶ καταβῆναι τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον σωματικῷ εἴδει ὡς περιστερὰν ἐπʼ αὐτόν, καὶ φωνὴν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ γενέσθαι Σὺ εἶ ὁ υἱός μου ὁ ἀγαπητός, ἐν σοὶ εὐδόκησα.

1.2. even as those who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers of the word delivered them to us, 1.3. it seemed good to me also, having traced the course of all things accurately from the first, to write to you in order, most excellent Theophilus; 3.3. He came into all the region around the Jordan, preaching the baptism of repentance for remission of sins. 3.4. As it is written in the book of the words of Isaiah the prophet, "The voice of one crying in the wilderness, 'Make ready the way of the Lord. Make his paths straight. 3.5. Every valley will be filled. Every mountain and hill will be brought low. The crooked will become straight, And the rough ways smooth. 3.6. All flesh will see God's salvation.'" 3.7. He said therefore to the multitudes who went out to be baptized by him, "You offspring of vipers, who warned you to flee from the wrath to come? 3.8. Bring forth therefore fruits worthy of repentance, and don't begin to say among yourselves, 'We have Abraham for our father;' for I tell you that God is able to raise up children to Abraham from these stones! 3.9. Even now the ax also lies at the root of the trees. Every tree therefore that doesn't bring forth good fruit is cut down, and thrown into the fire." 3.10. The multitudes asked him, "What then must we do?" 3.11. He answered them, "He who has two coats, let him give to him who has none. He who has food, let him do likewise." 3.12. Tax collectors also came to be baptized, and they said to him, "Teacher, what must we do?" 3.13. He said to them, "Collect no more than that which is appointed to you." 3.14. Soldiers also asked him, saying, "What about us? What must we do?"He said to them, "Extort from no one by violence, neither accuse anyone wrongfully. Be content with your wages." 3.15. As the people were in expectation, and all men reasoned in their hearts concerning John, whether perhaps he was the Christ, 3.16. John answered them all, "I indeed baptize you with water, but he comes who is mightier than I, the latchet of whose sandals I am not worthy to loosen. He will baptize you in the Holy Spirit and fire, 3.17. whose fan is in his hand, and he will thoroughly cleanse his threshing floor, and will gather the wheat into his barn; but he will burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire." 3.18. Then with many other exhortations he preached good news to the people, 3.19. but Herod the tetrarch, being reproved by him for Herodias, his brother's wife, and for all the evil things which Herod had done, 3.20. added this also to them all, that he shut up John in prison. 3.21. Now it happened, when all the people were baptized, Jesus also had been baptized, and was praying. The sky was opened, 3.22. and the Holy Spirit descended in a bodily form as a dove on him; and a voice came out of the sky, saying "You are my beloved Son. In you I am well pleased."

140. Longinus, On The Sublime, 14.11, 15.2-15.3, 26.2, 40.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, critical of thucydides’ style •dionysius of halicarnassus, on grandeur of thucydides •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, imitation of herodotus by •dionysius of halicarnassus, mimesis and imitation •dionysius of halicarnassus, rhetorical works •dionysius of halicarnassus, on composition Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 10; Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 262, 263; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 58; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 135

141. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 176, 177; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 362, 548, 549; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 37; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 372, 401, 404

1.5. 2. Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to all the Greeks worthy of their study; for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures. 1.6. And indeed I did formerly intend, when I wrote of the war, to explain who the Jews originally were,—what fortunes they had been subject to,—and by what legislator they had been instructed in piety, and the exercise of other virtues,—what wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were unwillingly engaged in this last with the Romans: 1.108. Hesiod also, and Hecatseus, Hellanicus, and Acusilaus; and, besides these, Ephorus and Nicolaus relate that the ancients lived a thousand years. But as to these matters, let every one look upon them as he thinks fit. 2.88. Joseph then added this his advice: To spare the good crops, and not permit the Egyptians to spend them luxuriously, but to reserve what they would have spent in luxury beyond their necessity against the time of want. He also exhorted him to take the corn of the husbandmen, and give them only so much as will be sufficient for their food. 2.349. 6. On the next day Moses gathered together the weapons of the Egyptians, which were brought to the camp of the Hebrews by the current of the sea, and the force of the winds assisting it; and he conjectured that this also happened by Divine Providence, that so they might not be destitute of weapons. So when he had ordered the Hebrews to arm themselves with them, he led them to Mount Sinai, in order to offer sacrifice to God, and to render oblations for the salvation of the multitude, as he was charged to do beforehand. 3.74. nay, he has named Raguel in the books he wrote, as the person who invented this ordering of the people, as thinking it right to give a true testimony to worthy persons, although he might have gotten reputation by ascribing to himself the inventions of other men; whence we may learn the virtuous disposition of Moses: but of such his disposition, we shall have proper occasion to speak in other places of these books. 3.81. Now, as to these matters, every one of my readers may think as he pleases; but I am under a necessity of relating this history as it is described in the sacred books. This sight, and the amazing sound that came to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a prodigious degree, 3.268. Accordingly, it is a plain case, that it is out of violent prejudice only that they report these things about us. But Moses was pure from any such distemper, and lived with countrymen who were pure of it also, and thence made the laws which concerned others that had the distemper. He did this for the honor of God. But as to these matters, let every one consider them after what manner he pleases. 3.269. 5. As to the women, when they have born a child, Moses forbade them to come into the temple, or touch the sacrifices, before forty days were over, supposing it to be a boy; but if she hath born a girl, the law is that she cannot be admitted before twice that number of days be over. And when after the before-mentioned time appointed for them, they perform their sacrifices, the priests distribute them before God. 3.322. Whence we are not to wonder at what was then done, while to this very day the writings left by Moses have so great a force, that even those that hate us do confess, that he who established this settlement was God, and that it was by the means of Moses, and of his virtue; but as to these matters, let every one take them as he thinks fit. 4.158. And while it was in his power to claim this glory to himself, and make men believe they were his own predictions, there being no one that could be a witness against him, and accuse him for so doing, he still gave his attestation to him, and did him the honor to make mention of him on this account. But let every one think of these matters as he pleases. 4.326. and as he was going to embrace Eleazar and Joshua, and was still discoursing with them, a cloud stood over him on the sudden, and he disappeared in a certain valley, although he wrote in the holy books that he died, which was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say that, because of his extraordinary virtue, he went to God. 5.179. 2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains, that misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceeded in part from their contempt of the divine worship; for when they had once fallen off from the regularity of their political government, they indulged themselves further in living according to their own pleasure, and according to their own will, till they were full of the evil doings that were common among the Canaanites. 5.180. God therefore was angry with them, and they lost that their happy state which they had obtained by innumerable labors, by their luxury; for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had made war against them, they lost many of their soldiers in the battle, and when they were besieged, they were taken by force; 6.34. for these men turning aside from their father’s good courses, and taking a course that was contrary to them, perverted justice for the ‘filthy lucre of gifts and bribes, and made their determinations not according to truth, but according to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and a costly way of living; so that as, in the first place, they practiced what was contrary to the will of God, so did they, in the second place, what was contrary to the will of the prophet their father, who had taken a great deal of care, and made a very careful provision that the multitude should be righteous. 8.224. And now I will relate first the actions of Jeroboam the king of Israel, after which we will relate what are therewith connected, the actions of Rehoboam, the king of the two tribes; by this means we shall preserve the good order of the history entire. 8.262. He says withal that the Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy parts from the Egyptians, with this addition, that the Phoenicians and Syrians that live in Palestine confess that they learned it of the Egyptians. Yet it is evident that no other of the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us alone, are circumcised. But as to such matters, let every one speak what is agreeable to his own opinion. 8.265. and this was the conclusion of these affairs. It must be now our business to relate the affairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended his life; for he ceased not nor rested to be injurious to God, but every day raised up altars upon high mountains, and went on making priests out of the multitude. 8.266. 1. However, God was in no long time ready to return Jeroboam’s wicked actions, and the punishment they deserved, upon his own head, and upon the heads of all his house. And whereas a soil of his lay sick at that time, who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife to lay aside her robes, and to take the garments belonging to a private person, and to go to Ahijah the prophet, 8.267. for that he was a wonderful man in foretelling futurities, it having been he who told me that I should be king. He also enjoined her, when she came to him, to inquire concerning the child, as if she were a stranger, whether he should escape this distemper. So she did as her husband bade her, and changed her habit, and came to the city Shiloh, for there did Ahijah live. 8.268. And as she was going into his house, his eyes being then dim with age, God appeared to him, and informed him of two things; that the wife of Jeroboam was come to him, and what answer he should make to her inquiry. 8.269. Accordingly, as the woman was coming into the house like a private person and a stranger, he cried out, “Come in, O thou wife of Jeroboam! Why concealest thou thyself? Thou art not concealed from God, who hath appeared to me, and informed me that thou wast coming, and hath given me in command what I shall say to thee.” So he said that she should go away to her husband, and speak to him thus: 8.270. “Since I made thee a great man when thou wast little, or rather wast nothing, and rent the kingdom from the house of David, and gave it to thee, and thou hast been unmindful of these benefits, hast left off my worship, hast made thee molten gods and honored them, I will in like manner cast thee down again, and will destroy all thy house, and make them food for the dogs and the fowls; 8.271. for a certain king is rising up, by appointment, over all this people, who shall leave none of the family of Jeroboam remaining. The multitude also shall themselves partake of the same punishment, and shall be cast out of this good land, and shall be scattered into the places beyond Euphrates, because they have followed the wicked practices of their king, and have worshipped the gods that he made, and forsaken my sacrifices. 8.272. But do thou, O woman, make haste back to thy husband, and tell him this message; but thou shalt then find thy son dead, for as thou enterest the city he shall depart this life; yet shall he be buried with the lamentation of all the multitude, and honored with a general mourning, for he was the only person of goodness of Jeroboam’s family.” 8.273. When the prophet had foretold these events, the woman went hastily away with a disordered mind, and greatly grieved at the death of the forenamed child. So she was in lamentation as she went along the road, and mourned for the death of her son, that was just at hand. She was indeed in a miserable condition at the unavoidable misery of his death, and went apace, but in circumstances very unfortunate, because of her son: for the greater haste she made, she would the sooner see her son dead, yet was she forced to make such haste on account of her husband. Accordingly, when she was come back, she found that the child had given up the ghost, as the prophet had said; and she related all the circumstances to the king. 8.274. 2. Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these things to heart, but he brought together a very numerous army, and made a warlike expedition against Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, who had succeeded his father in the kingdom of the two tribes; for he despised him because of his age. But when he heard of the expedition of Jeroboam, he was not affrighted at it, but proved of a courageous temper of mind, superior both to his youth and to the hopes of his enemy; so he chose him an army out of the two tribes, and met Jeroboam at a place called Mount Zemaraim, and pitched his camp near the other, and prepared everything necessary for the fight. 8.275. His army consisted of four hundred thousand, but the army of Jeroboam was double to it. Now as the armies stood in array, ready for action and dangers, and were just going to fight, Abijah stood upon an elevated place, and beckoning with his hand, he desired the multitude and Jeroboam himself to hear first with silence what he had to say. 8.276. And when silence was made, he began to speak, and told them,—“God had consented that David and his posterity should be their rulers for all time to come, and this you yourselves are not unacquainted with; but I cannot but wonder how you should forsake my father, and join yourselves to his servant Jeroboam, and are now here with him to fight against those who, by God’s own determination, are to reign, and to deprive them of that dominion which they have still retained; for as to the greater part of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession of it. 8.277. However, I do not suppose he will enjoy it any longer; but when he hath suffered that punishment which God thinks due to him for what is past, he will leave off the transgressions he hath been guilty of, and the injuries he hath offered to him, and which he hath still continued to offer and hath persuaded you to do the same: yet when you were not any further unjustly treated by my father, than that he did not speak to you so as to please you, and this only in compliance with the advice of wicked men, you in anger forsook him, as you pretended, but, in reality, you withdrew yourselves from God, and from his laws, 8.278. although it had been right for you to have forgiven a man that was young in age, and not used to govern people, not only some disagreeable words, but if his youth and unskilfulness in affairs had led him into some unfortunate actions, and that for the sake of his father Solomon, and the benefits you received from him; for men ought to excuse the sins of posterity on account of the benefactions of parent; 8.279. but you considered nothing of all this then, neither do you consider it now, but come with so great an army against us. And what is it you depend upon for victory? Is it upon these golden heifers, and the altars that you have on high places, which are demonstrations of your impiety, and not of religious worship? Or is it the exceeding multitude of your army which gives you such good hopes? 8.280. Yet certainly there is no strength at all in an army of many ten thousands, when the war is unjust; for we ought to place our surest hopes of success against our enemies in righteousness alone, and in piety towards God; which hope we justly have, since we have kept the laws from the beginning, and have worshipped our own God, who was not made by hands out of corruptible matter; nor was he formed by a wicked king, in order to deceive the multitude; but who is his own workmanship, and the beginning and end of all things. 8.281. I therefore give you counsel even now to repent, and to take better advice, and to leave off the prosecution of the war; to call to mind the laws of your country, and to reflect what it hath been that hath advanced you to so happy a state as you are now in.” 8.282. 3. This was the speech which Abijah made to the multitude. But while he was still speaking Jeroboam sent some of his soldiers privately to encompass Abijab round about, on certain parts of the camp that were not taken notice of; and when he was thus within the compass of the enemy, his army was affrighted, and their courage failed them; but Abijah encouraged them, and exhorted them to place their hopes on God, for that he was not encompassed by the enemy. 8.283. So they all at once implored the divine assistance, while the priests sounded with the trumpet, and they made a shout, and fell upon their enemies, 8.284. and God brake the courage and cast down the force of their enemies, and made Ahijah’s army superior to them; for God vouchsafed to grant them a wonderful and very famous victory; and such a slaughter was now made of Jeroboam’s army as is never recorded to have happened in any other war, whether it were of the Greeks or of the Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] five hundred thousand of their enemies, and they took their strongest cities by force, and spoiled them; and besides those, they did the same to Bethel and her towns, and Jeshanah and her towns. 8.285. And after this defeat Jeroboam never recovered himself during the life of Abijah, who yet did not long survive, for he reigned but three years, and was buried in Jerusalem in the sepulchers of his forefathers. He left behind him twenty-two sons, and sixteen daughters; and he had also those children by fourteen wives; 8.286. and Asa his son succeeded in the kingdom; and the young man’s mother was Michaiah. Under his reign the country of the Israelites enjoyed peace for ten years. 8.287. 4. And so far concerning Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, as his history hath come down to us. But Jeroboam, the king of the ten tribes, died when he had governed them twoandtwenty years; whose son Nadab succeeded him, in the second year of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam’s son governed two years, and resembled his father in impiety and wickedness. 8.288. In these two years he made an expedition against Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines, and continued the siege in order to take it; but he was conspired against while he was there by a friend of his, whose name was Baasha, the son of Ahijah, and was slain; which Baasha took the kingdom after the other’s death, and destroyed the whole house of Jeroboam. 8.289. It also came to pass, according as God had foretold, that some of Jeroboam’s kindred that died in the city were torn to pieces and devoured by dogs, and that others of them that died in the fields were torn and devoured by the fowls. So the house of Jeroboam suffered the just punishment of his impiety, and of his wicked actions. 9.28. Now at this time it was that Elijah disappeared from among men, and no one knows of his death to this very day; but he left behind him his disciple Elisha, as we have formerly declared. And indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who was before the deluge, it is written in the sacred books that they disappeared, but so that nobody knew that they died. 10.266. But it is fit to give an account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail, 10.281. Now as to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any blame from me. 17.354. So Archelaus’s country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people’s effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus. 18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; 19.108. while it was in his power, after such success, to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius’s defenders, and not to leave it to uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at or not, and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him. But every body may guess as he please about this matter.

142. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.365, 1.377, 2.650, 3.142, 3.171-3.175, 3.186-3.188, 3.271-3.275, 3.352-3.354, 3.362-3.382, 4.297, 4.623, 5.257, 5.377, 5.415, 6.250, 6.313-6.314 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 340; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 119; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 176, 177

1.365. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other. 1.377. do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of iimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import anything further to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? 2.650. There were also such omens observed as were understood to be forerunners of evils by such as loved peace, but were by those that kindled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a place doomed to destruction. 3.142. Now these workmen accomplished what they were about in four days’ time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius (Jyar), Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. 3.171. 10. And when the bank was now raised, and brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city’s preservation; so he got together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher; 3.172. and while they said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them: 3.173. He bid them fix piles, and expand before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen, 3.174. and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, till it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements. 3.175. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus’s contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city. 3.186. 13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to deliver up the city to him; 3.187. but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water. 3.188. At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender, 3.271. 28. Then did Josephus take necessity for his counselor in this utmost distress (which necessity is very sagacious in invention when it is irritated by despair), and gave orders to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them. 3.272. Whereupon they soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: 3.273. this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled down from the wall with horrid pains, 3.274. for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot, under their entire armor, and fed upon their flesh like flame itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; 3.275. and as the men were cooped up in their headpieces and breastplates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them. 3.352. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: 3.353. and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, 3.354. and said, “Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.” 3.362. when he said thus to them:—“O my friends, why are we so earnest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and body, which are such dear companions, at such variance? 3.363. Can anyone pretend that I am not the man I was formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter stands well enough. It is a brave thing to die in war; but so that it be according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors. 3.364. If, therefore, I avoid death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own sword, and my own hand; but if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy, how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves? For it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with them for doing to us. 3.365. I confess freely that it is a brave thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be in war, and done by those who take that liberty from us; but in the present case our enemies do neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us. Now, he is equally a coward who will not die when he is obliged to die, and he who will die when he is not obliged so to do. 3.366. What are we afraid of, when we will not go up to the Romans? Is it death? 3.367. If so, what we are afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on ourselves for certain? But it may be said we must be slaves. 3.368. And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord. 3.369. Now, self-murder is a crime most remote from the common nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our Creator; 3.370. nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by its own means, for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our enemies, and those that do it by treachery are punished for so doing. 3.371. And do not you think that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him? For from him it is that we have received our being, and we ought to leave it to his disposal to take that being away from us. 3.372. The bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if anyone destroys or abuses a depositum he hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if anyone cast out of his body this Divine depositum, can we imagine that he who is thereby affronted does not know of it. 3.373. Moreover, our law justly ordains that slaves which run away from their masters shall be punished, though the masters they run away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavor to run away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not think ourselves highly guilty of impiety? 3.374. Do not you know that those who depart out of this life, according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; 3.375. while the souls of those whose hands have acted madly against themselves are received by the darkest place in Hades, and while God, who is their Father, punishes those that offend against either of them in their posterity? 3.376. for which reason God hates such doings, and the crime is punished by our most wise legislator. 3.377. Accordingly, our laws determine that the bodies of such as kill themselves should be exposed till the sun be set, without burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies [sooner]. 3.378. The laws of other nations also enjoin such men’s hands to be cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is the hand alien from the body. 3.379. It is therefore, my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring upon us impiety towards our Creator. 3.380. If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it; for to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many demonstrations of our courage, is no way inglorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us. 3.381. For my part, I will not run over to our enemies’ quarters, in order to be a traitor to myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that deserted to the enemy, since they did it in order to save themselves, and I should do it for destruction, for my own destruction. 3.382. However, I heartily wish the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter; for if, after their offer of their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me the sense of their perfidiousness, as a consolation greater than victory itself.” 4.297. which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulness of Aus, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he might himself perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with him; 4.623. for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many everywhere, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; 5.257. for I venture to affirm that the sedition destroyed the city, and the Romans destroyed the sedition, which it was a much harder thing to do than to destroy the walls; so that we may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own people, and the just vengeance taken on them to the Romans; as to which matter let every one determine by the actions on both sides. 5.377. and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? 5.415. However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. 6.250. But as for that house, God had, for certain, long ago doomed it to the fire; and now that fatal day was come, according to the revolution of ages; it was the tenth day of the month Lous, [Ab,] upon which it was formerly burnt by the king of Babylon; 6.313. The Jews took this prediction to belong to themselves in particular, and many of the wise men were thereby deceived in their determination. Now, this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea. 6.314. However, it is not possible for men to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand.

143. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.6-1.13, 1.37, 2.145-2.295 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, josephus’ indebtedness to Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 177; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 547, 548; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 7

1.6. 2. And now, in the first place, I cannot but greatly wonder at those men who suppose that we must attend to none but Grecians, when we are inquiring about the most ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of their truth from them only, while we must not believe ourselves nor other men; for I am convinced that the very reverse is the truth of the case. I mean this,—if we will not be led by vain opinions, but will make inquiry after truth from facts themselves; 1.7. for they will find, that almost all which concerns the Greeks happened not long ago; nay, one may say, is of yesterday only. I speak of the building of their cities, the invention of their arts, and the description of their laws; and as for their care about the writing down of their histories, it is very near the last thing they set about. 1.8. However, they acknowledge themselves so far, that they were the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians (for I will not now reckon ourselves among them) that have preserved the memorials of the most ancient and most lasting traditions of mankind; 1.9. for almost all these nations inhabit such countries as are least subject to destruction from the world about them; and these also have taken especial care to have nothing omitted of what was [remarkably] done among them; but their history was esteemed sacred, and put into public tables, as written by men of the greatest wisdom they had among them; 1.10. but as for the place where the Grecians inhabit, ten thousand destructions have overtaken it, and blotted out the memory of former actions; so that they were ever beginning a new way of living, and supposed that every one of them was the origin of their new state. It was also late, and with difficulty, that they came to know the letters they now use; for those who would advance their use of these letters to the greatest antiquity pretend that they learned them from the Phoenicians and from Cadmus; 1.11. yet is nobody able to demonstrate that they have any writing preserved from that time, neither in their temples, nor in any other public monuments. This appears, because the time when those lived who went to the Trojan war, so many years afterward, is in great doubt, and great inquiry is made whether the Greeks used their letters at that time; and the most prevailing opinion, and that nearest the truth, is, that their present way of using those letters was unknown at that time. 1.12. However, there is not any writing which the Greeks agree to be genuine among them ancienter than Homer’s Poems, who must plainly be confessed later than the siege of Troy; nay, the report goes, that even he did not leave his poems in writing, but that their memory was preserved in songs, and they were put together afterward; and this is the reason of such a number of variations as are found in them. 1.13. As for those who set themselves about writing their histories, I mean such as Cadmus of Miletus, and Acusilaus of Argos, and any others that may be mentioned as succeeding Acusilaus, they lived but a little while before the Persian expedition into Greece. 1.37. and this is justly, or rather necessarily done, because every one is not permitted of his own accord to be a writer, nor is there any disagreement in what is written; they being only prophets that have written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned them of God himself by inspiration; and others have written what hath happened in their own times, and that in a very distinct manner also. 8. 2.145. 15. But now, since Apollonius Molo, and Lysimachus, and some others, write treatises about our lawgiver Moses, and about our laws, which are neither just nor true, and this partly out of ignorance, but chiefly out of ill will to us, while they calumniate Moses as an impostor and deceiver, and pretend that our laws teach us wickedness, but nothing that is virtuous, I have a mind to discourse briefly, according to my ability, about our whole constitution of government, and about the particular branches of it; 2.146. for I suppose it will thence become evident that the laws we have given us are disposed after the best manner for the advancement of piety, for mutual communion with one another, for a general love of mankind, as also for justice, and for sustaining labors with fortitude, and for a contempt of death; 2.147. and I beg of those that shall peruse this writing of mine, to read it without partiality; for it is not my purpose to write an encomium upon ourselves, but I shall esteem this as a most just apology for us, and taken from those our laws, according to which we lead our lives, against the many and the lying objections that have been made against us. 2.148. Moreover, since this Apollonius does not do like Apion, and lay a continued accusation against us, but does it only by starts, and up and down his discourse, while he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth with our want of courage, and yet sometimes, on the contrary, accuses us of too great boldness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says that we are the weakest of all the barbarians, and that this is the reason why we are the only people who have made no improvements in human life; 2.149. now I think I shall have then sufficiently disproved all these his allegations, when it shall appear that our laws enjoin the very reverse of what he says, and that we very carefully observe those laws ourselves; 2.150. and if I be compelled to make mention of the laws of other nations, that are contrary to ours, those ought deservedly to thank themselves for it, who have pretended to depreciate our laws in comparison of their own; nor will there, I think, be any room after that for them to pretend, either that we have no such laws ourselves, an epitome of which I will present to the reader, or that we do not, above all men, continue in the observation of them. /p 2.151. 16. To begin then a good way backward, I would advance this, in the first place, that those who have been admirers of good order, and of living under common laws, and who began to introduce them, may well have this testimony that they are better than other men, both for moderation, and such virtue as is agreeable to nature. 2.152. Indeed, their endeavor was to have every thing they ordained believed to be very ancient, that they might not be thought to imitate others, but might appear to have delivered a regular way of living to others after them. 2.153. Since then this is the case, the excellency of a legislator is seen in providing for the people’s living after the best manner, and in prevailing with those that are to use the laws he ordains for them, to have a good opinion of them, and in obliging the multitude to persevere in them, and to make no changes in them, neither in prosperity nor adversity. 2.154. Now I venture to say, that our legislator is the most ancient of all the legislators whom we have any where heard of; for as for the Lycurguses, and Solons, and Zaleucus Locrensis, and all those legislators who are so admired by the Greeks, they seem to be of yesterday, if compared with our legislator, insomuch as the very name of a law was not so much as known in old times among the Grecians. 2.155. Homer is a witness to the truth of this observation, who never uses that term in all his poems; for indeed there was then no such thing among them, but the multitude was governed by wise maxims, and by the injunctions of their king. It was also a long time that they continued in the use of these unwritten customs, although they were always changing them upon several occasions; 2.156. but for our legislator, who was of so much greater antiquity than the rest (as even those that speak against us upon all occasions do always confess), he exhibited himself to the people as their best governor and counsellor, and included in his legislation the entire conduct of their lives, and prevailed with them to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that those that were made acquainted with his laws did most carefully observe them. /p 2.157. 17. But let us consider his first and greatest work: for when it was resolved on by our forefathers to leave Egypt and return to their own country, this Moses took the many ten thousands that were of the people, and saved them out of many desperate distresses, and brought them home in safety. And certainly it was here necessary to travel over a country without water, and full of sand, to overcome their enemies, and, during these battles, to preserve their children and their wives, and their prey; 2.158. on all which occasions he became an excellent general of an army, and a most prudent counsellor, and one that took the truest care of them all: he also so brought it about, that the whole multitude depended upon him; and while he had them always obedient to what he enjoined, he made no manner of use of his authority for his own private advantage, which is the usual time when governors gain great powers to themselves, and pave the way for tyranny, and accustom the multitude to live very dissolutely; 2.159. whereas, when our legislator was in so great authority, he on the contrary, thought he ought to have regard to piety, and to show his great good will to the people; and by this means he thought he might show the great degree of virtue that was in him, and might procure the most lasting security to those who had made him their governor. 2.160. When he had therefore come to such a good resolution, and had performed such wonderful exploits, we had just reason to look upon ourselves as having him for a divine governor and counsellor; and when he had first persuaded himself that his actions and designs were agreeable to God’s will, he thought it his duty to impress, above all things, that notion upon the multitude; for those who have once believed that God is the inspector of their lives, will not permit themselves in any sin; 2.161. and this is the character of our legislator; he was no impostor, no deceiver, as his revilers say, though unjustly, but such a one as they brag Minos to have been among the Greeks, and other legislators after him; 2.162. for some of them suppose that they had their laws from Jupiter, while Minos said that the revelation of his laws was to be referred to Apollo, and his oracle at Delphi, whether they really thought they were so derived, or supposed, however, that they could persuade the people easily that so it was; 2.163. but which of these it was who made the best laws, and which had the greatest reason to believe that God was their author, it will be easy, upon comparing those laws themselves together, to determine; for it is time that we come to that point. 2.164. Now there are innumerable differences in the particular customs and laws that are among all mankind, which a man may briefly reduce under the following heads:—Some legislators have permitted their governments to be under monarchies, others put them under oligarchies, and others under a republican form; 2.165. but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God, 2.166. and by persuading all the people to have a regard to him, as the author of all the good things that were enjoyed either in common by all mankind, or by each one in particular, and of all that they themselves obtained by praying to him in their greatest difficulties. He informed them that it was impossible to escape God’s observation, even in any of our outward actions, or in any of our inward thoughts. 2.167. Moreover, he represented God as unbegotten, and immutable, through all eternity, superior to all mortal conceptions in pulchritude; and, though known to us by his power, yet unknown to us as to his essence. 2.168. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the sentiments of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify, with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and Anaxagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philosophers that succeeded them, and almost all the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the nature of God; 2.169. yet durst not these men disclose those true notions to more than a few, because the body of the people were prejudiced with other opinions beforehand. But our legislator, who made his actions agree to his laws, did not only prevail with those that were his contemporaries to agree with these his notions, but so firmly imprinted this faith in God upon all their posterity, that it never could be removed. 2.170. The reason why the constitution of this legislation was ever better directed to the utility of all than other legislations were, is this, that Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and he ordained other virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice, and fortitude, and temperance, and a universal agreement of the members of the community with one another; 2.171. for all our actions and studies, and all our words [in Moses’s settlement] have a reference to piety towards God; for he hath left none of these in suspense, or undetermined; for there are two ways of coming at any sort of learning and a moral conduct of life; the one is by instruction in words, the other by practical exercises. 2.172. Now, other lawgivers have separated these two ways in their opinions, and choosing one of those ways of instruction, or that which best pleased every one of them, neglected the other. Thus did the Lacedemonians and the Cretans teach by practical exercises, but not by words: while the Athenians, and almost all the other Grecians, made laws about what was to be done, or left undone, but had no regard to the exercising them thereto in practice. /p 2.173. 18. But for our legislator, he very carefully joined these two methods of instruction together; for he neither left these practical exercises to go on without verbal instruction, nor did he permit the hearing of the law to proceed without the exercises for practice; but beginning immediately from the earliest infancy, and the appointment of every one’s diet, he left nothing of the very smallest consequence to be done at the pleasure and disposal of the person himself. 2.174. Accordingly, he made a fixed rule of law what sorts of food they should abstain from, and what sorts they should make use of; as also, what communion they should have with others, what great diligence they should use in their occupations, and what times of rest should be interposed, that, by living under that law as under a father and a master, we might be guilty of no sin, neither voluntary nor out of ignorance; 2.175. for he did not suffer the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated the law to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others, permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to assemble together for the hearing of the law, and learning it exactly, and this not once or twice, or oftener, but every week; which thing all the other legislators seem to have neglected. /p 2.176. 19. And indeed, the greatest part of mankind are so far from living according to their own laws, that they hardly know them; but when they have sinned they learn from others that they have transgressed the law. 2.177. Those also who are in the highest and principal posts of the government, confess they are not acquainted with those laws, and are obliged to take such persons for their assessors in public administrations as profess to have skill in those laws; 2.178. but for our people, if any body do but ask any one of them about our laws, he will more readily tell them all than he will tell his own name, and this in consequence of our having learned them immediately as soon as ever we became sensible of any thing, and of our having them, as it were engraven on our souls. Our transgressors of them are but few; and it is impossible, when any do offend, to escape punishment. /p 2.179. 20. And this very thing it is that principally creates such a wonderful agreement of minds amongst us all; for this entire agreement of ours in all our notions concerning God, and our having no difference in our course of life and manners, procures among us the most excellent concord of these our manners that is any where among mankind; 2.180. for no other people but we Jews have avoided all discourses about God that any way contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations; and this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them have taken away his providence over mankind. 2.181. Nor can any one perceive amongst us any difference in the conduct of our lives; but all our works are common to us all. We have one sort of discourse concerning God, which is conformable to our law, and affirms that he sees all things; as also, we have but one way of speaking concerning the conduct of our lives, that all other things ought to have piety for their end; and this any body may hear from our women, and servants themselves. 2.182. 21. And indeed, hence hath arisen that accusation which some make against us, that we have not produced men that have been the inventors of new operations, or of new ways of speaking; for others think it a fine thing to persevere in nothing that has been delivered down from their forefathers, and these testify it to be an instance of the sharpest wisdom when these men venture to transgress those traditions; 2.183. whereas we, on the contrary, suppose it to be our only wisdom and virtue to admit no actions nor supposals that are contrary to our original laws; which procedure of ours is a just and sure sign that our law is admirably constituted; for such laws as are not thus well made, are convicted upon trial to want amendment. /p 2.184. 22. But while we are ourselves persuaded that our law was made agreeably to the will of God, it would be impious for us not to observe the same, for what is there in it that any body would change! and what can be invented that is better! or what can we take out of other people’s laws that will exceed it? Perhaps some would have the entire settlement of our government altered. 2.185. And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself! 2.186. which priests our legislator, at their first appointment, did not advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other possessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he intrusted the principal management of divine worship to those that exceeded others in an ability to persuade men, and in prudence of conduct. 2.187. These men had the main care of the law and of the other parts of the people’s conduct committed to them; for they were the priests who were ordained to be the inspectors of all, and the judges in doubtful cases, and the punishers of those that were condemned to suffer punishment. /p 2.188. 23. What form of government then can be more holy than this! what more worthy kind of worship can be paid to God than we pay, where the entire body of the people are prepared for religion, where an extraordinary degree of care is required in the priests, and where the whole polity is so ordered as if it were a certain religious solemnity! 2.189. For what things foreigners, when they solemnize such festivals, are not able to observe for a few days’ time, and call them Mysteries and Sacred Ceremonies, we observe with great pleasure and an unshaken resolution during our whole lives. 2.190. What are the things then that we are commanded or forbidden?—They are simply and easily known. The first command is concerning God, and affirms that God contains all things, and is a being every way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and supplying all other beings; the beginning, the middle, and the end of all things. He is manifest in his works and benefits, and more conspicuous than any other being whatsoever, but as to his form and magnitude, he is most obscure. 2.191. All materials, let them be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose an image for him; and all arts are unartful to express the notion we ought to have of him. We can neither see nor think of any thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him. 2.192. We see his works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the generations of animals, the productions of fruits. These things hath God made, not with hands, nor with labor, nor as wanting the assistance of any to cooperate with him; but as his will resolved they should be made and be good also, they were made, and became good immediately. All men ought to follow this Being, and to worship him in the exercise of virtue; for this way of worship of God is the most holy of all others. /p 2.193. 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his birth is to be their ruler perpetually. 2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself. 2.195. When we offer sacrifices to him we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves, or to be drunken; for such excesses are against the will of God, and would be an occasion of injuries and of luxury: but by keeping ourselves sober, orderly, and ready for our other occupations, and being more temperate than others. 2.196. And for our duty at the sacrifices themselves, we ought in the first place to pray for the common welfare of all, and after that our own; for we are made for fellowship one with another; and he who prefers the common good before what is peculiar to himself, is above all acceptable to God. 2.197. And let our prayers and supplications be made humbly to God, not [so much] that he would give us what is good (for he hath already given that of his own accord, and hath proposed the same publicly to all), as that we may duly receive it, and when we have received it, may preserve it. 2.198. Now the law has appointed several purifications at our sacrifices, whereby we are cleansed after a funeral after what sometimes happens to us in bed, and after accompanying with our wives, and upon many other occasions, which it would be too long now to set down. And this is our doctrine concerning God and his worship, and is the same that the law appoints for our practice. /p 2.199. 25. But then, what are our laws about marriage? That law owns no other mixture of sexes but that which nature hath appointed, of a man with his wife, and that this be used only for the procreation of children. But it abhors the mixture of a male with a male; and if any one do that, death is his punishment. 2.200. It commands us also, when we marry, not to have regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her deceitfully and knavishly; but to demand her in marriage of him who hath power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness of his kindred; 2.201. for (says the scripture) “A woman is inferior to her husband in all things.” Let her, therefore, be obedient to him; not so, that he should abuse her, but that she may acknowledge her duty to her husband; for God hath given the authority to the husband. A husband, therefore, is to lie only with his wife whom he hath married; but to have to do with another man’s wife is a wicked thing; which, if any one ventures upon, death is inevitably his punishment: no more can he avoid the same who forces a virgin betrothed to another man, or entices another man’s wife. 2.202. The law, moreover enjoins us to bring up all our offspring, and forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature, and diminishing human kind: if any one, therefore, proceeds to such fornication or murder, he cannot be clean. 2.203. Moreover, the law enjoins, that after the man and wife have lain together in a regular way, they shall bathe themselves; for there is a defilement contracted thereby, both in soul and body, as if they had gone into another country; for indeed the soul, by being united to the body, is subject to miseries, and is not freed therefrom again but by death; on which account the law requires this purification to be entirely performed. 26. 2.204. Nay, indeed, the law does not permit us to make festivals at the births of our children, and thereby afford occasion of drinking to excess; but it ordains that the very beginning of our education should be immediately directed to sobriety. It also commands us to bring those children up in learning and to exercise them in the laws, and make them acquainted with the acts of their predecessors, in order to their imitation of them, and that they might be nourished up in the laws from their infancy, and might neither transgress them, nor have any pretense for their ignorance of them. /p 2.205. 27. Our law hath also taken care of the decent burial of the dead, but without any extravagant expenses for their funerals, and without the erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried, should accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains, that the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a great distance from the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder. /p 2.206. 28. The law ordains also, that parents should be honored immediately after God himself, and delivers that son who does not requite them for the benefits he hath received from them, but is deficient on any such occasion, to be stoned. It also says, that the young men should pay due respect to every elder, since God is the eldest of all beings. 2.207. It does not give leave to conceal any thing from our friends, because that is not true friendship which will not commit all things to their fidelity: it also forbids the revelation of secrets even though an enmity arise between them. If any judge takes bribes, his punishment is death: he that overlooks one that offers him a petition, and this when he is able to relieve him, he is a guilty person. 2.208. What is not by any one intrusted to another, ought not to be required back again. No one is to touch another’s goods. He that lends money must not demand usury for its loan. These, and many more of the like sort, are the rules that unite us in the bands of society one with another. /p 2.209. 29. It will be also worth our while to see what equity our legislator would have us exercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it will thence appear that he made the best provision he possibly could, both that we should not dissolve our own constitution, nor show any envious mind towards those that would cultivate a friendship with us. 2.210. Accordingly our legislator admits all those that have a mind to observe our laws, so to do; and this after a friendly manner, as esteeming that a true union, which not only extends to our own stock, but to those that would live after the same manner with us; yet does he not allow those that come to us by accident only to be admitted into communion with us. /p 2.211. 30. However, there are other things which our legislator ordained for us beforehand, which of necessity we ought to do in common to all men; as to afford fire, and water, and food to such as want it; to show them the roads; nor to let any one lie unburied. He also would have us treat those that are esteemed our enemies with moderation: 2.212. for he doth not allow us to set their country on fire, nor permit us to cut down those trees that bear fruit: nay, farther, he forbids us to spoil those that have been slain in war. He hath also provided for such as are taken captive, that they may not be injured, and especially that the women may not be abused. 2.213. Indeed he hath taught us gentleness and humanity so effectually, that he hath not despised the care of brute beasts, by permitting no other than a regular use of them, and forbidding any other; and if any of them come to our houses, like supplicants, we are forbidden to slay them: nor may we kill the dams, together with their young ones; but we are obliged, even in an enemy’s country, to spare and not kill those creatures that labor for mankind. 2.214. Thus hath our lawgiver contrived to teach us an equitable conduct every way, by using us to such laws as instruct us therein; while at the same time he hath ordained, that such as break these laws should be punished, without the allowance of any excuse whatsoever. /p 2.215. 31. Now the greatest part of offenses with us are capital, as if any one be guilty of adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another’s making an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for slaves of the like nature that can never be avoided. 2.216. Moreover, if any one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steals what belongs to another, and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments allotted them, not such as are met with among other nations, but more severe ones. 2.217. And as for attempts of unjust behavior towards parents, or for impiety against God, though they be not actually accomplished, the offenders are destroyed immediately. However, the reward for such as live exactly according to the laws, is not silver or gold; it is not a garland of olive branches or of small age, nor any such public sign of commendation; 2.218. but every good man hath his own conscience bearing witness to himself, and by virtue of our legislator’s prophetic spirit, and of the firm security God himself affords such a one, he believes that God hath made this grant to those that observe these laws, even though they be obliged readily to die for them, that they shall come into being again, and at a certain revolution of things shall receive a better life than they had enjoyed before. 2.219. Nor would I venture to write thus at this time, were it not well known to all by our actions that many of our people have many a time bravely resolved to endure any sufferings, rather than speak one word against our law. /p 2.220. 32. Nay, indeed, in case it had so fallen out, that our nation had not been so thoroughly known among all men as they are, and our voluntary submission to our laws had not been so open and manifest as it is 2.221. but that somebody had pretended to have written these laws himself, and had read them to the Greeks, or had pretended that he had met with men out of the limits of the known world, that had such reverent notions of God, and had continued a long time in the firm observance of such laws as ours, I cannot but suppose that all men would admire them on a reflection upon the frequent changes they had therein been themselves subject to; 2.222. and this while those that have attempted to write somewhat of the same kind for politic government, and for laws, are accused as composing monstrous things, and are said to have undertaken an impossible task upon them. And here I will say nothing of those other philosophers who have undertaken any thing of this nature in their writings. 2.223. But even Plato himself, who is so admired by the Greeks on account of that gravity in his manners, and force in his words, and that ability he had to persuade men beyond all other philosophers, is little better than laughed at and exposed to ridicule on that account, by those that pretend to sagacity in political affairs; 2.224. although he that shall diligently peruse his writings, will find his precepts to be somewhat gentle, and pretty near to the customs of the generality of mankind. Nay, Plato himself confesseth that it is not safe to publish the true notion concerning God among the ignorant multitude. 2.225. Yet do some men look upon Plato’s discourses as no better than certain idle words set off with great artifice. However, they admire Lycurgus as the principal lawgiver; and all men celebrate Sparta for having continued in the firm observance of his laws for a very long time. 2.226. So far then we have gained, that it is to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to laws. But then let such as admire this in the Lacedemonians compare that duration of theirs with more than two thousand years which our political government hath continued; 2.227. and let them farther consider, that though the Lacedemonians did seem to observe their laws exactly while they enjoyed their liberty, yet that when they underwent a change of their fortune, they forgot almost all those laws; 2.228. while we, having been under ten thousand changes in our fortune by the changes that happened among the kings of Asia, have never betrayed our laws under the most pressing distresses we have been in; nor have we neglected them either out of sloth or for a livelihood. Nay, if any one will consider it, the difficulties and labors laid upon us have been greater than what appears to have been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude, 2.229. while they neither ploughed their land nor exercised any trades, but lived in their own city, free from all such painstaking, in the enjoyment of plenty, and using such exercises as might improve their bodies, 2.230. while they made use of other men as their servants for all the necessaries of life, and had their food prepared for them by the others: and these good and humane actions they do for no other purpose but this, that by their actions and their sufferings they may be able to conquer all those against whom they make war. 2.231. I need not add this, that they have not been fully able to observe their laws; for not only a few single persons, but multitudes of them, have in heaps neglected those laws, and have delivered themselves, together with their arms, into the hands of their enemies. /p 2.232. 33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say, that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no, not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems to be the severest kind of death of all others. 2.233. Now I think, those that have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. 2.234. Nor ought men to wonder at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other men are; for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in which we are instituted; I mean, working with our hands, and eating but little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every one’s pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives, in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of rest; 2.235. while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other occasions also. /p 2.236. 34. Yet do the Lysimachi and the Molones, and some other writers (unskilful sophists as they are, and the deceivers of young men) reproach us as the vilest of all mankind. 2.237. Now I have no mind to make an inquiry into the laws of other nations; for the custom of our country is to keep our own laws, but not to bring accusations against the laws of others. And indeed, our legislator hath expressly forbidden us to laugh at and revile those that are esteemed gods by other people, on account of the very name of God ascribed to them. 2.238. But since our antagonists think to run us down upon the comparison of their religion and ours, it is not possible to keep silence here, especially while what I shall say to confute these men will not be now first said, but hath been already said by many, and these of the highest reputation also; 2.239. for who is there among those that have been admired among the Greeks for wisdom, who hath not greatly blamed both the most famous poets and most celebrated legislators, for spreading such notions originally among the body of the people concerning the gods? 2.240. uch as these, that they may be allowed to be as numerous as they have a mind to have them; that they are begotten one by another, and that after all the kinds of generation you can imagine. They also distinguish them in their places and ways of living, as they would distinguish several sorts of animals: as some to be under the earth; as some to be in the sea; and the ancientest of them all to be bound in hell; 2.241. and for those to whom they have allotted heaven, they have set over them one, who in title is their father, but in his actions a tyrant and a lord; whence it came to pass that his wife, and brother, and daughter (which daughter he brought forth from his own head), made a conspiracy against him to seize upon him and confine him, as he had himself seized upon and confined his own father before. /p 2.242. 35. And justly have the wisest men thought these notions deserved severe rebukes; they also laugh at them for determining that we ought to believe some of the gods to be beardless and young, and others of them to be old, and to have beards accordingly; that some are set to trades; that one god is a smith, and another goddess is a weaver; that one god is a warrior, and fights with men; 2.243. that some of them are harpers, or delight in archery; and besides, that mutual seditions arise among them, and that they quarrel about men, and this so far that they not only lay hands upon one another, but that they are wounded by men, and lament, and take on for such their afflictions; 2.244. but what is the grossest of all in point of lasciviousness, are those unbounded lusts ascribed to almost all of them, and their amours; which how can it be other than a most absurd supposal, especially when it reaches to the male gods, and to the female goddesses also? 2.245. Moreover, the chief of all their gods, and their first father himself, overlooks those goddesses whom he hath deluded and begotten with child, and suffers them to be kept in prison, or drowned in the sea. He is also so bound up by fate, that he cannot save his own offspring, nor can he bear their deaths without shedding of tears.— 2.246. These are fine things indeed! as are the rest that follow. Adulteries truly are so impudently looked on in heaven by the gods, that some of them have confessed they envied those that were found in the very act; and why should they not do so, when the eldest of them, who is their king also, hath not been able to restrain himself in the violence of his lust, from lying with his wife, so long as they might get into their bed-chamber? 2.247. Now, some of the gods are servants to men, and will sometimes be builders for a reward, and sometimes will be shepherds; while others of them, like malefactors, are bound in a prison of brass; and what sober person is there who would not be provoked at such stories, and rebuke those that forged them, and condemn the great silliness of those that admit them for true! 2.248. Nay, others there are that have advanced a certain timorousness and fear, as also madness and fraud, and any other of the vilest passions, into the nature and form of gods, and have persuaded whole cities to offer sacrifices to the better sort of them; 2.249. on which account they have been absolutely forced to esteem some gods as the givers of good things, and to call others of them averters of evil. They also endeavor to move them, as they would the vilest of men, by gifts and presents, as looking for nothing else than to receive some great mischief from them, unless they pay them such wages. /p 2.250. 36. Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what should be the occasion of this unjust management, and of these scandals about the Deity. And truly I suppose it to be derived from the imperfect knowledge the heathen legislators had at first of the true nature of God; nor did they explain to the people even so far as they did comprehend of it: nor did they compose the other parts of their political settlements according to it, 2.251. but omitted it as a thing of very little consequence, and gave leave both to the poets to introduce what gods they pleased, and those subject to all sorts of passions, and to the orators to procure political decrees from the people for the admission of such foreign gods as they thought proper. 2.252. The painters also, and statuaries of Greece, had herein great power, as each of them could contrive a shape [proper for a god]; the one to be formed out of clay, and the other by making a bare picture of such a one; but those workmen that were principally admired, had the use of ivory and of gold as the constant materials for their new statues; 2.253. [whereby it comes to pass that some temples are quite deserted, while others are in great esteem, and adorned with all the rites of all kinds of purification]. Besides this, the first gods, who have long flourished in the honors done them, are now grown old [while those that flourished after them are come in their room as a second rank, that I may speak the most honorably of them that I can]: 2.254. nay, certain other gods there are who are newly introduced, and newly worshipped [as we, by way of digression have said already, and yet have left their places of worship desolate]; and for their temples, some of them are already left desolate, and others are built anew, according to the pleasure of men; whereas they ought to have preserved their opinion about God, and that worship which is due to him, always and immutably the same. /p 2.255. 37. But now, this Apollonius Molo was one of these foolish and proud men. However, nothing that I have said was unknown to those that were real philosophers among the Greeks, nor were they unacquainted with those frigid pretenses of allegories [which had been alleged for such things]: on which account they justly despised them, but have still agreed with us as to the true and becoming notions of God; 2.256. whence it was that Plato would not have political settlements admit of any one of the other poets, and dismisses even Homer himself, with a garland on his head, and with ointment poured upon him, and this because he should not destroy the right notions of God with his fables. 2.257. Nay, Plato principally imitated our legislator in this point, that he enjoined his citizens to have the main regard to this precept, “That every one of them should learn their laws accurately.” He also ordained, that they should not admit of foreigners intermixing with their own people at random; and provided that the commonwealth should keep itself pure, and consist of such only as persevered in their own laws. 2.258. Apollonius Molo did no way consider this, when he made it one branch of his accusation against us, that we do not admit of such as have different notions about God, nor will we have fellowship with those that choose to observe a way of living different from ourselves; 2.259. yet is not this method peculiar to us, but common to all other men; not among the ordinary Grecians only, but among such of those Grecians as are of the greatest reputation among them. Moreover, the Lacedemonians continued in their way of expelling foreigners, and would not, indeed, give leave to their own people to travel abroad, as suspecting that those two things would introduce a dissolution of their own laws: 2.260. and perhaps there may be some reason to blame the rigid severity of the Lacedemonians, for they bestowed the privilege of their city on no foreigners, nor indeed would give leave to them to stay among them; 2.261. whereas we, though we do not think fit to imitate other institutions, yet do we willingly admit of those that desire to partake of ours, which I think I may reckon to be a plain indication of our humanity, and at the same time of our magimity also. /p 2.262. 38. But I shall say no more of the Lacedemonians. As for the Athenians, who glory in having made their city to be common to all men, what their behavior was, Apollonius did not know, while they punished those that did but speak one word contrary to their laws about the gods, without any mercy; 2.263. for on what other account was it that Socrates was put to death by them? For certainly, he neither betrayed their city to its enemies, nor was he guilty of any sacrilege with regard to any of their temples; but it was on this account, that he swore certain new oaths, and that he affirmed, either in earnest, or, as some say, only in jest, that a certain demon used to make signs to him [what he should not do]. For these reasons he was condemned to drink poison, and kill himself. 2.264. His accuser also complained that he corrupted the young men, by inducing them to despise the political settlement and laws of their city: and thus was Socrates, the citizen of Athens, punished. 2.265. There was also Anaxagoras, who although he was of Clazomenae, was within a few suffrages of being condemned to die, because he said the sun, which the Athenians thought to be a god, was a ball of fire. 2.266. They also made this public proclamation, that they would give a talent to any one who would kill Diagoras of Melos, because it was reported of him that he laughed at their mysteries. Portagoras also, who was thought to have written somewhat that was not owned for truth by the Athenians about the gods, had been seized upon, and put to death, if he had not fled immediately away. 2.267. Nor need we at all wonder that they thus treated such considerable men, when they did not spare even women also; for they very lately slew a certain priestess, because she was accused by somebody that she initiated people into the worship of strange gods, it having been forbidden so to do by one of their laws; and a capital punishment had been decreed to such as introduced a strange god; 2.268. it being manifest, that they who make use of such a law do not believe those of other nations to be really gods, otherwise they had not envied themselves the advantage of more gods than they already had; 2.269. and this was the happy administration of the affairs of the Athenians? Now, as to the Scythians, they take a pleasure in killing men, and differ little from brute beasts; yet do they think it reasonable to have their institutions observed. They also slew Anacharsis a person greatly admired for his wisdom among the Greeks, when he returned to them, because he appeared to come fraught with Grecian customs; One may also find many to have been punished among the Persians, on the very same account. 2.270. And to be sure Apollonius was greatly pleased with the laws of the Persians, and was an admirer of them, because the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of their courage, and had the very same opinion about the gods which they had. This last was exemplified in the temples which they burnt, and their courage in coming, and almost entirely enslaving the Grecians. However, Apollonius has imitated all the Persian institutions, and that by his offering violence to other men’s wives, and castrating his own sons. 2.271. Now, with us, it is a capital crime, if any one does thus abuse even a brute beast; and as for us, neither hath the fear of our governors, nor a desire of following what other nations have in so great esteem, been able to withdraw us from our own laws; 2.272. nor have we exerted our courage in raising up wars to increase our wealth, but only for the observation of our laws; and when we with patience bear other losses, yet when any persons would compel us to break our laws, then it is that we choose to go to war, though it be beyond our ability to pursue it, and bear the greatest calamities to the last with much fortitude. 2.273. And, indeed, what reason can there be why we should desire to imitate the laws of other nations, while we see they are not observed by their own legislators? And why do not the Lacedemonians think of abolishing that form of their government which suffers them not to associate with any others, as well as their contempt of matrimony? And why do not the Eleans and Thebans abolish that unnatural and impudent lust, which makes them lie with males? 2.274. For they will not show a sufficient sign of their repentance of what they of old thought to be very excellent, and very advantageous in their practices, unless they entirely avoid all such actions for the time to come: 2.275. nay, such things are inserted into the body of their laws, and had once such a power among the Greeks, that they ascribed these sodomitical practices to the gods themselves, as a part of their good character; and indeed it was according to the same manner that the gods married their own sisters. This the Greeks contrived as an apology for their own absurd and unnatural pleasures. /p 2.276. 39. I omit to speak concerning punishments, and how many ways of escaping them the greatest part of the legislators have afforded malefactors, by ordaining that, for adulteries, fines in money should be allowed, and for corrupting [virgins] they need only marry them; as also what excuses they may have in denying the facts, if any one attempts to inquire into them; for amongst most other nations it is a studied art how men may transgress their laws; 2.277. but no such thing is permitted amongst us; for though we be deprived of our wealth, of our cities, or of the other advantages we have, our law continues immortal; nor can any Jew go so far from his own country, nor be so affrighted at the severest lord, as not to be more affrighted at the law than at him. 2.278. If, therefore, this be the disposition we are under, with regard to the excellency of our laws, let our enemies make us this concession, that our laws are most excellent; and if still they imagine that though we so firmly adhere to them, yet are they bad laws notwithstanding, what penalties then do they deserve to undergo who do not observe their own laws, which they esteem so far superior to them? 2.279. Whereas, therefore, length of time is esteemed to be the truest touchstone in all cases. I would make that a testimonial of the excellency of our laws, and of that belief thereby delivered to us concerning God; for as there hath been a very long time for this comparison, if any one will but compare its duration with the duration of the laws made by other legislators, he will find our legislator to have been the ancientest of them all. /p 2.280. 40. We have already demonstrated that our laws have been such as have always inspired admiration and imitation into all other men; 2.281. nay, the earliest Grecian philosophers, though in appearance they observed the laws of their own countries, yet did they, in their actions and their philosophic doctrines, follow our legislator, and instructed men to live sparingly, and to have friendly communication one with another. 2.282. Nay, farther, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; 2.283. they also endeavor to imitate our mutual concord with one another, and the charitable distribution of our goods, and our diligence in our trades, and our fortitude in undergoing the distresses we are in, on account of our laws; 2.284. and, what is here matter of the greatest admiration, our law hath no bait of pleasure to allure men to it, but it prevails by its own force; and as God himself pervades all the world, so hath our law passed through all the world also. So that if any one will but reflect on his own country, and his own family, he will have reason to give credit to what I say. 2.285. It is therefore but just, either to condemn all mankind of indulging a wicked disposition, when they have been so desirous of imitating laws that are to them foreign and evil in themselves, rather than following laws of their own that are of a better character, or else our accusers must leave off their spite against us; 2.286. nor are we guilty of any envious behavior towards them, when we honor our own legislator, and believe what he, by his prophetic authority, hath taught us concerning God; for though we should not be able ourselves to understand the excellency of our own laws, yet would the great multitude of those that desire to imitate them, justify us, in greatly valuing ourselves upon them. /p 2.287. 41. But, as for the [distinct] political laws by which we are governed, I have delivered them accurately in my books of Antiquities: and have only mentioned them now, so far as was necessary to my present purpose, without proposing to myself either to blame the laws of other nations, or to make an encomium upon our own,—but in order to convict those that have written about us unjustly, and in an impudent affectation of disguising the truth:— 2.288. and now I think I have sufficiently completed what I proposed in writing these books; for whereas our accusers have pretended that our nation are a people of very late original, I have demonstrated that they are exceeding ancient; for I have produced as witnesses thereto many ancient writers, who have made mention of us in their books, while they had said no such writer had so done. 2.289. Moreover, they had said that we were sprung from the Egyptians, while I have proved that we came from another country into Egypt: while they had told lies of us, as if we were expelled thence on account of diseases on our bodies, it has appeared on the contrary, that we returned to our country by our own choice, and with sound and strong bodies. 2.290. Those accusers reproached our legislator as a vile fellow; whereas God in old time bare witness to his virtuous conduct; and since that testimony of God, time itself hath been discovered to have borne witness to the same thing. /p 2.291. 42. As to the laws themselves, more words are unnecessary, for they are visible in their own nature, and appear to teach not impiety, but the truest piety in the world. They do not make men hate one another, but encourage people to communicate what they have to one another freely; they are enemies to injustice, they take care of righteousness, they banish idleness and expensive living, and instruct men to be content with what they have and to be laborious in their callings; 2.292. they forbid men to make war from a desire of getting more, but make men courageous in defending the laws; they are inexorable in punishing malefactors; they admit no sophistry of words, but are always established by actions themselves, which actions we ever propose as surer demonstrations than what is contained in writing only; 2.293. on which account I am so bold as to say that we are become the teachers of other men, in the greatest number of things, and those of the most excellent nature only; for what is more excellent than inviolable piety? what is more just than submission to laws? 2.294. and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to condemn death when we are in war, and in peace to apply ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or to our tillage of the ground; while we in all things and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of our actions. 2.295. If these precepts had either been written at first, or more exactly kept by any others before us, we should have owed them thanks as disciples owe to their masters; but if it be visible that we have made use of them more than any other men, and if we have demonstrated that the original invention of them is our own, let the Apions, and the Molones, with all the rest of those that delight in lies and reproaches, stand confuted;

144. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 2.6-2.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 83, 84

145. Piso Epigrammaticus, Epigrams, 11-13, 47 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 123

146. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 2.6-2.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 83, 84

147. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 26.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 252

26.5. καὶ γῆ μὲν οὐ παρῆν λευκή, τῶν δὲ ἀλφίτων λαμβάνοντες ἐν πεδίῳ μελαγγείῳ κυκλοτερῆ κόλπον ἦγον, οὗ τὴν ἐντὸς περιφέρειαν εὐθεῖαι βάσεις ὥσπερ ἀπὸ κρασπέδων εἰς σχῆμα χλαμύδος ὑπελάμβανον, ἐξ ἴσου συνάγουσαι τὸ μέγεθος, ἡσθέντος δὲ τῇ διαθέσει τοῦ βασιλέως αἰφνίδιον ὄρνιθες ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τῆς λίμνης, πλήθει τε ἄπειροι καὶ κατὰ γένος παντοδαποὶ καὶ μέγεθος, ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον καταίροντες νέφεσιν ἐοικότες οὐδὲ μικρὸν ὑπέλιπον τῶν ἀλφίτων, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον διαταραχθῆναι πρὸς τὸν οἰωνόν.

26.5. There was no chalk at hand, so they took barley-meal Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 2, 1 . and marked out with it on the dark soil a rounded area, to whose inner arc straight lines extended so as to produce the figure of a chlamys, or military cloak, the lines beginning from the skirts (as one may say), and narrowing the breadth of the area uniformly. See Tarbell, The Form of the Chlamys, Classical Philology , 1906, p. 285. The king was delighted with the design; but suddenly birds from the river and the lagoon, infinite in number and of every sort and size, settled down upon the place like clouds and devoured every particle of the barley-meal, so that even Alexander was greatly disturbed at the omen.

148. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 20.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 211

149. Josephus Flavius, Life, 11, 8, 10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 362

150. New Testament, Matthew, 21.33 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 109

21.33. Ἄλλην παραβολὴν ἀκούσατε. Ἄνθρωπος ἦν οἰκοδεσπότης ὅστις ἐφύτευσεν ἀμπελῶνα καὶ φραγμὸν αὐτῷ περιέθηκεν καὶ ὤρυξεν ἐν αὐτῷ ληνὸν καὶ ᾠκοδόμησεν πύργον, καὶ ἐξέδετο αὐτὸν γεωργοῖς, καὶ ἀπεδήμησεν.

21.33. "Hear another parable. There was a man who was a master of a household, who planted a vineyard, set a hedge about it, dug a winepress in it, built a tower, leased it out to farmers, and went into another country.

151. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 66.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •coriolanus, in dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73

152. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, a b c d\n0 '9.3.102 '9.3.102 '9 3 \n1 10.1.67 10.1.67 10 1 \n2 10.1.68 10.1.68 10 1 \n3 10.1.69 10.1.69 10 1 \n4 10.1.76 10.1.76 10 1 \n.. ... ... .. .. \n67 4.2.65 4.2.65 4 2 \n68 4.2.64 4.2.64 4 2 \n69 5.12.14 5.12.14 5 12\n70 8.3.27 8.3.27 8 3 \n71 1.8.2 1.8.2 1 8 \n\n[72 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

153. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 80

3.1. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τῆς Σύλλα δυνάμεως ἤδη μαραινομένης καὶ τῶν οἴκοι καλούντων αὐτόν ἔπλευσεν εἰς Ῥόδον ἐπὶ σχολὴν πρὸς Ἀπολλώνιον τὸν τοῦ Μόλωνος, οὗ καὶ Κικέρων ἠκρόατο, σοφιστεύοντος ἐπιφανῶς καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐπιεικοῦς εἶναι δοκοῦντος, λέγεται δὲ καὶ φῦναι πρὸς λόγους πολιτικοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἄριστα, καὶ διαπονῆσαι φιλοτιμότατα τὴν φύσιν, ὡς τὰ δευτερεῖα μὲν ἀδηρίτως ἔχειν, τὸ δὲ πρωτεῖον, ὅπως τῇ δυνάμει καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις πρῶτος εἴη μᾶλλον ἀσχοληθείς,

3.1.

154. Plutarch, Marius, 17.1-17.3, 45.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl •dreams and visions, examples, dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 252; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

17.1. ταῦτʼ ἀκούων ὁ Μάριος ἥδετο, καὶ κατεπράυνεν αὐτούς ὡς οὐκ ἐκείνοις ἀπιστῶν, ἀλλʼ ἔκ τινων λογίων τὸν τῆς νίκης ἅμα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον ἐκδεχόμενος. καὶ γάρ τινα Σύραν γυναῖκα, Μάρθαν ὄνομα, μαντεύεσθαι λεγομένην ἐν φορείῳ κατακειμένην σεμνῶς περιήγετο, καὶ θυσίας ἔθυεν ἐκείνης κελευούσης. ἣν πρότερον μὲν ἀπήλασεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐντυχεῖν ὑπὲρ τούτων βουλομένην καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προθεσπίζουσαν, 17.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιοῦσα διάπειραν ἐδίδου καὶ μάλιστα τῇ Μαρίου παρακαθίζουσα παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τῶν μονομάχων ἐπιτυχῶς προηγόρευε τὸν μέλλοντα νικᾶν, ἀναπεμφθεῖσα πρὸς Μάριον ὑπʼ· ἐκείνης ἐθαυμάζετο. καὶ τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ἐν φορείῳ παρεκομίζετο, πρὸς δὲ τὰς θυσίας κατῄει φοινικίδα διπλῆν ἐμπεπορπημένη καὶ λόγχην ἀναδεδεμένην ταινίαις καὶ στεφανώμασι φέρουσα. 17.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν τὸ δρᾶμα πολλοῖς ἀμφισβήτησιν παρεῖχεν, εἴτε πεπεισμένος ὡς ἀληθῶς εἴτε πλαττόμενος καὶ συνυποκρινόμενος ἐπιβείκνυται τὴν ἄνθρωπον. τὸ δὲ περὶ τοὺς γῦπας θαύματος ἄξιον Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μύνδιος ἱστόρηκε. δύο γὰρ ἐφαίνοντο πρὸ τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἀεὶ περὶ τὰς στρατιὰς καὶ παρηκολούθουν γνωριζόμενοι χαλκοῖς περιδεραίοις· ταὐτὰ δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται συλλαβόντες αὐτούς περιῆψαν, εἶτα ἀφῆκαν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου γνωρίζοντες ἠσπάζοντο αὐτούς οἱ στρατιῶται αὐτοὺς οἱ στρατιῶται with Reiske: τοὺς στρατιώτας , which Bekker and Ziegler bracket. καὶ φανέντων ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐξόδοις ἔχαιρον ὡς ἀγαθὸν τι πράξοντες. 45.3. ὑπὸ τοιούτων θραυόμενος λογισμῶν, καὶ τὴν μακρὰν ἄλην αὐτοῦ καὶ φυγὰς καὶ κινδύνους διὰ γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἐλαυνομένου λαμβάνων πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν, εἰς ἀπορίας ἐνέπιπτε δεινὰς καὶ νυκτερινὰ δείματα καὶ ταραχώδεις ὀνείρους, ἀεί τινος ἀκούειν φθεγγομένου δοκῶν δειναὶ γάρ κοῖται καὶ ἀποιχομένοιο λέοντος. μάλιστα δὲ πάντων φοβούμενος τὰς ἀγρυπνίας ἐνέβαλεν εἰς πότους ἑαυτὸν καὶ μέθας ἀώρους καὶ παρʼ ἡλικίαν, ὥσπερ ἀπόδρασιν τῶν φροντίδων τὸν ὕπνον μηχανώμενος.

17.1. 17.2. 17.3. 45.3.

155. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 61

156. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.1-1.2, 1.5, 20.8, 22.2-22.3, 29.2-29.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on continuity between thucydides’ style and subject matter •dionysius of halicarnassus •coriolanus, in dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on euripides’ choral songs Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 211; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 163; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 51; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 100; Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 14

1.1. ἐπεὶ δοκοῦμεν οὐκ ἀτόπως τῷ Νικίᾳ τὸν Κράσσον παραβάλλειν, καὶ τὰ Παρθικὰ παθήματα τοῖς Σικελικοῖς, ὥρα παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς συγγράμμασι τούτοις, ὅπως ἐπὶ ταῖς διηγήσεσιν αἷς Θουκυδίδης, αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ περὶ ταῦτα παθητικώτατος, ἐναργέστατος, ποικιλώτατος γενόμενος, ἀμιμήτως ἐξενήνοχε, μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ὑπολάβωσι πεπονθέναι Τιμαίῳ πάθος ὅμοιον, 1.2. ὃς ἐλπίσας τὸν μὲν Θουκυδίδην ὑπερβαλεῖσθαι δεινότητι, τὸν δὲ Φίλιστον ἀποδείξειν παντάπασι φορτικὸν καὶ ἰδιώτην, διὰ μέσων ὠθεῖται τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τῶν μάλιστα κατωρθωμένων ἐκείνοις ἀγώνων καὶ ναυμαχιῶν καὶ δημηγοριῶν, οὐ μὰ Δία 1.5. ἃς γοῦν Θουκυδίδης ἐξήνεγκε πράξεις καὶ Φίλιστος, ἐπεὶ παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἔστι, μάλιστά γε δὴ τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων παθῶν καλυπτομένην περιεχούσας, ἐπιδραμὼν βραχέως καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἵνα μὴ παντάπασιν ἀμελὴς δοκῶ καὶ ἀργὸς εἶναι, τὰ διαφεύγοντα τοὺς πολλούς, ὑφʼ ἑτέρων δʼ εἰρημένα σποράδην ἢ πρὸς ἀναθήμασιν ἢ ψηφίσμασιν εὑρημένα παλαιοῖς πεπείραμαι συναγαγεῖν, οὐ τὴν ἄχρηστον ἀθροίζων ἱστορίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πρὸς κατανόησιν ἤθους καὶ τρόπου παραδιδούς. 22.2. ὅπου γε καὶ κρατοῦντας ἐκείνων ἔδει μεταστῆναι καὶ φυγεῖν τὸ χωρίον, ἀεὶ μέν, ὡς πυνθάνονται, βαρὺ καὶ νοσῶδες ὂν στρατοπέδῳ, νῦν δʼ, ὡς βλέπουσι, καὶ διὰ τὴν ὥραν ὀλέθριον. μετοπώρου γὰρ ἦν ἡ ἀρχή· καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἠσθένουν ἤδη, πάντες δὲ ἠθύμουν. ὁ δὲ Νικίας χαλεπῶς ἤκουε τὴν φυγὴν καὶ τὸν ἀπόπλουν, οὐ τῷ μὴ δεδιέναι τοὺς Συρακουσίους, ἀλλὰ τῷ μᾶλλον τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ τὰς ἐκείνων δίκας καὶ συκοφαντίας φοβεῖσθαι. 22.3. δεινὸν μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν αὐτόθι προσδοκᾶν ἔφασκεν, εἰ δὲ συμβαίη, μᾶλλον αἱρεῖσθαι τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων θάνατον ἢ τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, οὐχ ὅμοια φρονῶν οἷς ὕστερον ὁ Βυζάντιος Λέων εἶπε πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ πολίτας· βούλομαι γὰρ, ἔφη, μᾶλλον ὑφʼ ὑμῶν ἢ μεθʼ ὑμῶν ἀποθανεῖν . περὶ μέντοι τόπου καὶ χώρας εἰς ἣν μετατάξουσι τὸ στρατόπεδον, βουλεύσεσθαι καθʼ ἡσυχίαν. 29.2. ἐβοήθει δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἥ τʼ αἰδὼς καὶ τὸ κόσμιον· ἢ γὰρ ἠλευθεροῦντο ταχέως ἢ τιμώμενοι παρέμενον τοῖς κεκτημένοις. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ διʼ Εὐριπίδην ἐσώθησαν. μάλιστα γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν ἐκτὸς Ἑλλήνων ἐπόθησαν αὐτοῦ τὴν μοῦσαν οἱ περὶ Σικελίαν· καὶ μικρὰ τῶν ἀφικνουμένων ἑκάστοτε δείγματα καὶ γεύματα κομιζόντων ἐκμανθάνοντες ἀγαπητῶς μετεδίδοσαν ἀλλήλοις. 29.3. τότε γοῦν φασι τῶν σωθέντων οἴκαδε συχνοὺς ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Εὐριπίδην φιλοφρόνως, καὶ διηγεῖσθαι τοὺς μέν, ὅτι δουλεύοντες ἀφείθησαν ἐκδιδάξαντες ὅσα τῶν ἐκείνου ποιημάτων ἐμέμνηντο, τοὺς δʼ, ὅτι πλανώμενοι μετὰ τὴν μάχην τροφῆς καὶ ὕδατος μετέλαβον τῶν μελῶν ᾄσαντες. οὐ δεῖ δὴ θαυμάζειν ὅτι τοὺς Καυνίους φασὶ πλοίου προσφερομένου τοῖς λιμέσιν ὑπὸ λῃστρίδων διωκομένου μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸ πρῶτον, ἀλλʼ ἀπείργειν, εἶτα μέντοι διαπυνθανομένους εἰ γινώσκουσιν ᾄσματα τῶν Εὐριπίδου, φησάντων ἐκείνων, οὕτω παρεῖναι καὶ καταγαγεῖν τὸ πλοῖον.

1.1. 1.2. 1.5. 22.2. 22.3. 29.2. 29.3.

157. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 20.8, 21.2-21.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119, 123

20.8. τάχα γὰρ οὐδὲ ἀνάγκης τινὸς δεῖ πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς οὐδὲ ἀπειλῆς, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐν εὐδήλῳ παραδείγματι καὶ λαμπρῷ τῷ βίῳ τοῦ ἄρχοντος ὁρῶντες, ἑκουσίως σωφρονοῦσι καὶ συμμετασχηματίζονται πρὸς τὸν ἐν φιλίᾳ καὶ ὁμονοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετὰ δικαιοσύνης καὶ μετριότητος ἀμύμονα ἀμύμονα MSS. and edd.: ἀκύμονα ( waveless, serene ), after Wyttenbach. καὶ μακάριον βίον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ κάλλιστον ἁπάσης πολιτείας τέλος ἐστί, καὶ βασιλικώτατος ἁπάντων ὁ τοῦτον τὸν βίον καὶ ταύτην τὴν διάθεσιν τοῖς ὑπηκόοις ἐνεργάσασθαι δυνάμενος. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Νομᾶς παντὸς μᾶλλον φαίνεται συνεωρακώς. 21.2. εἶναι γάρ ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ Πόμπωνος τοὺς Πομπωνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Πίνου τοὺς Πιναρίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Κάλπου τοὺς Καλπουρνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Μαμέρκου τοὺς Μαμερκίους, οἷς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Ῥῆγας γενέσθαι παρωνύμιον, ὅπερ ἐστὶ βασιλέας, τρίτοι δέ εἰσιν οἱ τούτων μὲν κατηγοροῦντες ὡς χαριζομένων τοῖς γένεσι καὶ προστιθέντων οὐκ ἀληθῆ στέμματα τῆς ἀπὸ Νομᾶ διαδοχῆς, τὴν δὲ Πομπιλίαν οὐκ ἐκ Τατίας γεγονέναι λέγοντες, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἑτέρας γυναικός, ἣν ἤδη βασιλεύων ἔγημε, Λουκρητίας· 21.3. πάντες δ’ οὖν ὁμολογοῦσι τὴν Πομπιλίαν Μαρκίῳ γαμηθῆναι. παῖς δὲ ἦν ὁ Μάρκιος ἐκείνου Μαρκίου τοῦ Νομᾶν παρορμήσαντος ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ γὰρ συμμετῴκησεν εἰς Ῥώμην αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου μετέσχε τιμώμενος, καὶ μετὰ τὴν Νομᾶ τελευτὴν Ὁστιλίῳ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας εἰς ἀγῶνα καταστὰς καὶ ἡττηθεὶς ἀπεκαρτέρησεν. ὁ δὲ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Μάρκιος ἔχων τὴν Πομπιλίαν κατέμεινεν ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ Μάρκιον Ἄγκον ἐγέννησεν, ὃς μετὰ Τύλλον Ὁστίλιον ἐβασίλευσε.

20.8. For possibly there is no need of any compulsion or menace in dealing with the multitude, but when they see with their own eyes a conspicuous and shining example of virtue in the life of their ruler, they will of their own accord walk in wisdom’s ways, and unite with him in conforming themselves to a blameless and blessed life of friendship and mutual concord, attended by righteousness and temperance. Such a life is the noblest end of all government, and he is most a king who can inculcate such a life and such a disposition in his subjects. This, then, as it appears, Numa was preeminent in discerning. 20.8. For possibly there is no need of any compulsion or menace in dealing with the multitude, but when they see with their own eyes a conspicuous and shining example of virtue in the life of their ruler, they will of their own accord walk in wisdom’s ways, and unite with him in conforming themselves to a blameless and blessed life of friendship and mutual concord, attended by righteousness and temperance. Such a life is the noblest end of all government, and he is most a king who can inculcate such a life and such a disposition in his subjects. This, then, as it appears, Numa was preeminent in discerning. 21.2. From Pompon the Pomponii are descended, from Pinus the Pinarii, from Calpus the Calpurnii, and from Mamercus the Mamercii, who for this reason had also the surname of Reges, or Kings. But there is a third class of writers who accuse the former of paying court to these great families by forging for them lines of descent from Numa, and they say that Pompilia was not the daughter of Tatia, but of Lucretia, another wife whom Numa married after he became king. 21.2. From Pompon the Pomponii are descended, from Pinus the Pinarii, from Calpus the Calpurnii, and from Mamercus the Mamercii, who for this reason had also the surname of Reges, or Kings. But there is a third class of writers who accuse the former of paying court to these great families by forging for them lines of descent from Numa, and they say that Pompilia was not the daughter of Tatia, but of Lucretia, another wife whom Numa married after he became king. 21.3. However, all are agreed that Pompilia was married to Marcius. Now this Marcius was a son of the Marcius who induced Numa to accept the throne. Cf. chapter vi. That Marcius accompanied Numa to Rome, and there was honoured with membership in the Senate. After Numa’s death, he competed for the throne with Hostilius, and being defeated, starved himself to death. But his son Marcius, the husband of Pompilia, remained at Rome, and begat Ancus Marcius, who succeeded Tullus Hostilius in the kingdom. 21.3. However, all are agreed that Pompilia was married to Marcius. Now this Marcius was a son of the Marcius who induced Numa to accept the throne. Cf. chapter vi. That Marcius accompanied Numa to Rome, and there was honoured with membership in the Senate. After Numa’s death, he competed for the throne with Hostilius, and being defeated, starved himself to death. But his son Marcius, the husband of Pompilia, remained at Rome, and begat Ancus Marcius, who succeeded Tullus Hostilius in the kingdom.

158. Plutarch, Pericles, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •coriolanus, in dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 164

31.1. τὴν μὲν οὖν ἀρχὴν ὅπως ἔσχεν οὐ ῥᾴδιον γνῶναι, τοῦ δὲ μὴ λυθῆναι τὸ ψήφισμα πάντες ὡσαύτως τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπιφέρουσι τῷ Περικλεῖ. πλὴν οἱ μὲν ἐκ φρονήματος μεγάλου μετὰ γνώμης κατὰ τὸ βέλτιστον ἀπισχυρίσασθαί φασιν αὐτόν, πεῖραν ἐνδόσεως τὸ πρόσταγμα καὶ τὴν συγχώρησιν ἐξομολόγησιν ἀσθενείας ἡγούμενον· οἱ δὲ μᾶλλον αὐθαδείᾳ τινὶ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ πρὸς ἔνδειξιν ἰσχύος περιφρονῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίων.

31.1. Well, then, whatever the original ground for enacting the decree,—and it is no easy matter to determine this,—the fact that it was not rescinded all men alike lay to the charge of Pericles. Only, some say that he persisted in his refusal in a lofty spirit and with a clear perception of the best interests of the city, regarding the injunction laid upon it as a test of its submissiveness, and its compliance as a confession of weakness; while others hold that it was rather with a sort of arrogance and love of strife, as well as for the display of his power, that he scornfully defied the Lacedaemonians.

159. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

160. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 22.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •coriolanus, in dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73

161. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 337; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 337

162. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 123

163. Plutarch, How To Tell A Flatterer From A Friend, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

164. Plutarch, How A Man May Become Aware of His Progress In Virtue, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 247

75d. changes from the lowest possible depravity to an unsurpassable state of virtue; and all his vice, of which he has not in long years succeeded in removing even a small portion, he suddenly leaves behind for ever. Yet you doubtless know that, on the other hand, the authors of such assertions make for themselves much trouble and great difficulties over the unwitting man, who has as yet failed to apprehend the fact that he has become wise, but does not know, and hesitates to believe, that his advancement, which has been effected by the gradual and long-continued process of divesting himself of some qualities and adding others, has, as walking brings one where he would be, imperceptibly and quietly brought him into virtue's company. But if there were such a swiftness in the change and a difference so vast, that the man who was the very worst in the morning should have become the very best at evening, or should the change so come about that he who was a worthless dolt when he fell asleep should awake wise, and, having dismissed from his soul his gross stupidities and false concepts of yesterday, could exclaim: False dreams, farewell! Ye are but naught, it seems, âwho would fail to recognize that a great difference like this had been wrought in his own self, and that the light of wisdom had all at once burst upon him? Why, it seems to me that anyone who, like Caeneus, were made from woman in answer to prayer, would sooner fail to recognize the transformation, than that anyone made temperate, wise, and brave,

165. Plutarch, Romulus, 2.5, 17.2-17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams and visions, examples, dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 252; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

2.5. τὸν δὲ Ταρχέτιον ὡς ἔγνω χαλεπῶς φέροντα συλλαβεῖν μὲν ἀμφοτέρας ἐπὶ θανάτῳ, τὴν δʼ Ἑστίαν ἰδόντα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἀπαγορεύουσαν αὐτῷ τὸν φόνον, ἱστόν τινα παρεγγυῆσαι ταῖς κόραις ὑφαίνειν δεδεμέναις, ὡς ὅταν ἐξυφήνωσι, τότε δοθησομένας πρὸς γάμον. ἐκείνας μὲν οὖν διʼ ἡμέρας ὑφαίνειν, ἑτέρας δὲ νύκτωρ τοῦ Ταρχετίου κελεύοντος ἀναλύειν τὸν ἱστόν. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ φαλλοῦ τῆς θεραπαινίδος τεκούσης δίδυμα, δοῦναί τινι Τερατίῳ τὸν Ταρχέτιον, ἀνελεῖν κελεύσαντα. 17.2. ἐπὶ τούτοις βαρέως φέροντες οἱ λοιποὶ Σαβῖνοι Τάτιον ἀποδείξαντες στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐστράτευσαν. ἦν δὲ δυσπρόσοδος ἡ πόλις, ἔχουσα πρόβλημα τὸ νῦν Καπιτώλιον, ἐν ᾧ φρουρὰ καθειστήκει καὶ Ταρπήιος ἡγεμὼν αὐτῆς, οὐχὶ Ταρπηία παρθένος, ὡς ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, εὐήθη τὸν Ῥωμύλον ἀποδεικνύοντες· ἀλλὰ θυγάτηρ ἡ Ταρπηία τοῦ ἄρχοντος οὖσα προὔδωκε τοῖς Σαβίνοις, ἐπιθυμήσασα τῶν χρυσῶν βραχιονιστήρων οὓς εἶδε περικειμένους, καὶ ᾔτησε μισθὸν τῆς προδοσίας ἃ φοροῖεν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς χερσί. 17.3. συνθεμένου δὲ τοῦ Τατίου, νύκτωρ ἀνοίξασα πύλην μίαν, ἐδέξατο τοὺς Σαβίνους. οὐ μόνος οὖν ὡς ἔοικεν Ἀντίγονος ἔφη προδιδόντας μὲν φιλεῖν, προδεδωκότας δὲ μισεῖν, οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, εἰπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς Ῥοιμητάλκου, φιλεῖν μὲν προδοσίαν, προδότην δὲ μισεῖν, ἀλλὰ κοινόν τι τοῦτο πάθος ἐστὶ πρὸς τοὺς πονηροὺς τοῖς δεομένοις αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ ἰοῦ καὶ χολῆς ἐνίων θηρίων δέονται· τὴν γὰρ χρείαν ὅτε λαμβάνουσιν ἀγαπῶντες, ἐχθαίρουσι τὴν κακίαν ὅταν τύχωσι. 17.4. τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ταρπηίαν τότε παθὼν ὁ Τάτιος, ἐκέλευσε μεμνημένους τῶν ὁμολογιῶν τοὺς Σαβίνους μηδενὸς αὐτῇ φθονεῖν ὧν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς ἔχουσι, καὶ πρῶτος ἅμα τὸν βραχιονιστῆρα τῆς χειρὸς περιελὼν καὶ τὸν θυρεὸν ἐπέρριψε. πάντων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ποιούντων, βαλλομένη τε τῷ χρυσῷ καὶ καταχωσθεῖσα τοῖς θυρεοῖς, ὑπὸ πλήθους καὶ βάρους ἀπέθανεν. 17.5. ἑάλω δὲ καὶ Ταρπήιος προδοσίας ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου διωχθείς, ὡς Ἰόβας φησὶ Γάλβαν Σουλπίκιον ἱστορεῖν. τῶν δʼ ἄλλα περὶ Ταρπηίας λεγόντων ἀπίθανοι μέν εἰσιν οἱ Τατίου θυγατέρα τοῦ ἡγεμόνος τῶν Σαβίνων οὖσαν αὐτήν, Ῥωμύλῳ δὲ βίᾳ συνοικοῦσαν, ἱστοροῦντες ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καὶ παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός· ὧν καὶ Ἀντίγονός ἐστι. Σιμύλος δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς καὶ παντάπασι ληρεῖ, μὴ Σαβίνοις οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ Κελτοῖς τὴν Ταρπηίαν προδοῦναι τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἐρασθεῖσαν αὐτῶν τοῦ βασιλέως. λέγει δὲ ταῦτα· ἡ δʼ ἀγχοῦ Τάρπεια παραὶ Καπιτώλιον αἶπος ναίουσα Ῥώμης ἔπλετο τειχολέτις, Κελτῶν ἣ στέρξασα γαμήλια λέκτρα γενέσθαι σκηπτούχῳ, πατέρων οὐκ ἐφύλαξε δόμους. καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγα περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς· τὴν δʼ οὔτʼ ἄρʼ Βόιοί τε καὶ ἔθνεα μυρία Κελτῶν χηράμενοι ῥείθρων ἐντὸς ἔθεντο Πάδου, ὅπλα δʼ ἐπιπροβαλόντες ἀρειμανέων ἀπὸ χειρῶν κούρῃ ἐπὶ στυγερῇ κόσμον ἔθεντο φόνον.

2.5. When Tarchetius learned of this, he was wroth, and seized both the maidens, purposing to put them to death. But the goddess Hestia appeared to him in his sleep and forbade him the murder. He therefore imposed upon the maidens the weaving of a certain web in their imprisonment, assuring them that when they had finished the weaving of it, they should then be given in marriage. By day, then, these maidens wove, but by night other maidens, at the command of Tarchetius, unravelled their web. And when the handmaid became the mother of twin children by the phantom, Tarchetius gave them to a certain Teratius with orders to destroy them. 17.2. At this the rest of the Sabines were enraged, and after appointing Tatius their general, marched upon Rome. The city was difficult of access, having as its fortress the present Capitol, on which a guard had been stationed, with Tarpeius as its captain,— not Tarpeia, a maiden, as some say, thereby making Romulus a simpleton. But Tarpeia, a daughter of the commander, betrayed the citadel to the Sabines, having set her heart on the golden armlets which she saw them wearing, and she asked as payment for her treachery that which they wore on their left arms. 17.3. Tatius agreed to this, whereupon she opened one of the gates by night and let the Sabines in. Antigonus was not alone, then, in saying that he loved men who offered to betray, but hated those who had betrayed; nor yet Caesar, in saying of the Thracian Rhoemetalces, that he loved treachery but hated a traitor; but this is a very general feeling towards the base on the part of those who need their services, just as they need certain wild creatures for their venom and gall; for while they feel the need of them, they put up with them, but abhor their vileness when they have obtained from them what they want. 17.4. This, too, was the feeling which Tatius then had towards Tarpeia, when he ordered his Sabines, mindful of their agreement, not to begrudge the girl anything they wore on their left arms. And he was first to take from his arm not only his armlet, but at the same time his shield, and cast them upon her. All his men followed his example, and the girl was smitten by the gold and buried under the shields, and died from the number and weight of them. 17.5. And Tarpeius also was convicted of treason when prosecuted by Romulus, as, according to Juba, Sulpicius Galba relates. of those who write differently about Tarpeia, they are worthy of no belief at all who say that she was a daughter of Tatius, the leader of the Sabines, and was living with Romulus under compulsion, and acted and suffered as she did, at her father’s behest; of these, Antigonus is one. And Simylus the poet is altogether absurd in supposing that Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to the Sabines, but to the Gauls, because she had fallen in love with their king. These are his words:— And Tarpeia, who dwelt hard by the Capitolian steep, Became the destroyer of the walls of Rome; She longed to be the wedded wife of the Gallic chieftain, And betrayed the homes of her fathers. And a little after, speaking of her death:— Her the Boni and the myriad tribes of Gauls Did not, exulting, cast amid the currents of the Po; But hurled the shields from their belligerent arms Upon the hateful maid, and made their ornament her doom.

166. Plutarch, Sulla, 1.3, 13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, and rome Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 232; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 218; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 218

1.3. καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἔτι τῶν βίων ἐν ἤθεσιν ὀρθίοις καὶ καθαροῖς μενόντων, ἀλλʼ ἐγκεκλικότων καὶ παραδεδεγμένων τρυφῆς καὶ πολυτελείας ζῆλον, εἰς ἴσον ὅμως ὄνειδος ἐτίθεντο τοὺς ὑπάρχουσαν εὐπορίαν ἀπολέσαντας καὶ τοὺς πενίαν πατρῴαν μὴ διαφυλάξαντας. 13.1. δεινὸς γάρ τις ἄρα καὶ ἀπαραίτητος εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἔρως ἑλεῖν τὰς Ἀθήνας, εἴτε ζήλῳ τινὶ πρὸς τὴν πάλαι σκιαμαχοῦντα τῆς πόλεως δόξαν, εἴτε θυμῷ τὰ σκώμματα φέροντα καὶ τὰς βωμολοχίας, αἷς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν Μετέλλαν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἑκάστοτε γεφυρίζων καὶ κατορχούμενος ἐξηρέθιζεν ὁ τύραννος Ἀριστίων, ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ἀσελγείας ὁμοῦ καὶ ὠμότητος ἔχων συγκειμένην τὴν ψυχήν,

1.3. 13.1.

167. Plutarch, Themistocles, 30.1-30.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams and visions, examples, dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 252

30.1. τὴν δὲ πρὸς Πειρίθουν φιλίαν τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι λέγουσι. δόξαν εἶχεν ἐπὶ ῥώμῃ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ μεγίστην· βουλόμενος οὖν ὁ Πειρίθους ἐξελέγξαι καὶ λαβεῖν διάπειραν, ἠλάσατο βοῦς ἐκ Μαραθῶνος αὐτοῦ, καὶ πυθόμενος διώκειν μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐκεῖνον οὐκ ἔφυγεν, ἀλλʼ ἀναστρέψας ἀπήντησεν. 30.2. ὡς δὲ εἶδεν ἅτερος τὸν ἕτερον καὶ τὸ κάλλος ἐθαύμασε καὶ τὴν τόλμαν ἠγάσθη, μάχης μὲν ἔσχοντο, Πειρίθους δὲ πρότερος τὴν δεξιὰν προτείνας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν γενέσθαι δικαστὴν τὸν Θησέα τῆς βοηλασίας· ἑκὼν γὰρ ὑφέξειν ἣν ἂν ὁρίσῃ δίκην ἐκεῖνος· Θησεὺς δὲ καὶ τὴν δίκην ἀφῆκεν αὐτῷ καὶ προὐκαλεῖτο φίλον εἶναι καὶ σύμμαχον· ἐποιήσαντο δὲ τὴν φιλίαν ἔνορκον.

168. Theon Aelius, Exercises, 71, 86.7, 86.8, 86.9, 86.10, 86.11, 86.12, 86.13, 86.14, 86.15, 86.16, 86.17, 86.18, 86.19, 86.20, 118.7, 118.8, 139.21-142.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 159

169. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.2.4-1.2.5, 1.6-1.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, •dionysius of halicarnassus, government, analysis of •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 146; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 51

170. Tacitus, Histories, 2.78, 4.61, 4.65, 5.13, 5.22, 5.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 176; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

2.78. After Mucianus had spoken, the rest became bolder; they gathered about Vespasian, encouraged him, and recalled the prophecies of seers and the movements of the stars. Nor indeed was he wholly free from such superstitious belief, as was evident later when he had obtained supreme power, for he openly kept at court an astrologer named Seleucus, whom he regarded as his guide and oracle. Old omens came back to his mind: once on his country estate a cypress of conspicuous height suddenly fell, but the next day it rose again on the selfsame spot fresh, tall, and with wider expanse than before. This occurrence was a favourable omen of great significance, as the haruspices all agreed, and promised the highest distinctions for Vespasian, who was then still a young man. At first, however, the insignia of a triumph, his consulship, and his victory over Judea appeared to have fulfilled the promise given by the omen; yet after he had gained these honours, he began to think that it was the imperial throne that was foretold. Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel: this is the name given to both the mountain and the divinity. The god has no image or temple â such is the rule handed down by the fathers; there is only an altar and the worship of the god. When Vespasian was sacrificing there and thinking over his secret hopes in his heart, the priest Basilides, after repeated inspection of the victim's vitals, said to him: "Whatever you are planning, Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to enlarge your holdings, or to increase the number of your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home, limitless bounds, and a multitude of men." This obscure oracle rumour had caught up at the time, and now was trying to interpret; nothing indeed was more often on men's lips. It was discussed even more in Vespasian's presence â for men have more to say to those who are filled with hope. The two leaders now separated with clear purposes before them, Mucianus going to Antioch, Vespasian to Caesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, Caesarea of Judea. 4.61. Civilis, in accordance with a vow such as these barbarians frequently make, had dyed his hair red and let it grow long from the time he first took up arms against the Romans, but now that the massacre of the legions was finally accomplished, he cut it short; it was also said that he presented his little son with some captives to be targets for the child's arrows and darts. However, he did not bind himself or any Batavian by an oath of allegiance to Gaul, for he relied on the resources of the Germans, and he felt that, if it became necessary to dispute the empire with the Gauls, he would have the advantage of his reputation and his superior power. Munius Lupercus, commander of a legion, was sent, among other gifts, to Veleda. This maiden of the tribe of the Bructeri enjoyed extensive authority, according to the ancient German custom, which regards many women as endowed with prophetic powers and, as the superstition grows, attributes divinity to them. At this time Veleda's influence was at its height, since she had foretold the German success and the destruction of the legions. But Lupercus was killed on the road. A few of the centurions and tribunes of Gallic birth were reserved as hostages to assure the alliance. The winter quarters of the auxiliary infantry and cavalry and of the legions were pulled down and burned, with the sole exception of those at Mainz and Vindonissa. 4.65. The people of Cologne first took some time to consider the matter, and then, since fear for the future did not allow them to submit to the terms proposed and present circumstances made it impossible to reject them openly, they made the following reply: "The first opportunity of freedom we seized with more eagerness than caution that we might join ourselves with you and the other Germans who are of our own blood. But it is safer to build the walls of the town higher rather than to pull them down at the moment when the Roman armies are concentrating. All the foreigners of Italian or provincial origin within our lands have been destroyed by war or have fled each to his own home. The first settlers, established here long ago, have become allied with us by marriage, and to them as well as to their children this is their native city; nor can we think that you are so unjust as to wish us to kill our own parents, brothers, and children. We now suppress the duties and all charges that are burdens on trade: let there be free intercourse between us, but by day and without arms until by lapse of time we shall become accustomed to our new and unfamiliar rights. We will have as arbiters Civilis and Veleda, before whom all our agreements shall be ratified." With these proposals they first calmed the Tencteri and then sent a delegation to Civilis and Veleda with gifts which obtained from them everything that the people of Cologne desired; yet the embassy was not allowed to approach Veleda herself and address her directly: they were kept from seeing her to inspire them with more respect. She herself lived in a high tower; one of her relatives, chosen for the purpose, carried to her the questions and brought back her answers, as if he were the messenger of a god. 5.13. Prodigies had indeed occurred, but to avert them either by victims or by vows is held unlawful by a people which, though prone to superstition, is opposed to all propitiatory rites. Contending hosts were seen meeting in the skies, arms flashed, and suddenly the temple was illumined with fire from the clouds. of a sudden the doors of the shrine opened and a superhuman voice cried: "The gods are departing": at the same moment the mighty stir of their going was heard. Few interpreted these omens as fearful; the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity. We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death. Such was the city and people against which Titus Caesar now proceeded; since the nature of the ground did not allow him to assault or employ any sudden operations, he decided to use earthworks and mantlets; the legions were assigned to their several tasks, and there was a respite of fighting until they made ready every device for storming a town that the ancients had ever employed or modern ingenuity invented. 5.22. He had gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the camps that were being built for the legions' winter quarters, and was now returning with the fleet, while his escort straggled and his sentries were careless. The Germans noticed this and planned an ambuscade; they selected a night black with clouds, and slipping down-stream got within the camp without opposition. Their onslaught was helped at first by cunning, for they cut the tent ropes and massacred the soldiers as they lay buried beneath their own shelters. Another force put the fleet into confusion, throwing grappling-irons on board and dragging the boats away; while they acted in silence at first to avoid attracting attention, after the slaughter had begun they endeavoured to increase the panic by their shouts. Roused by their wounds the Romans looked for their arms and ran up and down the streets of the camp; few were properly equipped, most with their garments wrapped around their arms and their swords drawn. Their general, half-asleep and almost naked, was saved only by the enemy's mistake; for the Germans dragged away his flagship, which was distinguished by a standard, thinking that he was there. But Cerialis had spent the night elsewhere, as many believe, on account of an intrigue with Claudia Sacrata, a Ubian woman. The sentries tried to use the scandalous behaviour of their general to shield their own fault, claiming that they had been ordered to keep quiet that his rest might not be disturbed; that was the reason that trumpet-call and the challenges had been omitted, and so they had dropped to sleep themselves. The enemy sailed off in broad daylight on the ships that they had captured; the flagship they took up the Lippe as a gift to Veleda. 5.24. That the legions could then have been crushed, and that the Germans wished to do so but were craftily dissuaded by him, were claims afterwards made by Civilis; and in fact his claim seems not far from the truth, since his surrender followed a few days later. For while Cerialis by secret messengers was holding out to the Batavians the prospect of peace and to Civilis of pardon, he was also advising Veleda and her relatives to change the fortunes of a war, which repeated disasters had shown to be adverse to them, by rendering a timely service to the Roman people: he reminded them that the Treviri had been cut to pieces, the Ubii had returned to their allegiance, and the Batavians had lost their native land; they had gained nothing from their friendship with Civilis but wounds, banishment, and grief. An exile and homeless he would be only a burden to any who harboured him, and they had already done wrong enough in crossing the Rhine so many times. If they transgressed further, the wrong and guilt would be theirs, but vengeance and the favour of heaven would belong to the Romans.

171. Tacitus, Annals, 1.12.2, 1.72, 3.72, 4.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities •dionysius of halicarnassus, government, analysis of Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 158; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 158; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 51

1.72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 3.72. Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam Pauli, Aemilia monimenta, propria pecunia firmaret ornaretque. erat etiam tum in more publica munificentia; nec Augustus arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostilis exuvias aut exundantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo tum exemplo Lepidus, quamquam pecuniae modicus, avitum decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum Caesar extructurum pollicitus est eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret, manente tamen nomine Pompei. simul laudibus Seianum extulit tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset; et censuere patres effigiem Seiano quae apud theatrum Pompei locaretur. neque multo post Caesar, cum Iunium Blaesum pro consule Africae triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani, cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore tali fuere. 4.33. Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo.

1.72. In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 3.72. Nearly at the same time, Marcus Lepidus asked permission from the senate to strengthen and decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilian house, at his own expense. Public munificence was a custom still; nor had Augustus debarred a Taurus, a Philippus, or a Balbus from devoting the trophies of his arms or the overflow of his wealth to the greater splendour of the capital and the glory of posterity: and now Lepidus, a man of but moderate fortune, followed in their steps by renovating the famous edifice of his fathers. On the other hand, the rebuilding of the Theatre of Pompey, destroyed by a casual fire, was undertaken by Caesar, on the ground that no member of the family was equal to the task of restoration: the name of Pompey was, however, to remain. At the same time, he gave high praise to Sejanus, "through whose energy and watchfulness so grave an outbreak had stopped at one catastrophe." The Fathers voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in the Theatre of Pompey. Again, a short time afterwards, when he was honouring Junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa, with the triumphal insignia, he explained that he did so as a compliment to Sejanus, of whom Blaesus was uncle. â None the less the exploits of Blaesus deserved such a distinction. 4.33. For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâday, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I return to my subject.

172. Plutarch, Theseus, 1.3-1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 33

1.3. εἴη μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν ἐκκαθαιρόμενον λόγῳ τὸ μυθῶδες ὑπακοῦσαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἱστορίας ὄψιν, ὅπου δʼ ἂν αὐθαδῶς τοῦ πιθανοῦ περιφρονῇ καὶ μὴ δέχηται τὴν πρὸς τὸ εἰκὸς μῖξιν, εὐγνωμόνων ἀκροατῶν δεησόμεθα καὶ πρᾴως τὴν ἀρχαιολογίαν προσδεχομένων.

173. Suetonius, Augustus, 58, 86 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 83

174. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 146

175. Plutarch, Timoleon, 1.2, 16.3, 19.2-19.3, 19.6, 21.3, 24.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 148; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 37

1.2. ἐπεὶ Δίων μὲν ἐξελάσας Διονύσιον τὸν τύραννον εὐθὺς ἀνῃρέθη δόλῳ καὶ διέστησαν οἱ σὺν Δίωνι Συρακοσίους ἐλευθερώσαντες, ἡ δὲ πόλις ἄλλον ἐξ ἄλλου μεταβάλλουσα συνεχῶς τύραννον ὑπὸ πλήθους κακῶν μικρὸν ἀπέλειπεν ἔρημος εἶναι, 16.3. ὅθεν ἐπιρρωσθέντες οἱ Κορίνθιοι πέμπουσιν αὐτῷ δισχιλίους ὁπλίτας καὶ διακοσίους ἱππεῖς, οἳ κομισθέντες ἄχρι Θουρίων τήν ἐκεῖθεν περαίωσιν ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων πολλαῖς ναυσὶ κατεχομένης τῆς θαλάττης ἄπορον ὁρῶντες, ὡς ἦν ἀνάγκη καιρὸν περιμένοντας ἀτρεμεῖν αὐτόθι, πρὸς κάλλιστον ἔργον ἀπεχρήσαντο τῇ σχολῇ. 19.2. οἱ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς Θουρίοις διατρίβοντες στρατιῶται τῶν Κορινθίων ἅμα μὲν δεδιότες τὰς Καρχηδονίων τριήρεις, αἳ παρεφύλαττον αὐτοὺς μετὰ Ἄννωνος, ἅμα δʼ ἐφʼ ἡμέρας πολλὰς ἐξηγριωμένης ὑπὸ πνεύματος τῆς θαλάττης, πεζῇ διὰ Βρεττίων ὥρμησαν πορεύεσθαι· 19.3. καὶ τὰ μὲν πείθοντες, τὰ δὲ βιαζόμενοι τοὺς βαρβάρους εἰς Ῥήγιον κατέβαινον ἔτι πολὺν χειμῶνα τοῦ πελάγους ἔχοντος. 19.6. ἐκείνου δὲ ταῦτα ληροῦντος καὶ φενακίζοντος ἐκ τῶν Βρεττίων καταβεβηκότες οἱ Κορίνθιοι εἰς τὸ Ῥήγιον, ὡς οὐδεὶς παρεφύλαττε καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα κατεσβεσμένον παραλόγως ἀκύμονα τὸν πόρον ἰδεῖν καὶ λεῖον παρεῖχε, ταχὺ πληρώσαντες τὰ πορθμεῖα καὶ τὰς ἁλιάδας τὰς παρούσας ἀνήγοντο καὶ διεκομίζοντο πρὸς τὴν Σικελίαν, οὕτως ἀσφαλῶς καὶ διὰ τοσαύτης γαλήνης ὥστε τοὺς ἵππους παρὰ τὰ πλοῖα παρανηχομένους ἐκ ῥυτήρων ἐφέλκεσθαι. 21.3. ἄλλους δʼ ἐκ τῆς Ἀχραδινῆς ἐκέλευεν ἐπιχειρεῖν, ὧν Ἰσίας ἡγεῖτο ὁ Κορίνθιος, τοὺς δὲ τρίτους ἐπῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς Ἐπιπολὰς Δείναρχος καὶ Δημάρετος, οἱ τὴν ὑστέραν ἀγαγόντες ἐκ Κορίνθου βοήθειαν. 24.4. τοὺς δὲ περὶ Δείναρχον καὶ Δημάρετον εἰς τὴν τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπικράτειαν, οἳ πόλεις πολλὰς ἀφιστάντες τῶν βαρβάρων οὐ μόνον αὐτοὶ διῆγον ἐν ἀφθόνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ χρήματα παρεσκεύαζον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἀπὸ τῶν ἁλισκομένων.

1.2. After Dion had driven out Dionysius the tyrant, he was at once treacherously slain, See the Dion , chapter lvii. This was in 354 B.C. and those who had helped him to free Syracuse were divided among themselves. The city, therefore, was continually exchanging one tyrant for another, and owing to a multitude of ills was almost abandoned, 16.3. Stimulated by this success, the Corinthians sent him two thousand men-at-arms and two hundred horsemen. These got as far as Thurii, but seeing that their passage thence was impracticable, since the sea was beset with many Carthaginian ships, they were compelled to remain there quietly and await their opportunity, and therefore turned their leisure to advantage in a most noble action. 19.2. The Corinthian soldiers, namely, who were tarrying at Thurii, partly because they feared the Carthaginian triremes which were lying in wait for them under Hanno, and partly because a storm of many days’ duration had made the sea very rough and savage, set out to travel by land through Bruttium; 19.3. and partly by persuading, partly by compelling the Barbarians, they made their way down to Rhegium while a great storm was still raging at sea. 19.6. While he was thus babbling and playing the trickster, the Corinthians who had come down from Bruttium to Rhegium, since no one was lying in wait for them and the unexpected cessation of the storm had made the strait smooth and calm to look upon, speedily manned the ferry-boats and fishing craft which they found at hand, put off and made their way across to Sicily, with such safety and in so great a calm that their horses also swam along by the side of the boats and were towed by the reins. 21.3. and ordering others, under the lead of Isias the Corinthian, to make their attempt from Achradina. The third division was led against Epipolae by Deinarchus and Demaretus, who had brought the second reinforcement from Corinth. 24.4. he sent forth the troops under Deinarchus and Demaretus Cf. chapter xxii. 3. into that part of the island which the Carthaginians controlled, where they brought many cities to revolt from the Barbarians, and not only lived in plenty themselves, but actually raised moneys for the war from the spoils they made.

176. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.36-13.81, 13.839-13.843 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14, 163, 179

177. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152

178. Apollodorus, Epitome, 5.13, 5.17-5.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on laocoön Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 578

5.13. Ὀδυσσεὺς δὲ μετὰ Διομήδους παραγενόμενος νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν πόλιν Διομήδην μὲν αὐτοῦ μένειν εἴα, αὐτὸς δὲ ἑαυτὸν 1 -- αἰκισάμενος καὶ πενιχρὰν στολὴν ἐνδυσάμενος 2 -- ἀγνώστως εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέρχεται ὡς ἐπαίτης· γνωρισθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Ἑλένης διʼ ἐκείνης τὸ παλλάδιον ἔκλεψε 3 -- καὶ πολλοὺς κτείνας τῶν φυλασσόντων ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς μετὰ Διομήδους κομίζει. 5.17. Κασάνδρας δὲ λεγούσης ἔνοπλον ἐν αὐτῷ δύναμιν εἶναι, καὶ προσέτι Λαοκόωντος τοῦ μάντεως, τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει κατακαίειν, τοῖς δὲ κατὰ βαράθρων ἀφιέναι· δόξαν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἵνα αὐτὸν ἐάσωσι θεῖον ἀνάθημα, τραπέντες ἐπὶ θυσίαν εὐωχοῦντο. 5.18. Ἀπόλλων δὲ αὐτοῖς σημεῖον ἐπιπέμπει· δύο γὰρ δράκοντες διανηξάμενοι διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐκ τῶν πλησίον 4 -- νήσων τοὺς Λαοκόωντος υἱοὺς κατεσθίουσιν.

5.13. And Ulysses went with Diomedes by night to the city, and there he let Diomedes wait, and after disfiguring himself and putting on mean attire he entered unknown into the city as a beggar. And being recognized by Helen, he with her help stole away the Palladium, and after killing many of the guards, brought it to the ships with the aid of Diomedes. These events were narrated in the Little Iliad of Lesches, as we learn from the summary of Proclus (Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 37) , which runs thus: “And Ulysses, having disfigured himself, comes as a spy to Troy , and being recognized by Helen he makes a compact with her concerning the capture of the city; and having slain some of the Trojans he arrives at the ships. And after these things he with Diomedes conveys the Palladium out of Ilium .” From this it appears that Ulysses made two different expeditions to Troy : in one of them he went by himself as a spy in mean attire, and being recognized by Helen concerted with her measures for betraying Troy to the Greeks; in the other he went with Diomedes, and together the two stole the Palladium. The former of these expeditions is described by Homer in the Odyssey ( Hom. Od. 4.242ff. ), where Helen tells how Ulysses disfigured himself with wounds, and disguising himself in mean attire came as a beggar to Troy ; how she alone detected him, wormed the secrets of the Greeks out of him, and having sworn not to betray him till he had returned in safety to the ships, let him go free, whereupon on his way back he killed many Trojans. Euripides also relates this visit of Ulysses to Troy , adding that Helen revealed his presence to Hecuba, who spared his life and sent him out of the country ( Eur. Hec. 239-250 ). These two quite distinct expeditions of Ulysses have been confused and blended into one by Apollodorus. As to the joint expedition of Ulysses and Diomedes to Troy , and the stealing of the Palladium, see further Conon 34 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica x.350-360 ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. vi.311 ; Malalas, Chr. v. pp. 109, 111ff., ed. L. Dindorf ; Zenobius, Cent. iii.8 ; Apostolius, Cent. vi.15 ; Suidas, s. vv. Διομήδειος ἀνάγκη and Παλλάδιον ; Hesychius, s.v. Διομήδειος ἀνάγκη ; Eustathius on Hom. Il. x.531, p. 822 ; Scholiast on Plat. Rep. 6, 493b ; Verg. A. 2.162-170 ; Serv. Verg. A. 2.166 ; Dictys Cretensis v.5, 8ff. The narrative of Apollodorus suggests that Ulysses had the principal share in the exploit. But according to another and seemingly more prevalent tradition it was Diomedes who really bore off the image. This emerges particularly from Conon's account. Diomedes, he tells us, mounted on the shoulders of Ulysses, and having thus scaled the wall, he refused to draw his comrade up after him, and went in search of the Palladium. Having secured it, he returned with it to Ulysses, and together they retraced their steps to the Greek camp. But by the way the crafty Ulysses conceived the idea of murdering his companion and making himself master of the fateful image. So he dropped behind Diomedes and drew his sword. But the moon shone full; and as he raised his arm to strike, the flash of the blade in the moonlight caught the eye of the wary Diomedes. He faced round, drew his sword, and, upbraiding the other with his cowardice, drove him before him, while he beat the back of the recreant with the flat of his sword. This incident gave rise to the proverb, “Diomedes's compulsion,” applied to such as did what they were forced to do by dire necessity. The proverb is similarly explained by the other Greek proverb-writers and lexicographers cited above, except that, instead of the flash of the sword in the moonlight, they say it was the shadow of the sword raised to strike him which attracted the attention of Diomedes. The picturesque story appears to have been told in the Little Iliad ( Hesychius, s.v. Διομήδειος ἀνάγκη ). According to one account, Diomedes and Ulysses made their way into the Trojan citadel through a sewer ( Serv. Verg. A. 2.166 ), indeed a narrow and muddy sewer, as Sophocles called it in the play which he composed on the subject. See Julius Pollux, ix.49 ; The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, ii.36, frag. 367 . Some affirmed that the Palladium was treacherously surrendered to the Greek heroes by Theano, the priestess of the goddess ( Scholiast on Hom. Il. vi.311 ; Suidas, s.v. Παλλάδιον ); to this step she was said to have been instigated by her husband Antenor ( Malalas, Chr. v. p. 109, ed. L. Dindorf ; Dictys Cretensis v.5, 8 ). As to Theano in her capacity of priestess, see Hom. Il. 6.297ff. The theft of the Palladium furnished a not infrequent subject to Greek artists; but the artistic, like the literary, tradition was not agreed on the question whether the actual thief was Diomedes or Ulysses. See Frazer on Paus. 1.22.6 (vol. ii. pp. 264 sq.) . 5.17. As Cassandra said that there was an armed force in it, and she was further confirmed by Laocoon, the seer, some were for burning it, and others for throwing it down a precipice; but as most were in favour of sparing it as a votive offering sacred to a divinity, As to these deliberations of the Trojans, compare Hom. Od. 8.505ff. ; Arctinus, Ilii Persis, summarized by Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49 ; Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ilii 250ff. they betook them to sacrifice and feasting. 5.18. However, Apollo sent them a sign; for two serpents swam through the sea from the neighboring islands and devoured the sons of Laocoon. Compare Arctinus, Ilii Persis, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49 ; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ant. Rom. i.48.2 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica xii.444-497 ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 347 ; Verg. A. 2.199-227 ; Hyginus, Fab. 135 ; Serv. Verg. A. 2.201 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 144ff. (Second Vatican Mythographer 207) . According to Arctinus, our oldest authority for the tragedy of Laocoon, the two serpents killed Laocoon himself and one of his sons. According to Virgil, Hyginus, and Servius, they killed Laocoon and both his sons. According to Quintus Smyrnaeus, the serpents killed the two sons but spared the father, who lived to lament their fate. This last seems to have been the version followed by Apollodorus. The reason of the calamity which befell Laocoon is explained by Servius on the authority of Euphorion. He tells us that when the Greek army landed in the Troad , the Trojans stoned the priest of Poseidon to death, because he had not, by offering sacrifices to the sea god, prevented the invasion. Accordingly, when the Greeks seemed to be departing, it was deemed advisable to sacrifice to Poseidon, no doubt in order to induce him to give the Greeks a stormy passage. But the priesthood was vacant, and it was necessary to choose a priest by lot. The lot fell on Laocoon, priest of the Thymbraean Apollo, but he had incurred the wrath of Apollo by sleeping with his wife in front of the divine image, and for this sacrilege he perished with his two sons. This narrative helps us to understand the statement of Apollodorus that the two serpents were sent by Apollo for a sign. According to Tzetzes, the death of Laocoon's son took place in the temple of the Thymbraean Apollo, the scene of the crime thus becoming the scene of the punishment. Sophocles wrote a tragedy on the subject of Laocoon, but though a few fragments of the play have survived, its contents are unknown. See TGF (Nauck 2nd ed.), pp. 211ff. ; The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 38ff. In modern times the story of Laocoon is probably even better known from the wonderful group of statuary in the Vatican than from the verses of Virgil. That group, the work of three Rhodian sculptors, graced the palace of the emperor Titus in the time of Pliny, who declared that it was to be preferred to any other work either of sculpture or painting ( Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvi.37 ). Lessing took the group for the text of his famous essay on the comparative limitations of poetry and art.

179. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 10.63 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218

180. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 79.8, 114.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, ethos (character) •dionysius of halicarnassus, prohairesis (deliberate choice) •dionysius of halicarnassus, rhetorical works Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 37; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348

181. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 11.17.2-11.17.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245

182. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, a b c d\n0 '9.3.102 '9.3.102 '9 3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

183. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 7.30 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 84

184. Arrian, Indike, 22.8 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290

185. Plutarch, Phocion, 29.1, 29.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152

29.1. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένους ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ καὶ Ὑπερείδου πρὸς Κλεωναῖς θάνατος, περὶ ὧν ἐν ἄλλοις γέγραπται, μονονοὺκ ἔρωτα καὶ πόθον Ἀθηναίοις Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου παρίστη. καὶ τοῦτο τοῦτο retained in both places by Bekker; the first is deleted by Coraës, after Reiske; the second is corrected to τότε by Sintenis 2 . ὅπερ ὕστερον, ἀναιρεθέντος Ἀντιγόνου καὶ τῶν ἀνελόντων ἐκεῖνον ἀρξαμένων βιάζεσθαι καὶ λυπεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἀνὴρ ἄγροικος ἐν Φρυγίᾳ χωρίον ὀρύττων πυθομένου τινός, τί ποιεῖς; στενάξας, Ἀντίγονον, εἶπε, ζητῶ· 29.4. ἐπιμελόμενος δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πρᾴως καὶ νομίμως τοὺς μὲν ἀστείους καὶ χαρίεντας ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἀεὶ συνεῖχε, τοὺς δὲ πολυπράγμονας καὶ νεωτεριστάς, αὐτῷ τῷ μὴ ἄρχειν μηδὲ θορυβεῖν ἀπομαραινομένους, ἐδίδαξε φιλοχωρεῖν καὶ ἀγαπᾶν γεωργοῦντας. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Ξενοκράτην τελοῦντα τὸ μετοίκιον ἐβούλετο γράψαι πολίτην ὁ δὲ ἀπεῖπε, φήσας οὐκ ἂν μετασχεῖν ταύτης τῆς πολιτείας περὶ ἧς ἐπρέσβευεν ἵνα μὴ γένηται.

29.1. 29.4.

186. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 10.3-10.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 137

10.3. Ἐν σαρκὶ γὰρ περιπατοῦντες οὐ κατὰ σάρκα στρατευόμεθα,— 10.4. τὰ γὰρ ὅπλα τῆς στρατείας ἡμῶν οὐ σαρκικὰ ἀλλὰ δυνατὰ τῷ θεῷ πρὸς καθαίρεσιν ὀχυρωμάτων,— 10.5. λογισμοὺς καθαιροῦντες καὶ πᾶν ὕψωμα ἐπαιρόμενον κατὰ τῆς γνώσεως τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ αἰχμαλωτίζοντες πᾶν νόημα εἰς τὴν ὑπακοὴν τοῦ χριστοῦ, 10.6. καὶ ἐν ἑτοίμῳ ἔχοντες ἐκδικῆσαι πᾶσαν παρακοήν, ὅταν πληρωθῇ ὑμῶν ἡ ὑπακοή.

187. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 1.4, 4.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

1.4. ὅθεν ὁ μὲν διʼ εὐνοίας καὶ τιμῆς ἅπαντα πείθων ἔπραξεν, ὁ δε κινδυνεύων καὶ βαλλόμενος μόγις ἐπεκράτησεν· ἥμερος μέντοι καὶ φιλάνθρωπος ἡ τοῦ Νομᾶ μοῦσα πρὸς εἰρήνην καὶ δικαιοσύνην μεθαρμοσαμένου καὶ καταπραΰναντος ἐξ ἀκρατῶν καὶ διαπύρων ἠθῶν τοὺς πολίτας. εἰ δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς Εἵλωτας ἀναγκάσει τις ἡμᾶς εἰς τὴν Λυκούργου θέσθαι πολιτείαν, 4.8. Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐκβῆναι τὴν Λυκούργου διάταξιν, ἐκ μεγίστων ταπεινοτάτους γενέσθαι καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίανἀποβαλόντας κινδυνεῦσαι περί ἀναστάσεως, ἐκεῖνο μέντοι τῷ Νομᾷ μέγα καὶ θεῖον ὡς ἀληθῶς ὑπάρχει, τὸ ξένῳ τε μεταπέμπτῳ γενέσθαι καὶ πάντα πειθοῖ μεταβαλεῖν, καὶ κρατῆσαι πόλεως οὔπω συμπεπνευκυίας, μήτε ὅπλων δεηθέντα μήτε βίας τινός, ὡς Λυκοῦργος ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ἦγε τοὺς ἀρίστους, ἀλλὰ σοφίᾳ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ πάντας προσαγαγόμενον καὶ συναρμόσαντα.

1.4. which his people held him; but the other had to risk his life and suffer wounds, and scarcely then prevailed. Numa’s muse, however, was gentle and humane, and he converted his people to peace and righteousness, and softened their violent and fiery tempers. And if we must ascribe to the administration of Lycurgus the treatment of the Helots, 4.8.

188. Plutarch, On Having Many Friends, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

189. Plutarch, On Common Conceptions Against The Stoics, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

190. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.2.114-1.2.125, 1.5.6-1.5.34, 1.13.1-1.13.11, 1.42.19-1.42.22, 1.42.30-1.42.32, 1.76.35-1.76.36, 1.80.23-1.80.59, 2.26, 2.26.30-2.26.35, 2.30.1-2.30.8, 2.33.17-2.33.22, 2.49-2.54, 2.59.3-2.59.10, 2.59.12-2.59.21, 3.2.1-3.2.6, 3.3.1-3.3.5, 3.22, 3.42.1-3.42.11, 4.2.58-4.2.74, 4.4.5-4.4.6, 4.44.4-4.44.5, 4.44.7-4.44.8, 4.44.10-4.44.11, 4.65.20, 4.65.23-4.65.24, 5.2, 5.22, 5.58, 5.82 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 413

191. Plutarch, Cimon, 2.3, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 37

2.3. εἰκόνα δὲ πολὺ καλλίονα νομίζοντες εἶναι τῆς τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀπομιμουμένης τὴν τὸ ἦθος καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐμφανίζουσαν, ἀναληψόμεθα τῇ γραφῇ τῶν παραλλήλων βίων τὰς πράξεις τοῦ ἀνδρός, τἀληθῆ διεξιόντες. ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἡ τῆς μνήμης χάρις· ἀληθοῦς δὲ μαρτυρίας οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ἠξίωσε μισθὸν λαβεῖν ψευδῆ καὶ πεπλασμένην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διήγησιν. 2.5. τὰς δʼ ἐκ πάθους τινὸς ἢ πολιτικῆς ἀνάγκης ἐπιτρεχούσας ταῖς πράξεσιν ἁμαρτίας καὶ κῆρας ἐλλείμματα μᾶλλον ἀρετῆς τινος ἢ κακίας πονηρεύματα νομίζοντας οὐ δεῖ πάνυ προθύμως ἐναποσημαίνειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ καὶ περιττῶς, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ αἰδουμένους ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως, εἰ καλὸν οὐδὲν εἰλικρινὲς οὐδʼ ἀναμφισβήτητον εἰς ἀρετὴν ἦθος γεγονὸς ἀποδίδωσιν.

2.3. 2.5.

192. Plutarch, On Being A Busybody, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

193. Plutarch, On The Glory of The Athenians, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 159; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 135

194. Plutarch, On Superstition, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

195. Plutarch, Comparison of Demetrius And Antony, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •coriolanus, in dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 164

196. Anon., 2 Baruch, 20.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 136

197. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 4.2.0 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan

198. Plutarch, Comparison of Demosthenes And Cicero, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 249

3.5. χρηματίσασθαι τοίνυν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου Δημοσθένης μὲν ἐπιψόγως λέγεται, λογογραφῶν κρύφα τοῖς περὶ Φορμίωνα καὶ Ἀπολλόδωρον ἀντιδίκοις, καὶ διαβληθεὶς μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς χρήμασιν, ὀφλὼν δὲ τῶν Ἁρπαλείων. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς γράφοντας οὐκ ὀλίγοι δʼ εἰσὶν οὗτοι ψεύδεσθαι φαίημεν,

3.5.

199. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, a b c d\n0 '34.20 '34.20 '34 20\n1 '34.2 '34.2 '34 2 \n2 18.5 18.5 18 5 \n3 18.1 18.1 18 1 \n4 18.11 18.11 18 11\n5 18.13 18.13 18 13\n6 18.12 18.12 18 12\n7 18.10 18.10 18 10\n8 18.15 18.15 18 15\n9 18.16 18.16 18 16\n10 18.14 18.14 18 14\n11 18.7 18.7 18 7 \n12 18.17 18.17 18 17\n13 18.6 18.6 18 6 \n14 18.8 18.8 18 8 \n15 18.18 18.18 18 18\n16 19.5 19.5 19 5 \n17 2.41.5 2.41.5 2 41\n18 32.14 32.14 32 14 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

200. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.7, 11.4, 12.3-12.4, 15.1-15.2, 28.3-28.4, 30.1-30.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152; Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 247, 249

11.4. Αἰσίωνα δέ φησιν Ἕρμιππος, ἐρωτηθέντα περὶ τῶν πάλαι ῥητόρων καὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν, εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀκούων μὲν ἄν τις ἐθαύμασεν ἐκείνους εὐκόσμως καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς τῷ δήμῳ διαλεγομένους, ἀναγινωσκόμενοι δʼ οἱ Δημοσθένους λόγοι πολὺ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ δυνάμει διαφέρουσιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν γεγραμμένοι τῶν λόγων ὅτι τὸ αὐστηρὸν πολὺ καὶ πικρὸν ἔχουσι, τί ἂν λέγοι τις; ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἀπαντήσεσι ταῖς παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐχρῆτο καὶ τῷ γελοίῳ. 12.3. αἱ δὲ τρισχίλιαι καθʼ ἑαυτὰς οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκοῦσι τὴν Δημοσθένους ἀμβλῦναι πικρίαν, ἐλπίζοντος καὶ δυναμένου περιγενέσθαι. λαβὼν δὲ τῆς πολιτείας καλὴν ὑπόθεσιν τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων δικαιολογίαν, καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἀγωνιζόμενος ἀξίως, ταχὺ δόξαν ἔσχε καὶ περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων ἤρθη καὶ τῆς παρρησίας, ὥστε θαυμάζεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, θεραπεύεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως, 12.4. πλεῖστον δʼ αὐτοῦ λόγον εἶναι παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν δημαγωγούντων, ὁμολογεῖν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθανομένους ὅτι πρὸς ἔνδοξον αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον ὁ ἀγών ἐστι. καὶ γὰρ Αἰσχίνης καὶ Ὑπερείδης τοιαῦτα ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατηγοροῦντες εἰρήκασιν. 15.1. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸν κατὰ Τιμοθέου τὸν στρατηγοῦ λόγον, ᾧ χρησάμενος Ἀπολλόδωρος εἷλε τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦ ὀφλήματος, Δημοσθένης γράψαι τῷ Ἀπολλοδώρῳ, καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς πρὸς Φορμίωνα καὶ Στέφανον, ἐφʼ οἷς εἰκότως ἠδόξησε. καὶ γὰρ ὁ Φορμίων ἠγωνίζετο λόγῳ Δημοσθένους πρὸς τὸν Ἀπολλόδωρον, ἀτεχνῶς καθάπερ ἐξ ἑνὸς μαχαιροπωλίου τὰ κατʼ ἀλλήλων ἐγχειρίδια πωλοῦντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀντιδίκοις. 15.2. τῶν δὲ δημοσίων ὁ μὲν κατʼ Ἀνδροτίωνος καὶ Τιμοκράτους καὶ Ἀριστοκράτους ἑτέροις ἐγράφησαν, οὔπω τῇ πολιτείᾳ προσεληλυθότος· δοκεῖ γὰρ δυεῖν ἢ τριῶν δέοντα ἔτη τριάκοντα γεγονὼς ἐξενεγκεῖν τοὺς λόγους ἐκείνους· τὸν δὲ κατὰ Ἀριστογείτονος αὐτὸς ἠγωνίσατο, καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀτελειῶν, διὰ τὸν Χαβρίου παῖδα Κτήσιππον, ὥς φησὶν αὐτός, ὡς δʼ ἔνιοι λέγουσι, τὴν μητέρα τοῦ νεανίσκου μνώμενος. 28.3. τοῦτον δὲ Θούριον ὄντα τῷ γένει λόγος ἔχει τραγῳδίας ὑποκρίνεσθαί ποτε, καὶ τὸν Αἰγινήτην Πῶλον τὸν ὑπερβαλόντα τῇ τέχνῃ πάντας ἐκείνου γεγονέναι μαθητὴν ἱστοροῦσιν. Ἕρμιππος δὲ τὸν Ἀρχίαν ἐν τοῖς Λακρίτου τοῦ ῥήτορος μαθηταῖς μαθηταῖς with Reiske, Coraës, Bekker, and M a (Graux): μαθητήν . ἀναγράφει· Δημήτριος δὲ τῆς Ἀναξιμένους διατριβῆς μετεσχηκέναι φησὶν αὐτόν. 28.4. οὗτος οὖν ὁ Ἀρχίας Ὑπερείδην μὲν τὸν ῥήτορα καὶ Ἀριστόνικον τὸν Μαραθώνιον καὶ τὸν Δημητρίου τοῦ Φαληρέως ἀδελφὸν Ἱμεραῖον ἐν Αἰγίνῃ καταφυγόντας ἐπὶ τὸ Αἰάκειον ἀποσπάσας ἔπεμψεν εἰς Κλεωνὰς πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον· κἀκεῖ διεφθάρησαν, Ὑπερείδου δὲ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν ἐκτμηθῆναι λέγουσι. 30.1. τὸ δέ φάρμακον Ἀρίστων μὲν ἐκ τοῦ καλάμου λαβεῖν φησιν αὐτόν, ὡς εἴρηται· πάππος δέ τις, οὗ τὴν ἱστορίαν Ἕρμιππος ἀνείληφε, φησὶ, πεσόντος αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν μὲν τῷ βιβλίῳ γεγραμμένην ἐπιστολῆς ἀρχὴν εὑρεθῆναι, Δημοσθένης Ἀντιπάτρῳ, καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο· 30.2. θαυμαζομένης δὲ τῆς περὶ τὸν θάνατον ὀξύτητος διηγῖσθαι τοὺς παρὰ ταῖς θύραις Θρᾷκας ὡς ἔκ τινος ῥακίου λαβὼν εἰς τὴν χεῖρα προσθοῖτο τῷ στόματι καὶ καταπίοι τὸ φάρμακον αὐτοὶ δʼ ἄρα χρυσὸν ᾠήθησαν εἶναι τὸ καταπινόμενον ἡ δʼ ὑπηρετοῦσα παιδίσκη, πυνθανομένων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν, φαίη πολὺν εἶναι χρόνον ἐξ οὗ φοροίη τὸν ἀπόδεσμον ἐκεῖνον ὁ Δημοσθένης ὡς φυλακτήριον.

11.4. 12.3. 12.4. 15.1. 15.2. 28.3. 28.4. 30.1. 30.2.

201. Plutarch, Eumenes, 15.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 372

15.4. ἦν οὖν ἀναγκαία βοήθεια πυρὰ πολλὰ καίειν ὅθεν οὐκ ἔλαθε τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ τὰ βλέποντα πρὸς τὴν ἀοίκητον ὄρη νεμόμενοι θαυμάσαντες τὸ τῶν πυρῶν πλῆθος ἔπεμψαν ἱππαστρίαις καμήλοις ἀγγέλους πρὸς Πευκέσταν. ὁ δὲ ὡς ἤκουσεν, αὐτός τε παντάπασιν ἔκφρων ὑπὸ δέους γενόμενος καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὁρῶν ὁμοίως ἔχοντας ὥρμητο φεύγειν, ἀναστήσας τοὺς καθʼ ὁδὸν ὄντας αὐτοῖς μάλιστα τῶν στρατιωτῶν·

15.4.

202. Plutarch, Camillus, 16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290

203. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 15.2-15.3, 21.1, 21.5, 29.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •coriolanus, in dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 73, 163

15.2. ἐξέπεσον αὖθις οἱ πολλοὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας, εἰς τὸ νεμεσᾶν καὶ φθονεῖν ὑποφερόμενοι. προσῆν δὲ τῷ πάθει τούτῳ καὶ δέος, εἰ γένοιτο τῆς ἀρχῆς κύριος ἀνὴρ ἀριστοκρατικὸς καὶ τοσοῦτον ἔχων ἐν τοῖς πατρικίοις ἀξίωμα, μὴ παντάπασιν ἀφέλοιτο τοῦ δήμου τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. 15.3. οὕτω δὴ φρονήσαντες ἀπεψηφίσαντο τὸν Μάρκιον, ὡς δʼ ἀνηγορεύθησαν ἕτεροι, βαρέως μὲν ἤνεγκεν ἡ βουλή δοκοῦσα προπεπηλακίσθαι μᾶλλον ἑαυτὴν ἢ τὸν Μάρκιον, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐκεῖνος οὐ μετρίως ἔσχεν οὐδʼ ἐπιεικῶς πρὸς τὸ συμβεβηκός, ἅτε δὴ πλεῖστα τῷ θυμοειδεῖ καὶ φιλονείκῳ μέρει τῆς ψυχῆς, ὡς ἔχοντι μέγεθος καὶ φρόνημα, κεχρημένος, τὸ δʼ ἐμβριθὲς καὶ τὸ πρᾷον, οὗ τὸ πλεῖστον ἀρετῇ πολιτικῇ μέτεστιν, ἐγκεκραμένον οὐκ ἔχων ὑπὸ λόγου καὶ παιδείας, 21.1. πλὴν αὐτὸς ὁ Μάρκιος, ἀνέκπληκτος καὶ ἀταπείνωτος, καὶ σχήματι καὶ βαδίσματι καὶ προσώπῳ καθεστηκὼς, ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐφαίνετο πεπονθόσιν ἀσυμπαθὴς ἑαυτῷ μόνος, οὐχ ὑπὸ λογισμοῦ καὶ πρᾳότητος, οὐδὲ τῷ φέρειν μετρίως τὸ συμβεβηκός, ἀλλʼ ἐμπαθὴς ὢν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καὶ βαρυφροσύνης, ὅπερ ἀγνοοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ λύπην οὖσαν. 29.4. εἴτʼ ἄλλως χάριτι τοῦ δήμου τὸν ἄνδρα μὴ βουλομένη κατελθεῖν, εἴτε κἀκεῖνον αὐτὸν ἤδη πεποιημένη διʼ ὀργῆς, ὅτι πάντας ἐποίει κακῶς οὐχ ὑπὸ πάντων ἀγνωμονηθείς, καὶ τῆς πατρίδος αὑτὸν ἔδειξεν ἐχθρόν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ κυριώτατον καὶ κράτιστον μέρος ἐγίνωσκε συμπαθοῦν αὐτῷ καὶ συναδικούμενον. ἐξενεχθείσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης εἰς τοὺς πολλούς, ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἄκυρος ἦν τοῦ ψήφῳ καὶ νόμῳ τι ποιεῖν ἄνευ προβουλεύματος.

15.2. 15.3. 21.1. 29.4.

204. Plutarch, Lucullus, 10.1-10.3, 12.1-12.2, 23.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams and visions, examples, dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 252

10.1. ἔοικε δὲ καὶ τὸ θεῖον ἐπιθαρρῦναι τοὺς Κυζικηνούς, ἀγασθὲν αὐτῶν τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν, ἄλλοις τε σημείοις ἐναργέσι, καὶ τῆς τῶν Φερεφαττίων ἑορτῆς ἐνεστώσης οἱ μὲν ἠπόρουν βοὸς μελαίνης πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν καὶ σταιτίνην πλάσαντες τῷ βωμῷ παρέστησαν, ἡ δʼ ἱερὰ καὶ τρεφομένη τῇ θεῷ νομὴν μὲν εἶχεν, ὥσπερ τἆλλα βοτὰ τῶν Κυζικηνῶν, ἐν τῇ περαίᾳ, κατʼ ἐκείνην δὲ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀποκριθεῖσα τῆς ἀγέλης μόνη διενήξατο πρὸς τὴν πόλιν καὶ κατέστησεν ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν αὑτήν. 10.2. ὄναρ δʼ ἡ θεὸς Ἀρισταγόρᾳ τῷ τοῦ δήμου γραμματιστῇ παραστᾶσα, καὶ μὴν ἔγωγε, εἶπεν, ἥκω τὸν Λιβυκὸν αὐλητὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Ποντικὸν σαλπιγκτὴν ἐπάγουσα. φράσον οὖν θαρρεῖν τοῖς πολίταις. θαυμαζόντων δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τῶν Κυζικηνῶν ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ σάλον εἶχεν ἡ θάλασσα κατιόντος ἀκρίτου πνεύματος, αἵ τε μηχαναὶ τοῦ βασιλέως παρεστῶσαι τοῖς τείχεσιν, ἔργα θαυμαστὰ Νικωνίδου τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ, ῥοίζῳ καὶ πατάγῳ πρῶτον ἀπεδήλουν τὸ μέλλον· 10.3. εἶτα νότος ἐκραγεὶς ἄπιστος τὸ μέγεθος τά τʼ ἄλλα συνέτριψε μηχανήματα ὥρας βραχεῖ μορίῳ, καὶ τὸν ξύλινον πύργον ἑκατὸν πηχῶν ὕψος ὄντα διασείσας κατέβαλεν. ἱστορεῖται δὲ τῶν ἐν Ἰλίῳ πολλοῖς καθʼ ὕπνον ὀφθῆναι τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ ῥεομένην καὶ ὑποφαίνουσάν τι τοῦ πέπλου παρερρωγός, λέγουσαν, ὡς ἀρτίως ἥκοι βοηθήσασα Κυζικηνοῖς. καὶ στήλην τινὰ δόγματα καὶ γράμματα περὶ τούτων ἔχουσαν ἐδείκνυον Ἰλιεῖς. 12.1. Λούκουλλος δὲ πρῶτον εἰς Κύζικον παρελθών ἀπέλαυσεν ἡδονῆς καὶ φιλοφροσύνης πρεπούσης· ἔπειτα ναυτικὸν ἐξηρτύετο τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐπιπορευόμενος. εἰς δὲ Τρῳάδα καταχθείς ἐσκήνωσε μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης, κατακοιμηθεὶς δὲ νύκτωρ ἐδόκει τὴν θεὰν ὁρᾶν ἐφεστῶσαν αὐτῷ καὶ λέγουσαν· τί κνώσσεις, μεγάθυμε λέον; νεβροὶ δε τοι ἐγγύς. 12.2. ἐξαναστὰς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους καλέσας διηγεῖτο τὴν ὄψιν ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης. καὶ παρῆσαν ἐξ Ἰλίου τινὲς ἀπαγγέλλοντες ὦφθαι περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιῶν λιμένα τρισκαίδεκα πεντήρεις τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐπὶ Λῆμνον πλεούσας, εὐθὺς οὖν ἀναχθείς τούτους μὲν εἷλε καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν Ἰσίδωρον ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἔπλει πρωρέας. 23.3. αἰσθόμενος δʼ ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὀκτακισχιλίους αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐγκαταλειφθέντας ἀπέκτεινε, τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις ἀπέδωκε τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐπεμελήθη μάλιστα διὰ τὴν τοιαύτην ὄψιν. ἐδόκει τινὰ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἰπεῖν παραστάντα πρόελθε, Λούκουλλε, μικρόν ἥκει γὰρ Αὐτόλυκος ἐντυχεῖν σοι βουλόμενος.

10.1. 10.2. 10.3. 12.1. 12.2. 23.3.

205. Plutarch, Demetrius, 4.2-4.3, 28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 416

4.2. ἐδόκει γὰρ μέγα καὶ καλὸν πεδίον ἐπιὼν ὁ Ἀντίγονος ψῆγμά τι ψῆγμά τι Ziegler: ψήγυατι. χρυσίου κατασπείρειν· ἐξ αὐτοῦ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὑποφύεσθαι θέρος χρυσοῦν, ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἐπανελθὼν ἰδεῖν οὐδὲν ἀλλʼ ἢ τετμημένην καλάμην. λυπούμενος δὲ καὶ περιπαθῶν ἀκοῦσαί τινων λεγόντων ὡς ἄρα Μιθριδάτης εἰς Πόντον Εὔξεινον οἴχεται, τὸ χρυσοῦν θέρος ἐξαμησάμενος. 4.3. ἐκ τούτου διαταραχθεὶς καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ὁρκώσας σιωπήσειν, ἔφρασε τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτι πάντως τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ διαφθείρειν ἔγνωκεν. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος ἠχθέσθη σφόδρα, καὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου, καθάπερ εἰώθει, γενομένου παρʼ αὐτῷ καὶ συνόντος ἐπὶ σχολῆς, φθέγξασθαι μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν οὐδὲ τῇ φωνῇ κατειπεῖν διὰ τὸν ὅρκον, ὑπαγαγὼν δὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων, ὡς ἐγεγόνεσαν μόνοι καθʼ αὑτούς, τῷ στύρακι τῆς λόγχης κατέγραφεν εἰς τὴν γῆν ὁρῶντος αὐτοῦ, φεῦγε, Μιθριδάτα. 28.4. ὑψηλὸς γὰρ εἶναι καὶ γαῦρος εἰωθὼς ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ χρώμενος φωνῇ τε μεγάλῃ καὶ λόγοις σοβαροῖς, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τῷ παρασκῶψαί τι καὶ γελοῖον εἰπεῖν τῶν πολεμίων ἐν χερσὶν ὄντων ἐπιδειξάμενος εὐστάθειαν καὶ καταφρόνησιν, τότε σύννους ἑωρᾶτο καὶ σιωπηλὸς τὰ πολλά, καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἀπέδειξε τῷ πλήθει καὶ συνέστησε διάδοχον.

4.2. 4.3. 28.4.

206. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 12.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, providence Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 249; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 249

207. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.1.1, 1.1.3, 1.1.6, 1.2.1-1.2.5, 4.6.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 8, 314; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245

208. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.19.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290

9.19.2. Τευμησσοῦ δὲ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ σταδίους προελθόντι ἑπτὰ Γλίσαντός ἐστιν ἐρείπια, πρὸ δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν δεξιᾷ τῆς ὁδοῦ χῶμα οὐ μέγα ὕλῃ τε ἀγρίᾳ σύσκιον καὶ ἡμέροις δένδροις. ἐτάφησαν δὲ αὐτόθι οἱ μετὰ Αἰγιαλέως ποιησάμενοι τοῦ Ἀδράστου τὴν ἐς Θήβας στρατείαν, ἄλλοι τε Ἀργείων τῶν ἐν τέλει καὶ Πρόμαχος ὁ Παρθενοπαίου· τῷ δὲ Αἰγιαλεῖ γενέσθαι τὸ μνῆμα ἐν Παγαῖς πρότερον ἔτι ἐν τῇ συγγραφῇ τῇ Μεγαρίδι ἐδήλωσα.

9.19.2. Seven stades from Teumessus on the left are the ruins of Glisas , and before them on the right of the way a small mound shaded by cultivated trees and a wood of wild ones. Here were buried Promachus, the son of Parthenopaeus, and other Argive officers, who joined with Aegialeus, the son of Adrastus, in the expedition against Thebes . That the tomb of Aegialeus is at Pegae I have already stated in an earlier part of my history See Paus. 1.44.4 . that deals with Megara .

209. Posidonius Olbiopolitanus, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 81

210. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 7.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 107

211. Hermogenes, Rhetorical Exercises, 22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, imitation of herodotus by •dionysius of halicarnassus, mimesis and imitation •dionysius of halicarnassus, rhetorical works Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 58

212. Harpocration, Lexicon of The Ten Orators, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 292

213. Hermogenes, On Types of Style, a b c d\n0 '2.396.12 '2.396.12 '2 396\n1 249.13 249.13 249 13 \n2 249.12 249.12 249 12 \n3 249.19 249.19 249 19 \n4 249.18 249.18 249 18 \n5 249.17 249.17 249 17 \n6 249.16 249.16 249 16 \n7 249.15 249.15 249 15 \n8 249.14 249.14 249 14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

214. Oppian, Halieutica, 4.1-4.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Kneebone (2020), Orthodoxy and the Courts in Late Antiquity, 174, 175, 176, 177

4.1. ἄλλους δʼ ἀγρευτῆρσιν ὑπήγαγε ληΐδα θήρης 4.2. ὑγρὸς ἔρως· ὀλοῶν δὲ γάμων, ὀλοῆς τʼ Ἀφροδίτης 4.3. ἠντίασαν, σπεύδοντες ἑὴν φιλοτήσιον ἄτην. 4.4. ἀλλὰ σύ μοι, κάρτιστε πολισσούχων βασιλήων, 4.5. αὐτός τʼ, Ἀντωνῖνε, καὶ υἱέος ἠγάθεον κῆρ, 4.6. πρόφρονες εἰσαΐοιτε καὶ εἰναλίῃσι γάνυσθε 4.7. τερπωλαῖς, οἵῃσιν ἐμὸν νόον ἠπιόδωροι 4.8. Μοῦσαι κοσμήσαντο καὶ ἐξέστεψαν ἀοιδῆς 4.9. δώρῳ θεσπεσίῳ καί μοι πόρον ὑμετέροισι 4.10. κίρνασθαι γλυκὺ νᾶμα καὶ οὔασι καὶ πραπίδεσσι.

215. Gellius, Attic Nights, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 383; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 130, 131; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 84; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

216. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 2.28.19-2.28.23 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, ps.-dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 47

217. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 2.1.552-2.1.554, 2.5.574, 2.13.594 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 67

218. Lucian, A Professor of Public Speaking, 7-9, 6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348

219. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 100

220. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 55.14-55.21, 56.1-56.10, 56.42.4, 74.5.3, 74.13.2-74.13.5, 75.5.3, 77.2.5-77.2.6, 78.16.6, 7978.26.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 58; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 177; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 163; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 53

55.14. 1. While he was thus occupied, various men formed plots against him, notably Gnaeus Cornelius, a son of the daughter of Pompey the Great. Augustus was consequently in great perplexity for some time, since he neither wished to put the plotters to death, inasmuch as he saw that no greater safety would accrue to him by their destruction, nor to let them go, for fear this might induce others to conspire against him.,2. While he was in doubt what to do and was finding it impossible either to be free from apprehension by day or from restlessness by night, Livia one day said to him: "What means this, husband? Why is it that you do not sleep?" And Augustus answered: "What man, wife, could even for a moment forget his cares, who always has so many enemies and is so constantly the object of plots on the part of one set of men or another?,3. Do you not see how many are attacking both me and our sovereignty? And not even the punishment of those who are brought to justice serves to check them; nay, quite the opposite is the result â those who are left are as eager to accomplish their own destruction also as if they were striving for some honourable thing.",4. Then Livia, hearing this, said: "That you should be the object of plotting is neither remarkable nor contrary to human nature. For you do a great many things, possessing so large an empire as you do, and only cause grief to not a few. A ruler can not, of course, please everybody; nay, it is inevitable that even a king whose rule is altogether upright should make many men his enemies.,5. For those who wish to do wrong are far more numerous than those who do right, and it is impossible to satisfy their desires. Even among such as possess a certain excellence, some covet many great rewards which they can not obtain, and some chafe because they are less honoured than others; hence both these classes find fault with the ruler.,6. Therefore it is impossible to avoid meeting with mischief, either at the hands of these or, in addition, at the hands of those who attack, not you personally, but the monarchy. For if you were a private citizen, no one would willingly have done you any harm, unless he had previously received some injury; but all men covet the office of ruler and the good things that office affords, and those who already possess some power covet much more than those who are lacking in this respect.,7. It is, indeed, the way of men who are wicked and have very little sense to do so; in fact, it is implanted in their nature, just like any other instinct, and it is impossible either by persuasion or by compulsion to destroy such instincts in some of them; for there is no law and no fear stronger than the instincts implanted by nature.,8. Reflect on this, therefore, and do not be vexed at the shortcomings of the other sort of men, but as for your own person and your sovereignty, keep close guard of them, that we may hold the throne securely, not by the strictness of the punishments you inflict upon individuals, but by the strictness with which you guard it." 55.15. 1. To this Augustus replied: "But, wife, I, too, am aware that no high position is ever free from envy and treachery, and least of all a monarchy.,2. Indeed, we should be equals of the gods if we had not troubles and cares and fears beyond all men in private station. But precisely this is what causes my grief, â that this is inevitably so and that no remedy for it can be found.",3. "Yet," said Livia, "since some men are so constituted as to want to do wrong in any event, let us guard against them. We have many soldiers who protect us, some arrayed against foreign foes and others about your person, and also a large retinue, so that by their help we may live in security both at home and abroad.",4. "I do not need to state," Augustus answered and said, "that many men on many occasions have perished at the hands of their immediate associates. For monarchies have this most serious disadvantage in addition to all the rest, that we have not only our enemies to fear, as have other men, but also our friends.,5. And a far greater number of rulers have been plotted against by such persons than by those who have no connexion with them at all, inasmuch as his friends are with the ruler both day and night, when he takes his exercise, when he sleeps, and when he takes the food and drink which they have prepared. For the ruler labours under this special disadvantage as regards his friends, that, although he can protect himself from his enemies by arraying his friends against them, there is no corresponding ally on whom he may rely to protect him from these very friends.,6. Consequently we rulers find it to be true at all times, that whereas solitude is dreadful, company also is dreadful, that whereas unprotectedness is terrifying, the very men who protect us are most terrifying, and that whereas our enemies are difficult to deal with, our friends are still more difficult.,7. 'Friends,' I say, for friends they must all be called, even if they are not friends. And even if one should find loyal friends, still one could by no means so completely trust them as to associate with them with a sincere, untroubled, and unsuspecting heart. This situation, then, and the necessity of taking measures to protect ourselves against the other group of plotters, combine to make our position utterly dreadful. For to be always under the necessity of taking vengeance and inflicting punishments is a source of great sorrow, to good men at least." 55.16. 1. "You are indeed right," answered Livia, "and I have some advice to give you, â that is, if you are willing to receive it, and will not censure me because I, though a woman, dare suggest to you something which no one else, even of your most intimate friends, would venture to suggest, â not because they are not aware of it, but because they are not bold enough to speak.",2. "Speak out," replied Augustus, "whatever it is." "I will tell you," said Livia, "without hesitation, because I have an equal share in your blessings and your ills, and as long as you are safe I also have my part in reigning, whereas if you come to any harm, (which Heaven forbid!), I shall perish with you.,3. If it indeed be true that man's nature persuades some persons to err under any and all conditions, and that there is no way to curb man's nature when it has once set out upon a course of action, and that even what some men look upon as good conduct (to leave out of consideration the vices of the many) is forthwith an incentive to wrongdoing to very many men (for example, boasting of high birth, pride of wealth, loftiness of honours, arrogance of bravery, conceit of power â all these bring many to grief);,4. if it be true that one can not make ignoble that which is noble, or cowardly that which is brave, or prudent that which is foolish (for that is impossible); if, on the other hand, one ought not to curtail the abundance of others or humble their ambitions, when they are guilty of no offence (for that were unjust); if, finally, the policy of defending oneself or even of trying to forestall the attacks of others inevitably leads to vexation and ill repute â if all this is true, come, let us change our policy and spare some of the plotters.,5. For it seems to me that far more wrongs are set right by kindness than by harshness. For those who forgive are not only loved by the objects of their clemency, who will therefore even strive to repay the favour, but are also respected and revered by all the rest, who will therefore not readily venture to harm them;,6. those, on the other hand, who indulge in inexorable resentment are not only hated by those who have something to fear, but are also disliked by all the rest, and are in consequence even plotted against by them in their desire to avoid meeting with destruction first. 55.17. 1. "Do you not observe that physicians very rarely resort to surgery and cautery, desiring not to aggravate their patients' maladies, but for the most part seek to soothe diseases by the application of fomentations and the milder drugs? Do not think that, because these ailments are affections of the body while those we have to do with are affections of the soul, there is any difference between them.,2. For also the minds of men, however incorporeal they may be, are subject to a large number of ailments which are comparable to those which visit our bodies. Thus there is the withering of the mind through fear and its swelling through passion; in some cases pain lops it off and arrogance makes it grow with conceit; the disparity, therefore, between mind and body being very slight, they accordingly require cases of a similar nature.,3. Gentle words, for example, cause all one's inflamed passion to subside, just as harsh words in another case will stir to wrath even the spirit which has been calmed; and forgiveness granted will melt even the utterly arrogant man, just as punishment will incense even him who is utterly mild. For acts of violence will always in every instance, no matter how just they may be, exasperate, while considerate treatment mollifies.,4. Hence it is that a man will more readily submit to the most terrible hardships â and gladly, too â if he has been persuaded, than if compulsion has been put upon him. And so true it is that, in following both these courses, man is subject to a compelling law of nature, that even among the irrational animals, which have no intelligence, many of the strongest and fiercest are tamed by petting and subdued by allurements, while many even of the most cowardly and weak are aroused to fury by acts of cruelty which excite terror in them. 55.18. 1. "I do not mean by this that we must spare all wrongdoers without distinction, but that we must cut off the headstrong man, the meddlesome, the malicious, the trouble-maker, and the man with whom there is an incurable and persistent depravity, just as we treat the members of the body that are quite beyond all healing.,2. In the case of the rest, however, whose errors, committed, wilfully or otherwise, are due to youth or ignorance or misapprehension or some other adventitious circumstance, we should in some cases merely rebuke them with words, in others bring them to their senses by threats, and in still others apply some other form of moderate treatment, just as in the case of slaves, who commit now this and now that offence, all men impose greater penalties upon some and lesser upon others.,3. Hence, so far as these political offenders are concerned, you may employ moderation without danger, punishing some by banishment, others by disfranchisement, still others by a pecuniary fine, and another class you may dispose of by placing some in confinement in the country and others in certain cities. "Experience has shown that men are brought to their senses even by failing to obtain what they hoped for and by being disappointed in the object of their desires.,4. Many men have been made better by having assigned to them at the spectacles seats which confer no honour, or by being appointed to posts to which disgrace attaches, and also by being offended or frightened in advance; and yet a man of high birth and spirit would sooner die than suffer such humiliation.,5. By such means their plans for vengeance would be made no easier, but rather more difficult, of accomplishment, while we on our part should be able to avoid any reproach and also to live in security. As things are now, people think that we kill many through resentment, many through lust for their money, others through fear of their bravery and others actually through jealousy of their virtues. For no one finds it easy to believe that a ruler who possesses so great authority and power can be the object of plotting on the part of an unarmed person in private station, but some invent the motives I have mentioned, and still others assert that many false accusations come to our ears and that we give heed to many idle rumours as if they were true.,6. Spies, they say, and eavesdroppers get hold of such rumours, and then â actuated sometimes by enmity and sometimes by resentment, in some cases because they have received money from the foes of their victims, in other cases because they have received none from the victims themselves â concoct many falsehoods, reporting not only that such and such persons have committed some outrage or are intending to commit it, but even that when so-andâso made such and such a remark, so-andâso heard it and was silent, a second person laughed, and a third burst into tears. 55.19. 1. "I could cite innumerable instances of such a kind, which, no matter how true they may be, are surely not proper subjects for gentlemen to concern themselves about or to be reported to you. Such rumours, if ignored, would do you no harm, but if listened to, would irritate you even against your will;,2. and that is a thing by all means to be avoided, especially in one who rules over others. It is generally believed, at any rate, that many men are unjustly put to death as the result of such a feeling, some without a trial and others by a prearranged conviction in court; for the people will not admit that the testimony given or the statements made under torture or any evidence of that nature is true or suffices for the condemnation of the victims.,3. This is the sort of talk that does, in fact, go the rounds, even though it is sometimes unjust, in the case of practically all who are put to death by action of the courts. And you, Augustus, ought not only to avoid unjust action, but even the suspicion of it; for though it is sufficient for a person in private station not to be guilty of wrongdoing, yet it behooves a ruler to incur not even the suspicion of wrongdoing.,4. You are ruling over human beings, not wild beasts, and the only way you can make them truly well disposed toward you is by convincing them, by every means and on every occasion consistently, that you will wrong no one, either purposely or unwittingly. A man can be compelled to fear another, but he ought to be persuaded to love him;,5. and he is persuaded not only by the good treatment he himself receives, but also by the benefits he sees conferred upon others. The man, however, who suspects that a certain person has been put to death unjustly both fears that he may some day meet a like fate and is compelled to hate the one who is responsible for the deed. And to be hated by one's subjects, quite apart from its being deplorable in general, is also exceedingly unprofitable.,6. For most people feel that, although all other men must defend themselves against all who wrong them in any way or else become objects of contempt and so be oppressed, yet rulers ought to prosecute only those who wrong the state, tolerating those who are supposed to be committing offences against them privately; rulers, they reason, can not themselves be harmed either by contempt or by direct attack, inasmuch as there are many instrumentalities which protect them from both. 55.20. 1. "I, therefore, when I hear such considerations advanced and turn my thoughts to them, am inclined to go so far as to urge you to give up altogether the inflicting of the death penalty in any case for reasons of this kind.,2. For the office of ruler has been established for the preservation of the governed, to prevent them from being injured either by one another or by foreign peoples, and not for a moment that they may be harmed by the rulers themselves; and the greatest glory is gained, not by putting many citizens to death, but by being in a position to save them all, if that be possible.,3. We must educate the citizens by means of laws and benefits and admonitions, in order that they may be right-minded, and furthermore, we must watch over them and guard them, in order that, even if they wish to do wrong, they may not be able to do so; and if there is any ailment among them, we must find some way to cure it and correct it, in order that the ailing member may not be utterly destroyed.,4. To endure the offences of the multitude is a task demanding at once great prudence and great power; but if any one is going to punish them all without distinction as they deserve, before he knows it he will have destroyed the majority of mankind.,5. Hence and for these reasons I give you my opinion to the effect that you should not inflict the death penalty upon any man for such offences, but should rather bring them to their senses in some other way, so that they will not in future commit any crime. What wrongdoing, indeed, could a man indulge in who is shut up on an island, or in the country, or in some city, not only deprived of a throng of servants and a supply of money, but also under guard, in case this, too, is necessary?,6. of course, if the enemy were anywhere near here or if some part of our sea belonged to a foreign power, so that one or another of the prisoners might escape to them and do us some harm, or if, again, there were strong cities in Italy with fortifications and armed forces, so that if a man seized them, he might become a menace to us, that would be a different story.,7. But in fact all the places here are unarmed and without walls that would be of any value in war, and our enemies are separated from them by an immense distance; much sea and much land, including mountains and rivers hard to cross, lie between them and us.,8. Why, then, should one fear this man or that, defenceless men in private station, here in the middle of your empire and hemmed in by your armed forces? For my part, I do not believe that any one could conceive any such plot as I have mentioned, or that the veriest madman could accomplish anything by it. 55.21. 1. "Let us make the experiment, therefore, beginning with these very men. Perhaps they may not only be reformed themselves, but also make others better; for you see that Cornelius is both of good birth and famous, and we ought, I presume, to take human nature into account in reasoning out such matters also.,2. The sword, surely, can not accomplish everything for you, â it would indeed be a great boon it if could bring men to their senses and persuade them or even compel them to love a ruler with genuine affection, â but instead, while it will destroy the body of one man, it will alienate the minds of the rest. For people do not become more attached to any one because of the vengeance they see meted out to others, but they become more hostile because of their fears.,3. So much for that side; but as for those who are treated in a forgiving spirit, they not only repent, because they are ashamed to wrong their benefactors again, but also repay them with many services, hoping to receive still further kindnesses; for when a man has been spared by one who has been wronged, he believes that his rescuer, if fairly treated, will go to any lengths in his benefactions.,4. Heed me, therefore, dearest, and change your course; if you do, all your other acts that have caused displeasure will be thought to have been dictated by necessity, â indeed, it is impossible for a man to guide so great a city from democracy to monarchy and make the change without bloodshed, â but if you continue in your old policy, you will be thought to have done these unpleasant things deliberately." 56.1. 56.1. 1. While others were reducing these places, Tiberius returned to Rome after the winter in which Quintus Sulpicius and Gaius Sabinus became consuls. Even Augustus himself went out into the suburbs to meet him, accompanied him to the Saepta, and there from a tribunal greeted the people. Following this he performed all the ceremonies proper to such occasions, and caused the consuls to give triumphal games.,2. And when the knights were very urgent, during the games, in seeking the repeal of the law regarding the unmarried and the childless, he assembled in one part of the Forum the unmarried men of their number, and in another those who were married, including those who also had children. Then, perceiving that the latter were much fewer in number than the former, he was filled with grief and addressed them somewhat as follows: 56.2. 1. "Though you are but few altogether, in comparison with the vast throng that inhabits this city, and are far less numerous than the others, who are unwilling to perform any of their duties, yet for this very reason I for my part praise you the more, and am heartily grateful to you because you have shown yourselves obedient and are helping to replenish the fatherland.,2. For it is by lives so conducted that Romans of later days will become a mighty multitude. We were at first a mere handful, you know, but when we had recourse to marriage and begot us children, we came to surpass all mankind not only in the manliness of our citizens but in the size of our population as well,3. Bearing this in mind, we must console the mortal side of our nature with an endless succession of generations that shall be like the torch-bearers in a race, so that through one another we may render immortal the one side of our nature in which we fall short of divine bliss.,4. It was for this cause most of all that that first and greatest god, who fashioned us, divided the race of mortals in twain, making one half of it male and the other half female, and implanted in them love and compulsion to mutual intercourse, making their association fruitful, that by the young continually born he might in a way render even mortality immortal.,5. Indeed, even of the gods themselves some are accounted male and others female; and the tradition prevails that some have begotten others and some have been begotten of others. So even among those beings, who need no such device, marriage and the begetting of children have been approved as a noble thing. 56.3. 1. "You have done right, therefore, to imitate the gods and right to emulate your fathers, so that, just as they begot you, you also may bring others into the world; that, just as you consider them and name them ancestors, others also may regard you and address you in similar fashion;,2. that the works which they nobly achieved and handed down to you with glory, you also may hand on to others; and that the possessions which they acquired and left to you, you also may leave to others sprung from your own loins.,3. For is there anything better than a wife who is chaste, domestic, a good house-keeper, a rearer of children; one to gladden you in health, to tend you in sickness; to be your partner in good fortune, to console you in misfortune; to restrain the mad passion of youth and to temper the unseasonable harshness of old age?,4. And is it not a delight to acknowledge a child who shows the endowments of both parents, to nurture and educate it, at once the physical and the spiritual image of yourself, so that in its growth another self lives again?,5. Is it not blessed, on departing from life, to leave behind as successor and heir to your blood and substance one that is your own, sprung from your own loins, and to have only the human part of you waste away, while you live in the child as your successor, so that you need not fall into the hands of aliens, as in war, nor perish utterly, as in a pestilence?,6. These, now, are the private advantages that accrue to those who marry and beget children; but for the State, for whose sake we ought to do many things that are even distasteful to us, how excellent and how necessary it is, if cities and peoples are to exist,,7. and if you are to rule others and all the world is to obey you, that there should be a multitude of men, to till the earth in time of peace, to make voyages, practise arts, and follow handicrafts, and, in time of war, to protect what we already have with all the greater zeal because of family ties and to replace those that fall by others.,8. Therefore, men, â for you alone may properly be called men, â and fathers, â for you are as worthy to hold this title as I myself, â I love you and praise you for this; and I not only bestow the prizes I have already offered but will distinguish you still further by other honours and offices, so that you may not only reap great benefits yourselves but may also leave them to your children undiminished.,9. I will now go over to the other group, whose actions will bear no comparison with yours and whose reward, therefore, will be directly the opposite. You will thus learn not alone from my words, but even more from my deeds, how far you excel them." 56.4. 1. After this speech he made presents to some of them at once and promised to make others; he then went over to the other crowd and spoke to them as follows:,2. "A strange experience has been mine, O â what shall I call you? Men? But you are not performing any of the offices of men. Citizens? But for all that you are doing, the city is perishing. Romans? But you are undertaking to blot out this name altogether.,3. Well, at any rate, whatever you are and by whatever name you delight to be called, mine has been an astonishing experience; for though I am always doing everything to promote an increase of population among you and am now about to rebuke you, I grieve to see that there are a great many of you. I could rather have wished that those to whom I have just spoken were as numerous as you prove to be, and that preferably you were ranged with them, or otherwise did not exist at all.,4. For you, heedless alike of the providence of the gods and of the watchful care of your forefathers, are bent upon annihilating our entire race and making it in truth mortal, are bent upon destroying and bringing to an end the entire Roman nation. For what seed of human beings would be left, if all the rest of mankind should do what you are doing? For you have become their leaders, and so would rightly bear the responsibility for the universal destruction.,5. And even if no others emulate you, would you not be justly hated for the very reason that you overlook what no one else would overlook, and neglect what no one else would neglect, introducing customs and practices which, if imitated, would lead to the extermination of all mankind, and, if abhorred, would end in your own punishment?,6. We do not spare murderers, you know, because not every man commits murder, nor do we let temple-robbers go because not everyone robs temples; but anybody who is convicted of committing a forbidden act is punished for the very reason that he alone or in company with a few others does something that no one else would do. 56.5. 1. Yet, if one were to name over all the worst crimes, the others are as naught in comparison with this one you are now committing, whether you consider them crime for crime or even set all of them together over against this single crime of yours.,2. For you are committing murder in not begetting in the first place those who ought to be your descendants; you are committing sacrilege in putting an end to the names and honours of your ancestors; and you are guilty of impiety in that you are abolishing your families, which were instituted by the gods, and destroying the greatest of offerings to them, â human life, â thus overthrowing their rites and their temples.,3. Moreover, you are destroying the State by disobeying its laws, and you are betraying your country by rendering her barren and childless; nay more, you are laying her even with the dust by making her destitute of future inhabitants. For it is human beings that constitute a city, we are told, not houses or porticos or market-places empty of men.,4. "Bethink you, therefore, what wrath would justly seize the great Romulus, the founder of our race, if he could reflect on the circumstances of his own birth and then upon your conduct in refusing to beget children even by lawful marriages!,5. How wrathful would the Romans who were his followers be, if they could realize that after they themselves had even seized foreign girls, you are not satisfied even with those of your own race, and after they had got children even by enemy wives, you will not beget them even of women who are citizens! How angry would Curtius be, who was willing to die that the married men might not be bereft of their wives! How indigt Hersilia, who attended her daughter at her wedding and instituted for us all the rites of marriage!,6. Nay, our fathers even fought the Sabines to obtain brides and made peace through the intercession of their wives and children; they administered oaths and made sundry treaties for this very purpose; but you are bringing all their efforts to naught.,7. And why? Do you desire to live apart from women always, even as the Vestal Virgins live apart from men? Then you should also be punished as they are if you are guilty of any lewdness. 56.6. 1. "I know that I seem to you to speak bitterly and harshly. But reflect, in the first place, that physicians, too, treat many patients by cautery and surgery, when they cannot be cured in any other way;,2. and, in the second place, that it is not my wish or my pleasure to speak thus. Hence I have this further reproach to bring against you, that you have provoked me to this discourse. As for yourselves, if you do not like what I say, do not continue this conduct for which you are being and must ever be reproached. If my words do wound some of you, how much more do your actions wound both me and all the rest of the Romans!,3. Accordingly, if you are vexed in very truth, change your course, so that I may praise and recompense you; for that I am not harsh by nature and that I have accomplished, subject to human limitations, everything it was proper for a good law-giver to do, even you cannot fail to realize.,4. "Indeed, it was never permitted to any man, even in olden times, to neglect marriage and the begetting of children; but from the very outset, when the government was first established, strict laws were made regarding these matters, and subsequently many decrees were passed by both the senate and the people, which it would be superfluous to enumerate here.,5. I, now, have increased the penalties for the disobedient, in order that through fear of becoming liable to them you might be brought to your senses; and to the obedient I have offered a more numerous and greater prizes than are given for any other display of excellence, in order that for this reason, if for no other, you might be persuaded to marry and beget children.,6. Yet you have not striven for any of the recompenses nor feared any of the penalties, but have shown contempt for all these measures and have trodden them all underfoot, as if you were not living in a civilized community. You talk, forsooth, about this 'free' and 'untrammelled' life that you have adopted, without wives and without children; but you are not a whit better than brigands or the most savage of beasts. 56.7. 1. For surely it is not your delight in a solitary existence that leads you to live without wives, nor is there one of you who either eats alone or sleeps alone; no, what you want is to have full liberty for wantonness and licentiousness.,2. Yet I allowed you to pay your court to girls still of tender years and not yet ripe for marriage, in order that, classed as prospective bridegrooms, you might live as family men should; and I permitted those not in the senatorial order to wed freedwomen, so that, if anyone through love or intimacy of any sort should be disposed to such a course, he might go about it lawfully.,3. And I did not limit you rigidly even to this, but at first gave you three whole years in which to make your preparations, and later two. Yet not even so, by threatening, or urging, or postponing, or entreating, have I accomplished anything.,4. For you see for yourselves how much more numerous you are than the married men, when you ought by this time to have provided us with as many children besides, or rather with several times your number. How otherwise can families continue? How can the State be preserved, if we neither marry nor have children?,5. For surely you are not expecting men to spring up from the ground to succeed to your goods and to the public interests, as the myths describe! And yet it is neither right nor creditable that our race should cease, and the name of Romans be blotted out with us, and the city be given over to foreigners â Greeks or even barbarians.,6. Do we not free our slaves chiefly for the express purpose of making out of them as many citizens as possible? And do we not give our allies a share in the government in order that our numbers may increase? And do you, then, who are Romans from the beginning and claim as your ancestors the famous Marcii, the Fabii, the Quintii, the Valerii, and the Julii, do you desire that your families and names alike shall perish with you? 56.8. 1. Nay, I for my part am ashamed that I have been forced even to mention such a thing. Have done with your madness, then, and stop at last to reflect, that with many dying all the time by disease and many in war it is impossible for the city to maintain itself, unless its population is continually renewed by those who are ever and anon to be born.,2. "And let none of you imagine that I fail to realize that there are disagreeable and painful things incident to marriage and the begetting of children. But bear this in mind, that we do not possess any other good with which some unpleasantness is not mingled, and that in our most abundant and greatest blessings there reside the most abundant and greatest evils.,3. Therefore, if you decline to accept the latter, do not seek to obtain the former, either, since for practically everything that has any genuine excellence or enjoyment one must strive beforehand, strive at the time, and strive afterwards. But why should I prolong my speech by going into all these details? Even if there are, then, some unpleasant things incident to marriage and the begetting of children, set over against them the advantages, and you will find these to be at once more numerous and more compelling.,4. For, in addition to all the other blessings that naturally inhere in this state of life, the prizes offered by the laws should induce each other to obey me; for a very small part of these inspires many to undergo even death. And is it not disgraceful that for rewards which lead others to sacrifice even their lives you should be unwilling either to marry wives or to rear children? 56.9. 1. "Therefore, fellow-citizens, â for I believe that I have now persuaded you both to hold fast to the name of citizens and to secure the title of men and fathers as well, â I have administered this rebuke to you not for my own pleasure but from necessity, and not as your enemy nor as one who hates you but rather loving you and wishing to obtain many others like you,,2. in order that we may have lawful homes to dwell in and houses full of descendants, so that we may approach the gods together with our wives and our children, and in partnership with one another may risk our all in equal measure and reap in like degree the hopes we cherish in them. How, indeed, could I be a good ruler over you, if I could endure to see you growing constantly fewer in number?,3. How could I any longer be rightfully called father by you, if you rear no children? Therefore, if you really hold me in affection, and particularly if you have given me this title not out of flattery but as an honour, be eager now to become both men and fathers, in order that you may not only share this title yourselves but may also justify it as applied to me." 56.10. 1. Such were his words to the two groups at that time. Afterwards he increased the rewards to those who had children and in the case of the others made a distinction between the married men and the unmarried by imposing different penalties; furthermore, he granted a year's time to those who were remiss in either respect, in which to obey him and thus escape the penalties.,2. Contrary to the Lex Voconia, according to which no woman could inherit property to the value of more than one hundred thousand sesterces, he permitted some women to inherit larger amounts; and he granted the Vestal Virgins all the privileges enjoyed by women who had borne children.,3. Later the Lex Papia Poppaea was framed by Marcus Papius Mutilus and by Quintus Poppaeus Secundus, who were consuls at the time for a part of the year. Now it chanced that both of them were not only childless but were not even married, and from this very circumstance the need of the law was apparent. These were the events in Rome. 56.42.4. but Livia remained on the spot for five days in company with the most prominent knights, and then gathered up his bones and placed them in his tomb. 77.2.5. Hence Plautianus became very indigt; he had even before this hated Antoninus for slighting his daughter, but now detested him more than ever as being responsible for this slight which had been put upon him, and he began to behave rather harshly toward him. For these reasons Antoninus, in addition to being disgusted with his wife, who was a most shameless creature, felt resentment against Plautianus as well, because he kept meddling in all his undertakings and rebuking him for everything that he did; and so he conceived the desire to get rid of him in some way or other. 78.16.6. Antoninus censured and rebuked them all because they asked nothing of him; and he said to them all: "It is evident from the fact that you ask nothing of me that you do not have confidence in me; and if you do not have confidence, you are suspicious of me; and if you are suspicious, you fear me; and if you fear me, you hate me." And he made this an excuse for plotting their destruction.

221. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 12.119.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 290

222. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 6.11.89.4-90.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, hymn to zeus Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 319

223. Alexander Numenii, Rhetoric, 32.15-32.18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on idiosyncrasy of thucydides’ style Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 34

224. Zenobius, Proverbs of Lucillus Tarrhaeus And Didymus, 3.42 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 15

225. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 9.36.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 20

226. Lucian, How To Write History, 10, 50, 53, 55, 7-9, 22 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 4

227. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.11-1.18, 11.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on epideictic speeches •dionysius of halicarnassus, ps.-dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 25

11.17. When we had come to the temple, the great priest and those who were assigned to carry the divine images (but especially those who had long been worshippers of the religion) went into the secret chamber of the goddess where they placed the images in order. This done, one of the company, who was a scribe or interpreter of letters, in the manner of a preacher stood up on a chair before the holy college and began to read out of a book. He began pronounce benedictions upon the great emperor, the senate, the knights, and generally to all the Roman people, and to all who are under the jurisdiction of Rome. These words following signified the end of their divine service and that it was lawful for every man to depart. Whereupon all the people gave a great shout and, filled with much joy, bore all kind of herbs and garlands of flowers home to their houses, kissing and embracing the steps where the goddess had passed. However, I could not do as the rest did, for my mind would not allow me to depart one foot away. This was how eager I was to behold the beauty of the goddess, remembering the great misery I had endured.

228. Tertullian, On The Games, 13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 66

13. We have, I think, faithfully carried out our plan of showing in how many different ways the sin of idolatry clings to the shows, in respect of their origins, their titles, their equipments, their places of celebration, their arts; and we may hold it as a thing beyond all doubt, that for us who have twice renounced all idols, they are utterly unsuitable. Not that an idol is anything, 1 Corinthians 8:4 as the apostle says, but that the homage they render is to demons, who are the real occupants of these consecrated images, whether of dead men or (as they think) of gods. On this account, therefore, because they have a common source - for their dead and their deities are one - we abstain from both idolatries. Nor do we dislike the temples less than the monuments: we have nothing to do with either altar, we adore neither image; we do not offer sacrifices to the gods, and we make no funeral oblations to the departed; nay, we do not partake of what is offered either in the one case or the other, for we cannot partake of God's feast and the feast of devils. 1 Corinthians 10:21 If, then, we keep throat and belly free from such defilements, how much more do we withhold our nobler parts, our ears and eyes, from the idolatrous and funereal enjoyments, which are not passed through the body, but are digested in the very spirit and soul, whose purity, much more than that of our bodily organs, God has a right to claim from us.

229. Tertullian, On Idolatry, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 66

15. But let your works shine, says He; Matthew 5:16 but now all our shops and gates shine! You will now-a-days find more doors of heathens without lamps and laurel-wreaths than of Christians. What does the case seem to be with regard to that species (of ceremony) also? If it is an idol's honour, without doubt an idol's honour is idolatry. If it is for a man's sake, let us again consider that all idolatry is for man's sake; let us again consider that all idolatry is a worship done to men, since it is generally agreed even among their worshippers that aforetime the gods themselves of the nations were men; and so it makes no difference whether that superstitious homage be rendered to men of a former age or of this. Idolatry is condemned, not on account of the persons which are set up for worship, but on account of those its observances, which pertain to demons. The things which are C sar's are to be rendered to C sar. It is enough that He set in apposition thereto, and to God the things which are God's. What things, then, are C sar's? Those, to wit, about which the consultation was then held, whether the poll-tax should be furnished to C sar or no. Therefore, too, the Lord demanded that the money should be shown Him, and inquired about the image, whose it was; and when He had heard it was C sar's, said, Render to C sar what are C sar's, and what are God's to God; that is, the image of C sar, which is on the coin, to C sar, and the image of God, which is on man, to God; so as to render to C sar indeed money, to God yourself. Otherwise, what will be God's, if all things are C sar's? Then, do you say, the lamps before my doors, and the laurels on my posts are an honour to God? They are there of course, not because they are an honour to God, but to him who is honour in God's stead by ceremonial observances of that kind, so far as is manifest, saving the religious performance, which is in secret appertaining to demons. For we ought to be sure if there are any whose notice it escapes through ignorance of this world's literature, that there are among the Romans even gods of entrances; Cardea (Hinge-goddess), called after hinges, and Forculus (Door-god) after doors, and Limentinus (Threshold-god) after the threshold, and Janus himself (Gate-god) after the gate: and of course we know that, though names be empty and feigned, yet, when they are drawn down into superstition, demons and every unclean spirit seize them for themselves, through the bond of consecration. Otherwise demons have no name individually, but they there find a name where they find also a token. Among the Greeks likewise we read of Apollo Thyr us, i.e. of the door, and the Antelii, or Anthelii, demons, as presiders over entrances. These things, therefore, the Holy Spirit foreseeing from the beginning, fore-chanted, through the most ancient prophet Enoch, that even entrances would come into superstitious use. For we see too that other entrances are adored in the baths. But if there are beings which are adored in entrances, it is to them that both the lamps and the laurels will pertain. To an idol you will have done whatever you shall have done to an entrance. In this place I call a witness on the authority also of God; because it is not safe to suppress whatever may have been shown to one, of course for the sake of all. I know that a brother was severely chastised, the same night, through a vision, because on the sudden announcement of public rejoicings his servants had wreathed his gates. And yet himself had not wreathed, or commanded them to be wreathed; for he had gone forth from home before, and on his return had reprehended the deed. So strictly are we appraised with God in matters of this kind, even with regard to the discipline of our family. Therefore, as to what relates to the honours due to kings or emperors, we have a prescript sufficient, that it behooves us to be in all obedience, according to the apostle's precept, subject to magistrates, and princes, and powers; Titus 3:1 but within the limits of discipline, so long as we keep ourselves separate from idolatry. For it is for this reason, too, that that example of the three brethren has forerun us, who, in other respects obedient toward king Nebuchodonosor rejected with all constancy the honour to his image, Daniel 2-3 proving that whatever is extolled beyond the measure of human honour, unto the resemblance of divine sublimity, is idolatry. So too, Daniel, in all other points submissive to Darius, remained in his duty so long as it was free from danger to his religion; Daniel vi for, to avoid undergoing that danger, he feared the royal lions no more than they the royal fires. Let, therefore, them who have no light, light their lamps daily; let them over whom the fires of hell are imminent, affix to their posts, laurels doomed presently to burn: to them the testimonies of darkness and the omens of their penalties are suitable. You are a light of the world, and a tree ever green. If you have renounced temples, make not your own gate a temple. I have said too little. If you have renounced stews, clothe not your own house with the appearance of a new brothel.

230. Tertullian, Apology, 12, 16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 66

16. For, like some others, you are under the delusion that our god is an ass's head. Cornelius Tacitus first put this notion into people's minds. In the fifth book of his histories, beginning the (narrative of the) Jewish war with an account of the origin of the nation; and theorizing at his pleasure about the origin, as well as the name and the religion of the Jews, he states that having been delivered, or rather, in his opinion, expelled from Egypt, in crossing the vast plains of Arabia, where water is so scanty, they were in extremity from thirst; but taking the guidance of the wild asses, which it was thought might be seeking water after feeding, they discovered a fountain, and thereupon in their gratitude they consecrated a head of this species of animal. And as Christianity is nearly allied to Judaism, from this, I suppose, it was taken for granted that we too are devoted to the worship of the same image. But the said Cornelius Tacitus (the very opposite of tacit in telling lies) informs us in the work already mentioned, that when Cneius Pompeius captured Jerusalem, he entered the temple to see the arcana of the Jewish religion, but found no image there. Yet surely if worship was rendered to any visible object, the very place for its exhibition would be the shrine; and that all the more that the worship, however unreasonable, had no need there to fear outside beholders. For entrance to the holy place was permitted to the priests alone, while all vision was forbidden to others by an outspread curtain. You will not, however, deny that all beasts of burden, and not parts of them, but the animals entire, are with their goddess Epona objects of worship with you. It is this, perhaps, which displeases you in us, that while your worship here is universal, we do homage only to the ass. Then, if any of you think we render superstitious adoration to the cross, in that adoration he is sharer with us. If you offer homage to a piece of wood at all, it matters little what it is like when the substance is the same: it is of no consequence the form, if you have the very body of the god. And yet how far does the Athenian Pallas differ from the stock of the cross, or the Pharian Ceres as she is put up uncarved to sale, a mere rough stake and piece of shapeless wood? Every stake fixed in an upright position is a portion of the cross; we render our adoration, if you will have it so, to a god entire and complete. We have shown before that your deities are derived from shapes modelled from the cross. But you also worship victories, for in your trophies the cross is the heart of the trophy. The camp religion of the Romans is all through a worship of the standards, a setting the standards above all gods. Well, as those images decking out the standards are ornaments of crosses. All those hangings of your standards and banners are robes of crosses. I praise your zeal: you would not consecrate crosses unclothed and unadorned. Others, again, certainly with more information and greater verisimilitude, believe that the sun is our god. We shall be counted Persians perhaps, though we do not worship the orb of day painted on a piece of linen cloth, having himself everywhere in his own disk. The idea no doubt has originated from our being known to turn to the east in prayer. But you, many of you, also under pretence sometimes of worshipping the heavenly bodies, move your lips in the direction of the sunrise. In the same way, if we devote Sun-day to rejoicing, from a far different reason than Sun-worship, we have some resemblance to those of you who devote the day of Saturn to ease and luxury, though they too go far away from Jewish ways, of which indeed they are ignorant. But lately a new edition of our god has been given to the world in that great city: it originated with a certain vile man who was wont to hire himself out to cheat the wild beasts, and who exhibited a picture with this inscription: The God of the Christians, born of an ass. He had the ears of an ass, was hoofed in one foot, carried a book, and wore a toga. Both the name and the figure gave us amusement. But our opponents ought straightway to have done homage to this biformed divinity, for they have acknowledged gods dog-headed and lion-headed, with horn of buck and ram, with goat-like loins, with serpent legs, with wings sprouting from back or foot. These things we have discussed ex abundanti, that we might not seem willingly to pass by any rumor against us unrefuted. Having thoroughly cleared ourselves, we turn now to an exhibition of what our religion really is.

231. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 66

232. Lucian, On Mourning, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: KÃ¶nig (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 40

233. Origen, Commentary On Matthew, 17.7.209 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 109

234. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 27, 63, 68 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 265

235. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.6, 2.36.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl •antiquitates romanae (dionysius of halicarnassus) •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 374; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

1.6. Now let us pass to divine testimonies; but I will previously bring forward one which resembles a divine testimony, both on account of its very great antiquity, and because he whom I shall name was taken from men and placed among the gods. According to Cicero, Caius Cotta the pontiff, while disputing against the Stoics concerning superstitions, and the variety of opinions which prevail respecting the gods, in order that he might, after the custom of the Academics, make everything uncertain, says that there were five Mercuries; and having enumerated four in order, says that the fifth was he by whom Argus was slain, and that on this account he fled into Egypt, and gave laws and letters to the Egyptians. The Egyptians call him Thoth; and from him the first month of their year, that is, September, received its name among them. He also built a town, which is even now called in Greek Hermopolis (the town of Mercury), and the inhabitants of Phen honour him with religious worship. And although he was a man, yet he was of great antiquity, and most fully imbued with every kind of learning, so that the knowledge of many subjects and arts acquired for him the name of Trismegistus. He wrote books, and those in great numbers, relating to the knowledge of divine things, in which be asserts the majesty of the supreme and only God, and makes mention of Him by the same names which we use - God and Father. And that no one might inquire His name, he said that He was without name, and that on account of His very unity He does not require the peculiarity of a name. These are his own words: God is one, but He who is one only does not need a name; for He who is self-existent is without a name. God, therefore, has no name, because He is alone; nor is there any need of a proper name, except in cases where a multitude of persons requires a distinguishing mark, so that you may designate each person by his own mark and appellation. But God, because He is always one, has no peculiar name. It remains for me to bring forward testimonies respecting the sacred responses and predictions, which are much more to be relied upon. For perhaps they against whom we are arguing may think that no credence is to be given to poets, as though they invented fictions, nor to philosophers, inasmuch as they were liable to err, being themselves but men. Marcus Varro, than whom no man of greater learning ever lived, even among the Greeks, much less among the Latins, in those books respecting divine subjects which he addressed to Caius C sar the chief pontiff, when he was speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that the Sibylline books were not the production of one Sibyl only, but that they were called by one name Sibylline, because all prophetesses were called by the ancients Sibyls, either from the name of one, the Delphian priestess, or from their proclaiming the counsels of the gods. For in the Æolic dialect they used to call the gods by the word Sioi, not Theoi; and for counsel they used the word bule, not boule;- and so the Sibyl received her name as though Siobule. But he says that the Sibyls were ten in number, and he enumerated them all under the writers, who wrote an account of each: that the first was from the Persians, and of her Nicanor made mention, who wrote the exploits of Alexander of Macedon;- the second of Libya, and of her Euripides makes mention in the prologue of the Lamia;- the third of Delphi, concerning whom Chrysippus speaks in that book which he composed concerning divination - the fourth a Cimmerian in Italy, whom N vius mentions in his books of the Punic war, and Piso in his annals - the fifth of Erythr a, whom Apollodorus of Erythr a affirms to have been his own countrywoman, and that she foretold to the Greeks when they were setting out for Ilium, both that Troy was doomed to destruction, and that Homer would write falsehoods;- the sixth of Samos, respecting whom Eratosthenes writes that he had found a written notice in the ancient annals of the Samians. The seventh was of Cum , by name Amalth a, who is termed by some Herophile, or Demophile, and they say that she brought nine books to the king Tarquinius Priscus, and asked for them three hundred philippics, and that the king refused so great a price, and derided the madness of the woman; that she, in the sight of the king, burnt three of the books, and demanded the same price for those which were left; that Tarquinias much more considered the woman to be mad; and that when she again, having burnt three other books, persisted in asking the same price, the king was moved, and bought the remaining books for the three hundred pieces of gold: and the number of these books was afterwards increased, after the rebuilding of the Capitol; because they were collected from all cities of Italy and Greece, and especially from those of Erythr a, and were brought to Rome, under the name of whatever Sibyl they were. Further, that the eighth was from the Hellespont, born in the Trojan territory, in the village of Marpessus, about the town of Gergithus; and Heraclides of Pontus writes that she lived in the times of Solon and Cyrus - the ninth of Phrygia, who gave oracles at Ancyra;- the tenth of Tibur, by name Albunea, who is worshipped at Tibur as a goddess, near the banks of the river Anio, in the depths of which her statue is said to have been found, holding in her hand a book. The senate transferred her oracles into the Capitol. The predictions of all these Sibyls are both brought forward and esteemed as such, except those of the Cum an Sibyl, whose books are concealed by the Romans; nor do they consider it lawful for them to be inspected by any one but the Quindecemviri. And there are separate books the production of each, but because these are inscribed with the name of the Sibyl they are believed to be the work of one; and they are confused, nor can the productions of each be distinguished and assigned to their own authors, except in the case of the Erythr an Sibyl, for she both inserted her own true name in her verse, and predicted that she would be called Erythr an, though she was born at Babylon. But we also shall speak of the Sibyl without any distinction, wherever we shall have occasion to use their testimonies. All these Sibyls, then, proclaim one God, and especially the Erythr an, who is regarded among the others as more celebrated and noble; since Fenestella, a most diligent writer, speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that, after the rebuilding of the Capitol, Caius Curio the consul proposed to the senate that ambassadors should be sent to Erythr to search out and bring to Rome the writings of the Sibyl; and that, accordingly, Publius Gabinius, Marcus Otacilius, and Lucius Valerius were sent, who conveyed to Rome about a thousand verses written out by private persons. We have shown before that Varro made the same statement. Now in these verses which the ambassadors brought to Rome, are these testimonies respecting the one God:- 1. One God, who is alone, most mighty, uncreated. This is the only supreme God, who made the heaven, and decked it with lights. 2. But there is one only God of pre-eminent power, who made the heaven, and sun, and stars, and moon, and fruitful earth, and waves of the water of the sea. And since He alone is the framer of the universe, and the artificer of all things of which it consists or which are contained in it, it testifies that He alone ought to be worshipped: - 3. Worship Him who is alone the ruler of the world, who alone was and is from age to age. Also another Sibyl, whoever she is, when she said that she conveyed the voice of God to men, thus spoke:- 4. I am the one only God, and there is no other God. I would now follow up the testimonies of the others, were it not that these are sufficient, and that I reserve others for more befitting opportunities. But since we are defending the cause of truth before those who err from the truth and serve false religions, what kind of proof ought we to bring forward against them, rather than to refute them by the testimonies of their own gods?

236. Menander of Laodicea, Rhet., 1.1.333-1.1.344 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 25

237. Lactantius, Epitome Divinarum Institutionum, 1.19.4, 2.7.2, 5.32.6, 5.50.5, 8.6.9-8.6.13, 10.40.2-10.40.6, 26.41.18-26.41.19, 31.8.3, 31.12.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119, 123, 265

238. Cyprian, Letters, 1.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348

239. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 196

70a. ענבי תאלא במים,לחזזיתא ליתי שב חיטי ארזנייתא וניקלינהו אמרא חדתא ונפיק משחא מינייהו ונישוף רב שימי בר אשי עבד ליה לההוא עובד כוכבים לדבר אחר ואיתסי,אמר שמואל האי מאן דמחו ליה באלונכי דפרסאי מיחייא לא חיי אדהכי והכי ניספו ליה בשרא שמינא אגומרי וחמרא חייא אפשר דחיי פורתא ומפקיד אביתיה,אמר רב אידי בר אבין האי מאן דבלע זיבורא מיחייא לא חיי אדהכי והכי נשקיה רביעתא דחלא שמזג אפשר דחיי פורתא ומפקיד לביתיה,א"ר יהושע בן לוי אכל בשר שור בלפת ולן בלבנה בלילי י"ד או ט"ו בתקופת תמוז אחזתו אחילו,תנא והממלא כריסו מכל דבר אחזתו אחילו אמר רב פפא אפי' מתמרי פשיטא סד"א הואיל ואמר מר תמרי משבען ומשחנן ומשלשלן ומאשרן ולא מפנקן אימא לא קמ"ל,מאי אחילו א"ר אלעזר אש של עצמות מאי אש של עצמות אמר אביי אש גרמי,מאי אסותיה אמר אביי אמרה לי אם כולהו שקייני תלתא ושבעא ותריסר והאי עד דמתסי,כולהו שקייני אליבא ריקנא והאי בתר דאכל ושתי ועייל לבית הכסא ונפיק ומשי ידיה ומייתו ליה בונא דשתיתא דטלפחי ובונא דחמרא עתיקא וניגבלינהו בהדי הדדי וניכול וניכרוך בסדיניה וניגניה וליכא דנוקמיה עד דקאי מנפשיה וכי קאי לישקליה לסדיניה מיניה ואי לא הדר עילויה,אמר ליה אליהו לר' נתן אכול שליש ושתה שליש והנח שליש לכשתכעוס תעמוד על מילואך,תני ר' חייא הרוצה שלא יבא לידי חולי מעיים יהא רגיל בטיבול קיץ וחורף סעודתך שהנאתך ממנה משוך ידך הימנה ואל תשהה עצמך בשעה שאתה צריך לנקביך,אמר מר עוקבא האי מאן דשתי טיליא חיורא אחזתו ויתק אמר רב חסדא שיתין מיני חמרא הוו מעליא דכולהו סומקא ריחתנא גריעא דכולהו טיליא חיורא,אמר רב יהודה האי מאן דיתיב בצפרני ניסן גבי נורא ושייף משחא ונפיק ויתיב בשמשא אחזתו ויתק,תנו רבנן הקיז דם ושימש מטתו הוויין לו בנים ויתקין הקיזו שניהם ושימשו הוויין להן בנים בעלי ראתן אמר רב פפא לא אמרן אלא דלא טעים מידי אבל טעים מידי לית לן בה,אמר רבה בר רב הונא בא מן הדרך ושימש מטתו הוויין לו בנים ויתקין תנו רבנן הבא מבית הכסא אל ישמש מטתו עד שישהה שיעור חצי מיל מפני ששד בית הכסא מלוה עמו ואם שימש הוויין לו בנים נכפים,תנו רבנן המשמש מטתו מעומד אוחזתו עוית מיושב אוחזתו דלריא היא מלמעלה והוא מלמטה אוחזתו דלריא,מאי דלריא אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי סם דלריא דרדרא מאי דרדרא אמר אביי מוריקא דחוחי רב פפא אליס ובלע ליה רב פפי אליס ושדי ליה,אמר אביי מי שאינו בקי בדרך ארץ ליתי ג' קפיזי קורטמי דחוחי ונידוקינהו ונישליקינהו בחמרא ונישתי אמר רבי יוחנן הן הן החזירוני לנערותי:,שלשה דברים מכחישים כחו של אדם ואלו הן פחד דרך ועון פחד דכתיב (תהלים לח, יא) לבי סחרחר עזבני כחי דרך דכתיב (תהלים קב, כד) ענה בדרך כחי עון דכתיב (תהלים לא, יא) כשל בעוני כחי:,שלשה דברים מתיזין גופו של אדם ואלו הן אכל מעומד ושתה מעומד ושימש מטתו מעומד,חמשה קרובין למיתה יותר מן החיים ואלו הן אכל ועמד שתה ועמד הקיז דם ועמד ישן ועמד שימש מטתו ועמד:,ששה העושה אותן מיד מת ואלו הן הבא בדרך ונתייגע הקיז דם ונכנס לבית המרחץ ושתה ונשתכר וישן על גבי קרקע ושימש מטתו אמר רבי יוחנן והוא שעשאן כסידרן,אמר אביי כסידרן מת שלא כסידרן חליש איני והא מעורת עבדה ליה לעבדה תלת מינייהו ומית ההוא כחוש הוה:,שמונה רובן קשה ומיעוטן יפה ואלו הן דרך ודרך ארץ עושר ומלאכה יין ושינה חמין והקזת דם,שמונה ממעטים את הזרע ואלו הן המלח והרעב והנתק בכייה ושינה על גבי קרקע וגדגדניות וכשות שלא בזמנה והקזת דם למטה כפלים,תנא כשם שקשה למטה כפלים כך יפה למעלה כפלים אמר רב פפא

70a. b grapes /b grown by trellising the vine on b a palm tree /b soaked b in water. /b ,As a remedy b for lichen planus [ i ḥazazita /i ] /b on one’s skin, b let him bring seven large wheat kernels [ i arzanayata /i ] and /b let him b roast them over /b a fire on the blade of b a new hoe. And /b let him b extract oil from /b the wheat b and rub /b it into his skin. It is told: b Rav Shimi bar Ashi used this /b remedy b for a certain gentile /b who had b something else, /b i.e., leprosy, b and he was healed. /b , b Shmuel said: One who is struck with Persian spears [ i alunkei /i ] will not live /b long afterward, as he will certainly die from this wound. b In the meantime, they should force-feed him fatty meat /b that was roasted b over coals, and undiluted wine. /b If they do this, it is b possible that he will live /b for b a little bit /b longer b and /b have time to b instruct his household /b with regard to what they should do after his death.,Similarly, b Rav Idi bar Avin said: One who swallowed a hornet will not live. In the meantime they should give him a quarter- /b i log /i b of sharp [ i shamzag /i ] vinegar to drink. /b If they do this, b it is possible that he will live /b for b a little bit /b longer b and /b have time to b instruct his household /b with regard to what they should do after his death.,§ b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: /b If one b ate ox meat with a turnip, and slept by /b the light of b the moon on the night of the fourteenth or the fifteenth /b of the month b in the season of Tammuz, /b i.e., summer, he will be b afflicted with i aḥilu /i , /b a severe fever.,A Sage b taught: And one who fills his stomach with anything, /b meaning that he eats too much, will be b afflicted with i aḥilu /i . Rav Pappa said: Even /b if he fills his stomach b with dates. /b The Gemara asks: b Isn’t /b this b obvious, /b as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi explicitly mentioned if one fills his stomach with anything. The Gemara answers: b It might enter your mind to say /b that b since the Master said /b the following in praise of dates: b Dates satisfy /b the body, b warm /b it up, b act as a laxative, strengthen /b the body, b and do not spoil /b it, one might b say /b that as dates are beneficial, he would not be harmed by eating too many. Nevertheless, it b teaches us /b that they can also cause harm when eaten in excess.,The Gemara asks: b What /b is the affliction b i aḥilu /i /b mentioned here? b Rabbi Elazar says: A fire of the bones. /b The Gemara asks: b What is a fire of the bones? Abaye said: /b This is what is called b i esh garmei /i /b in Aramaic., b What is its remedy? Abaye said: My mother told me /b that b any drink /b consumed for medicinal purposes should be taken for either b three or seven or twelve /b days, depending on what is necessary for that specific ailment. b And /b if b this /b is taken to treat i aḥilu /i then he must drink it b until he is healed. /b , b Any drink /b consumed for medicinal purposes should be consumed b with an empty heart, /b i.e., without eating first. b And /b for b this /b disease of i aḥilu /i he consumes the medicine b after he eats and drinks and enters the bathroom, and exits and washes his hands, and they bring him a fistful of i shetita /i , /b a type of food made b from lentils, and a fistful of aged wine. And let him mix them together and let him eat /b this mixture. b And let him wrap himself with his sheet and sleep. And let there be no /b one b who will awaken him until he awakens on his own. And when he awakens let him remove the sheet from himself. And if /b he does b not /b do this then the illness b will return to him. /b ,§ b Elijah /b the prophet b said to Rabbi Natan: Eat a third /b of your fill, b and drink a third /b of your fill, b and leave a third /b of your fill, so that b when you become angry you /b will b become full. /b If you do this, there will be room, as it were, for the anger. If you become angry when your stomach is full you will be harmed., b Rabbi Ḥiyya teaches: One who does not want to come to /b a situation whereby he contracts b intestinal disease /b should b become accustomed to dipping /b his food in wine or vinegar, both in the b summer /b and in the b winter. /b He also teaches: b You should remove your hand, /b i.e., stop eating, b from a meal that you enjoy /b so that you do not overeat. b And do not delay yourself at the time when it is necessary to relieve yourself. /b , b Mar Ukva said: This one who drinks inferior white wine [ i tilya /i ] /b will be b afflicted with weakness [ i vitak /i ]. Rav Ḥisda said: There are sixty types of wine. The best of them all /b is b red, fragrant /b wine. b The worst of them all /b is b inferior white wine. /b , b Rav Yehuda said: This one who sits near the fire during the mornings /b in the month b of Nisan and rubs /b himself b with oil and /b then b goes out and sits in the sun /b will be b afflicted with weakness. /b , b The Sages taught: /b One who b let blood and /b afterward b engaged in sexual intercourse has weak children /b conceived from those acts of intercourse. If b both of them, /b husband and wife, b let blood and engaged in sexual intercourse they will have children afflicted /b with a disease known as b i ra’atan /i . Rav Pappa said: We said /b this b only /b if b he did not taste anything /b after letting blood. b But /b if b he tasted something /b then b we have no /b problem b with it. /b , b Rabba bar Rav Huna says: /b One who b came /b back b from /b traveling on b the road and engaged in sexual intercourse /b immediately b has weak children /b conceived from those acts of intercourse. b The Sages taught: /b With regard to b one who comes /b in b from the bathroom, /b he should b not engage in sexual intercourse until he waits the measure of /b time it takes to walk b half a i mil /i because the demon of the bathroom accompanies him. And if he engaged in sexual intercourse /b without waiting this measure of time, b he has children /b who are b epileptic. /b , b The Sages taught: One who engages in sexual intercourse /b while b standing /b will be b afflicted by spasms. /b One who engages in sexual intercourse while b sitting /b will be b afflicted with i dalarya /i . /b If b she, /b the woman, is b above and he, /b the husband, is b below /b during sexual intercourse, then he will be b afflicted with i dalarya /i . /b ,The Gemara asks: b What /b is b i dalarya /i ? Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: /b The b remedy for i dalarya /i /b is b i dardara /i . /b The Gemara asks: b What /b is b i dardara /i ? Abaye said: Saffron of thorns. Rav Pappa /b would b chew [ i aleis /i ] and swallow /b this remedy. b Rav Pappi /b would b chew and spit it /b out., b Abaye says: /b As a remedy for b one who is not an expert, /b i.e., does not have strength, b in /b the b way of the world, /b i.e., in sexual intercourse, b let him bring three vessels [ i kefizei /i ], /b each containing three-quarters of a i log /i of b safflower thorns. And let him grind them, and boil them in wine, and drink /b the mixture. b Rabbi Yoḥa says: These are /b the remedies that b return me to my youth /b with regard to sexual intercourse.,§ b Three things diminish a person’s strength, and they are: Fear, /b traveling on the b road, and sin. /b The Gemara explains: b Fear, as it is written: “My heart flutters, my strength fails me” /b (Psalms 38:11). Traveling on the b road, as it is written: “He has weakened my strength on the road” /b (Psalms 102:24). b Sin, as it is written: “My strength fails because of my sin” /b (Psalms 31:11)., b Three things break a person’s body, and they are: /b If he b ate /b while b standing, /b if he b drank /b while b standing, and /b if he b engaged in sexual intercourse /b while b standing. /b ,There are b five /b actions that bring one b closer to death than /b to b life, and they are: /b If he b ate and stood /b up immediately, if he b drank and stood /b up immediately, if he b let blood and stood /b up immediately, if he b slept and stood /b up immediately, and if he b engaged in sexual intercourse and stood /b up immediately.,With regard to b one who performs /b the following acts, if he performs the b six /b of b them /b consecutively b he dies immediately, and they are: /b If b one came /b back b from /b a journey b on the road and was exhausted, let blood, and entered the bathhouse, and drank and became intoxicated, and slept on the ground, and engaged in sexual intercourse, /b then he will die. b Rabbi Yoḥa says: But he /b will die for certain only in the case b where he performs them in this order. /b , b Abaye said: /b If he performs these actions b in this order he will die. /b But if he performs them b out of order he will become weak. /b The Gemara asks: b Is that so? But didn’t /b a woman named b Me’oret make her slave /b perform b three of these /b actions b and he died /b as a result? The Gemara answers: b That /b slave b was weak, /b which is why he died. But an ordinary individual would die only upon performing all of these acts in the previously mentioned order., b Eight /b actions are b difficult /b for the body and the soul to handle b in large /b amounts b and /b are b beneficial in small /b amounts, b and they are: /b Traveling on the b road, /b engaging in the b way of the world, /b i.e., engaging in sexual intercourse, having b wealth, work, /b drinking b wine, sleep, hot water, and bloodletting. /b , b Eight /b actions or illnesses b decrease the semen, and they are: Salt, hunger, /b a skin disease called b i netek /i , crying, sleeping on the ground, /b the b melilot /b plant, b and dodder /b eaten b not in its time, /b i.e., before it is ripe. b And bloodletting /b performed b below, /b on the lower portion of the body, causes b twice /b as much harm as the other actions mentioned.,The Sage b taught: Just as /b bloodletting b below /b causes b twice /b as much b harm, so too, /b bloodletting b above, /b on the upper portion of the body, is b twice /b as b effective. Rav Pappa said: /b

240. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, a b c d\n0 '8.10 '8.10 '8 10\n1 '5.20 '5.20 '5 20\n2 '9.52 '9.52 '9 52\n3 7.78 7.78 7 78\n4 7.79 7.79 7 79\n5 7.88 7.88 7 88\n6 7.87 7.87 7 87 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

241. Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, 10.36.22, 36.22-36.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 159; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 134

242. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 2.166, 3.12, 8.348 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14, 161, 163, 179

243. Servius, In Vergilii Georgicon Libros, 1.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

244. Didymus, In Genesim, 119.10-119.11 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 233

245. Marcellinus, Vita Thucydidis, 35-39, 41, 48-50, 56, 1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 105

246. Libanius, Progymnasmata, 12.5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on epideictic speeches •dionysius of halicarnassus, ps.-dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 25

247. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 2.7.17 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, hymn to zeus Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 319

248. Gregory of Nazianzus, De Vita Sua, 114-118, 113 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 160

249. Libanius, Orations, 9, 5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 25

250. Stobaeus, Anthology, 5.39.22 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 247

251. Proclus, Chrestomathia, 88.6-88.9 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on laocoön Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 578

252. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Interpretatio Epistulae Ii Ad Timotheum, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

253. Proclus, Commentary On Plato'S Republic, 1.6.26 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 70

254. Procopius, De Bellis, 5.15.9-5.15.14, 5.25.19 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 163, 179

256. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Comp., 4.15, 11.13, 11.19-11.21, 11.24, 17.8, 18.22-18.26 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on euripides’ choral songs •dionysius of halicarnassus, on music •dionysius of halicarnassus, hymn to zeus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 79, 80; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 20, 48, 51, 211, 319

257. Sha, M. Ant., 3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245

258. Sha, Geta, 7 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245

259. Dionysus of Halicarnassus, Comp., 23.2-23.7 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Greensmith (2021), The Resurrection of Homer in Imperial Greek Epic: Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica and the Poetics of Impersonation, 183

261. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On Composition, 1.5, 3.2, 3.8-3.12, 4.12-4.13, 6.8-6.9, 11.2, 11.8, 21.1-21.2, 25.35 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on demosthenes •dionysius of halicarnassus, on composition Found in books: Jonge and Hunter (2019), Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Augustan Rome. Rhetoric, Criticism and Historiography, 89, 94, 101, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 260

264. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 40

265. Philostratus of Athens, Lives of The Sophists, 1.45.1 = 1.19 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the ancient orators Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 24, 25

266. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Olympian 3, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 383

268. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Letter To Pompeius, 3.1, 3.2, 3.2-6.11, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 5, 6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 339

269. Hegesias of Magnesia, Fgrh 142, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on prose style Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 296

270. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Compositione Verborum, 4.11, 4.16-4.20, 18.26 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on prose style •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 233, 296

271. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Letter To Ammaeus, 1.6 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 233

272. Ps. Aristoteles, Rh. Al., None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 159

273. Papyri, Commentary On Thucydides, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 89

274. Vergil, Cat., 2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 83

275. Caecilius of Calacte, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 84

276. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.48 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on laocoön Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 578

277. Aurelius Victor, De Viris Illustribus, 2.5-2.6 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

280. Epigraphy, Seg, a b c d\n0 3. 3. 3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 3

282. Scholia In Thucydidem, Scholia In Thucydidem Ad Optimos Codices Collata, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 87, 108, 109

283. Strabo, Geography, 1.1.1, 1.2.3, 1.2.8, 3.2.9, 4.1.2, 5.3.8, 5.3.10, 6.1.15, 7.3.7, 10.5.2, 12.3.16, 13.1.41, 13.1.54, 14.1.41, 14.5.4, 14.5.15, 15.1.13, 15.2.14, 16.2.24, 17.1.36 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, providence •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins •dionysius of halicarnassus, and rome •dionysius of halicarnassus, on prose style •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the ancient orators Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 81; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 17, 290, 386; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 121; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 73; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 173, 218, 233, 237, 238, 247, 249, 291; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 173, 218, 233, 237, 238, 247, 249, 291; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 90; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 162

1.1.1. IF the scientific investigation of any subject be the proper avocation of the philosopher, Geography, the science of which we propose to treat, is certainly entitled to a high place; and this is evident from many considerations. They who first ventured to handle the matter were distinguished men. Homer, Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecataeus, (his fellow-citizen according to Eratosthenes,) Democritus, Eudoxus, Dicaearchus, Ephorus, with many others, and after these Erastosthenes, Polybius, and Posidonius, all of them philosophers. Nor is the great learning, through which alone this subject can be approached, possessed by any but a person acquainted with both human and divine things, and these attainments constitute what is called philosophy. In addition to its vast importance in regard to social life, and the art of government, Geography unfolds to us the celestial phenomena, acquaints us with the occupants of the land and ocean, and the vegetation, fruits, and peculiarities of the various quarters of the earth, a knowledge of which marks him who cultivates it as a man earnest in the great problem of life and happiness. 1.2.3. Eratosthenes says that the poet directs his whole attention to the amusement of the mind, and not at all to its instruction. In opposition to his idea, the ancients define poesy as a primitive philosophy, guiding our life from infancy, and pleasantly regulating our morals, our tastes, and our actions. The [Stoics] of our day affirm that the only wise man is the poet. On this account the earliest lessons which the citizens of Greece convey to their children are from the poets; certainly not alone for the purpose of amusing their minds, but for their instruction. Nay, even the professors of music, who give lessons on the harp, lyre, and pipe, lay claim to our consideration on the same account, since they say that [the accomplishments which they teach] are calculated to form and improve the character. It is not only among the Pythagoreans that one hears this claim supported, for Aristoxenus is of that opinion, and Homer too regarded the bards as amongst the wisest of mankind. of this number was the guardian of Clytemnestra, to whom the son of Atreus, when he set out for Troy, gave earnest charge to preserve his wife, whom Aegisthus was unable to seduce, until leading the bard to a desert island, he left him, and then The queen he led, not willing less than he, To his own mansion. Ib. iii. 272. But apart from all such considerations, Eratosthenes contradicts himself; for a little previously to the sentence which we have quoted, at the commencement of his Essay on Geography, he says, that all the ancient poets took delight in showing their knowledge of such matters. Homer inserted into his poetry all that he knew about the Ethiopians, Egypt, and Libya. of all that related to Greece and the neighbouring places he entered even too minutely into the details, describing Thisbe as abounding in doves, Haliartus, grassy, Anthedon, the far distant, Lilaea, situated on the sources of the Cephissus, and none of his epithets are without their meaning. But in pursuing this method, what object has he in view, to amuse [merely], or to instruct? The latter, doubtless. Well, perhaps he has told the truth in these instances, but in what was beyond his observation both he and the other writers have indulged in all the marvels of fable. If such be the case the statement should have been, that the poets relate some things for mere amusement, others for instruction; but he affirms that they do it altogether for amusement, without any view to information; and by way of climax, inquires, What can it add to Homer's worth to be familiar with many lands, and skilled in strategy, agriculture, rhetoric, and similar information, which some persons seem desirous to make him possessed of. To seek to invest him with all this knowledge is most likely the effect of too great a zeal for his honour. Hipparchus observes, that to assert he was acquainted with every art and science, is like saying that an Attic eiresione bears pears and apples. As far as this goes, Eratosthenes, you are right enough; not so, however, when you not only deny that Homer was possessed of these vast acquirements, but represent poetry in general as a tissue of old wives' fables, where, to use your own expression, every thing thought likely to amuse is cooked up. I ask, is it of no value to the auditors of the poets to be made acquainted with [the history of] different countries, with strategy, agriculture, and rhetoric, and suchlike things, which the lecture generally contains. 1.2.8. To begin. The poets were by no means the first to avail themselves of myths. States and lawgivers had taken advantage of them long before, having observed the constitutional bias of mankind. Man is eager after knowledge, and the love of legend is but the prelude thereto. This is why children begin to listen [to fables], and are acquainted with them before any other kind of knowledge; the cause of this is that the myth introduces them to a new train of ideas, relating not to every-day occurrences, but something in addition to these. A charm hangs round whatever is new and hitherto unknown, inspiring us with a desire to become acquainted with it, but when the wonderful and the marvellous are likewise present, our delight is increased until at last it becomes a philtre of study. To children we are obliged to hold out such enticements, in order that in riper years, when the mind is powerful, and no longer needs such stimulants, it may be prepared to enter on the study of actual realities. Every illiterate and uninstructed man is yet a child, and takes delight in fable. With the partially informed it is much the same; reason is not all-powerful within him, and he still possesses the tastes of a child. But the marvellous, which is capable of exciting fear as well as pleasure, influences not childhood only, but age as well. As we relate to children pleasing tales to incite them [to any course] of action, and frightful ones to deter them, such as those of Lamia, Gorgo, Ephialtes, and Mormolyca. So numbers of our citizens are incited to deeds of virtue by the beauties of fable, when they hear the poets in a strain of enthusiasm recording noble actions, such as the labours of Hercules or Theseus, and the honours bestowed on them by the gods, or even when they see paintings, sculptures, or figures bearing their romantic evidence to such events. In the same way they are restrained from vicious courses, when they think they have received from the gods by oracles or some other invisible intimations, threats, menaces, or chastisements, or even if they only believe they have befallen others. The great mass of women and common people, cannot be induced by mere force of reason to devote themselves to piety, virtue, and honesty; superstition must therefore be employed, and even this is insufficient without the aid of the marvellous and the terrible. For what are the thunderbolts, the aegis, the trident, the torches, the dragons, the barbed thyrses, the arms of the gods, and all the paraphernalia of antique theology, but fables employed by the founders of states, as bugbears to frighten timorous minds. Such was mythology; and when our ancestors found it capable of subserving the purposes of social and political life, and even contributing to the knowledge of truth, they continued the education of childhood to maturer years, and maintained that poetry was sufficient to form the understanding of every age. In course of time history and our present philosophy were introduced; these, however, suffice but for the chosen few, and to the present day poetry is the main agent which instructs our people and crowds our theatres. Homer here stands pre-eminent, but in truth all the early historians and natural philosophers were mythologists as well. 3.2.9. Posidonius, in praising the amount and excellence of the metals, cannot refrain from his accustomed rhetoric, and becomes quite enthusiastic in exaggeration. He tells us we are not to disbelieve the fable, that formerly the forests having been set on fire, the earth, which was loaded with silver and gold, melted, and threw up these metals to the surface, forasmuch as every mountain and wooded hill seemed to be heaped up with money by a lavish fortune. Altogether (he remarks) any one seeing these places, could only describe them as the inexhaustible treasuries of nature, or the unfailing exchequer of some potentate; for not only, he tells us, is this land rich itself, but riches abound beneath it. So that amongst these people the subterraneous regions should not be regarded as the realms of Pluto, but of Plutus. Such is the flourished style in which he speaks on this subject, that you would fancy his turgid language had been dug from a mine itself. Discoursing on the diligence of the miners, he applies to them the remark [of Demetrius] of Phalaris, who, speaking of the silver mines of Attica, said that the men there dug with as much energy as if they thought they could grub up Plutus himself. He compares with these the activity and diligence of the Turdetani, who are in the habit of cutting tortuous and deep tunnels, and draining the streams which they frequently encounter by means of Egyptian screws. As for the rest, they are quite different from the Attic miners, whose mining (he remarks) may be justly compared to that enigma, What I have taken up I have not kept, and what I have got I have thrown away. Whereas the Turdetanians make a good profit, since a fourth part of the ore which they extract from the copper mines is [pure] copper, while from the silver mines one person has taken as much as a Euboean talent. He says that tin is not found upon the surface, as authors commonly relate, but that it is dug up; and that it is produced both in places among the barbarians who dwell beyond the Lusitanians and in the islands Cassiterides; and that from the Britannic Islands it is carried to Marseilles. Amongst the Artabri, who are the last of the Lusitanians towards the north and west, he tells us that the earth is powdered with silver, tin, and white gold, that is, mixed with silver, the earth having been brought down by the rivers: this the women scrape up with spades, and wash in sieves, woven after the fashion of baskets. Such is the substance of what [Posidonius] tells us concerning the mines [of Iberia]. 4.1.2. The whole of this country is irrigated by rivers descending from the Alps, the Cevennes, and the Pyrenees, some of which discharge themselves into the ocean, others into the Mediterranean. The districts through which they flow are mostly plains interspersed with hills, and having navigable streams. The course of these rivers is so happily disposed in relation to each other, that you may traffic from one sea to the other, carrying the merchandise only a small distance, and that easily, across the plains; but for the most part by the rivers, ascending some, and descending others. The Rhone is pre-eminent in this respect, both because it communicates with many other rivers, and also because it flows into the Mediterranean, which, as we have said, is superior to the ocean, and likewise passes through the richest provinces of Gaul. The whole of the Narbonnaise produces the same fruits as Italy. As we advance towards the north, and the mountains of the Cevennes, the plantations of the olive and fig disappear, but the others remain. Likewise the vine, as you proceed northward, does not easily mature its fruit. The entire of the remaining country produces in abundance corn, millet, acorns, and mast of all kinds. No part of it lies waste except that which is taken up in marshes and woods, and even this is inhabited. The cause of this, however, is rather a dense population than the industry of the inhabitants. For the women there are both very prolific and excellent nurses, while the men devote themselves rather to war than husbandry. However, their arms being now laid aside, they are compelled to engage in agriculture. These remarks apply generally to the whole of Transalpine Keltica. We must now describe particularly each of the four divisions, which hitherto we have only mentioned in a summary manner. And, first, of the Narbonnaise. 5.3.8. These advantages accrued to the city from the nature of the country; but the foresight of the Romans added others besides. The Grecian cities are thought to have flourished mainly on account of the felicitous choice made by their founders, in regard to the beauty and strength of their sites, their proximity to some port, and the fineness of the country. But the Roman prudence was more particularly employed on matters which had received but little attention from the Greeks, such as paving their roads, constructing aqueducts, and sewers, to convey the sewage of the city into the Tiber. In fact, they have paved the roads, cut through hills, and filled up valleys, so that the merchandise may be conveyed by carriage from the ports. The sewers, arched over with hewn stones, are large enough in some parts for waggons loaded with hay to pass through; while so plentiful is the supply of water from the aqueducts, that rivers may be said to flow through the city and the sewers, and almost every house is furnished with water-pipes and copious fountains. To effect which Marcus Agrippa directed his special attention; he likewise bestowed upon the city numerous ornaments. We may remark, that the ancients, occupied with greater and more necessary concerns, paid but little attention to the beautifying of Rome. But their successors, and especially those of our own day, without neglecting these things, have at the same time embellished the city with numerous and splendid objects. Pompey, divus Caesar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their zeal and munificence in these decorations. The greater number of these may be seen in the Campus Martius, which to the beauties of nature adds those of art. The size of the plain is marvellous, permitting chariot-races and other feats of horsemanship without impediment, and multitudes to exercise themselves at ball, in the circus and the palaestra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, the summits of the hills beyond the Tiber, extending from its banks with panoramic effect, present a spectacle which the eye abandons with regret. Near to this plain is another surrounded with columns, sacred groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and superb temples in close contiguity to each other; and so magnificent, that it would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after it. For this cause the Romans, esteeming it as the most sacred place, have there erected funeral monuments to the most illustrious persons of either sex. The most remarkable of these is that designated as the Mausoleum, which consists of a mound of earth raised upon a high foundation of white marble, situated near the river, and covered to the top with ever-green shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze statue of Augustus Caesar, and beneath the mound are the ashes of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is a large grove containing charming promenades. In the centre of the plain, is the spot where this prince was reduced to ashes; it is surrounded with a double enclosure, one of marble, the other of iron, and planted within with poplars. If from hence you proceed to visit the ancient forum, which is equally filled with basilicas, porticos, and temples, you will there behold the Capitol, the Palatium, with the noble works which adorn them, and the promenade of Livia, each successive place causing you speedily to forget what you have before seen. Such is Rome. 5.3.10. As to the places situated on either side of the Via Latina, those on the right are between it and the Via Appia; of their number are Setia and Signia, which produce wine, that of Setia being one of the dearest wines, and that called Signium the best for strengthening the stomach. Before this are Privernum, Cora, Suessa, Trapontium, Velitrae, Aletrium, and also Fregellae, by which the Liris flows, which discharges itself [into the sea] near Minturnae. Fregellae, though now a village, was formerly a considerable city, and the chief of the surrounding places we have just named. Even now their inhabitants throng to it on market days, and for the performance of certain religious solemnities. Its defection from the Romans was the cause of its ruin. Both these, and also the cities lying on the Via Latina and beyond, situated in the territories of the Hernici, Aequi, and Volsci, were for the most part founded by the Romans. To the left of the Via Latina, the cities between it and the Via Valeria, are, Gabii, standing in the Via Praenestina, it possesses a stone-quarry, in greater demand at Rome than any other, and is at an equal distance of about 100 stadia between Rome and Praeneste. Then Praeneste, of which we shall have occasion presently to speak. Then, in the mountains above Praeneste, Capitulum, a small city of the Hernici, and Anagnia, a considerable city; Cereate, and Sora, by which the river Liris flows as it passes on to Fregellae, and Minturnae. After these there are other places, and finally, Venafrum, from whence comes the finest oil. This city is situated on a high hill by the foot of which flows the Volturnus, which passing by Casilinum, discharges itself [into the sea] at a city bearing the same name as itself. Aesernia and Alliphae, cities of the Samnites, the former was destroyed in the Marsian war, the other still remains. 6.1.15. Next in order comes Metapontium, which is one hundred and forty stadia from the naval station of Heracleia. It is said to have been founded by the Pylians who sailed from Troy with Nestor; and they so prospered from farming, it is said, that they dedicated a golden harvest at Delphi. And writers produce as a sign of its having been founded by the Pylians the sacrifice to the shades of the sons of Neleus. However, the city was wiped out by the Samnitae. According to Antiochus: Certain of the Achaeans were sent for by the Achaeans in Sybaris and resettled the place, then forsaken, but they were summoned only because of a hatred which the Achaeans who had been banished from Laconia had for the Tarantini, in order that the neighboring Tarantini might not pounce upon the place; there were two cities, but since, of the two, Metapontium was nearer to Taras, the newcomers were persuaded by the Sybarites to take Metapontium and hold it, for, if they held this, they would also hold the territory of Siris, whereas, if they turned to the territory of Siris, they would add Metapontium to the territory of the Tarantini, which latter was on the very flank of Metapontium; and when, later on, the Metapontians were at war with the Tarantini and the Oinotrians of the interior, a reconciliation was effected in regard to a portion of the land — that portion, indeed, which marked the boundary between the Italy of that time and Iapygia. Here, too, the fabulous accounts place Metapontus, and also Melanippe the prisoner and her son Boeotus. In the opinion of Antiochus, the city Metapontium was first called Metabum and later on its name was slightly altered, and further, Melanippe was brought, not to Metabus, but to Dius, as is proved by a hero-sanctuary of Metabus, and also by Asius the poet, when he says that Boeotus was brought forth in the halls of Dius by shapely Melanippe, meaning that Melanippe was brought to Dius, not to Metabus. But, as Ephorus says, the colonizer of Metapontium was Daulius, the tyrant of the Crisa which is near Delphi. And there is this further account, that the man who was sent by the Achaeans to help colonize it was Leucippus, and that after procuring the use of the place from the Tarantini for only a day and night he would not give it back, replying by day to those who asked it back that he had asked and taken it for the next night also, and by night that he had taken and asked it also for the next day. Next in order comes Taras and Iapygia; but before discussing them I shall, in accordance with my original purpose, give a general description of the islands that lie in front of Italy; for as from time to time I have named also the islands which neighbor upon the several tribes, so now, since I have traversed Oinotria from beginning to end, which alone the people of earlier times called Italy, it is right that I should preserve the same order in traversing Sicily and the islands round about it. 7.3.7. Just now I was discussing the Thracians, and the Mysians, hand-to-hand fighters, and the proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just, because I wished to make a comparison between the statements made by Poseidonius and myself and those made by the two men in question. Take first the fact that the argument which they have attempted is contrary to the proposition which they set out to prove; for although they set out to prove that the men of earlier times were more ignorant of regions remote from Greece than the men of more recent times, they showed the reverse, not only in regard to regions remote, but also in regard to places in Greece itself. However, as I was saying, let me put off everything else and look to what is now before me: they say that the poet through ignorance fails to mention the Scythians, or their savage dealings with strangers, in that they sacrifice them, eat their flesh, and use their skulls as drinking-cups, although it was on account of the Scythians that the Pontus was called Axine, but that he invents certain proud Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, men most just — people that exist nowhere on earth, How, then, could they call the sea Axine if they did not know about the ferocity or about the people who were most ferocious? And these, of course, are the Scythians. And were the people who lived beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getae not also Hippemolgi, not also Galactophagi and Abii? In fact, even now there are Wagon-dwellers and Nomads, so called, who live off their herds, and on milk and cheese, and particularly on cheese made from mare's milk, and know nothing about storing up food or about peddling merchandise either, except the exchange of wares for wares. How, then, could the poet be ignorant of the Scythians if he called certain people Hippemolgi and Galactophagi? For that the people of his time were wont to call the Scythians Hippemolgi, Hesiod, too, is witness in the words cited by Eratosthenes: The Ethiopians, the Ligurians, and also the Scythians, Hippemolgi. Now wherein is it to be wondered at that, because of the widespread injustice connected with contracts in our country, Homer called most just and proud those who by no means spend their lives on contracts and money-getting but actually possess all things in common except sword and drinking-cup, and above all things have their wives and their children in common, in the Platonic way? Aeschylus, too, is clearly pleading the cause of the poet when he says about the Scythians: But the Scythians, law-abiding, eaters of cheese made of mare's milk. And this assumption even now still persists among the Greeks; for we regard the Scythians the most straightforward of men and the least prone to mischief, as also far more frugal and independent of others than we are. And yet our mode of life has spread its change for the worse to almost all peoples, introducing amongst them luxury and sensual pleasures and, to satisfy these vices, base artifices that lead to innumerable acts of greed. So then, much wickedness of this sort has fallen on the barbarian peoples also, on the Nomads as well as the rest; for as the result of taking up a seafaring life they not only have become morally worse, indulging in the practice of piracy and of slaying strangers, but also, because of their intercourse with many peoples, have partaken of the luxury and the peddling habits of those peoples. But though these things seem to conduce strongly to gentleness of manner, they corrupt morals and introduce cunning instead of the straightforwardness which I just now mentioned. 10.5.2. Now the city which belongs to Delos, as also the sanctuary of Apollo, and the Letoum, are situated in a plain; and above the city lies Cynthus, a bare and rugged mountain; and a river named Inopus flows through the island — not a large river, for the island itself is small. From olden times, beginning with the times of the heroes, Delos has been revered because of its gods, for the myth is told that there Leto was delivered of her travail by the birth of Apollo and Artemis: for aforetime, says Pindar,it was tossed by the billows, by the blasts of all manner of winds, but when the daughter of Coeus in the frenzied pangs of childbirth set foot upon it, then did four pillars, resting on adamant, rise perpendicular from the roots of the earth, and on their capitals sustain the rock. And there she gave birth to, and beheld, her blessed offspring. The neighboring islands, called the Cyclades, made it famous, since in its honor they would send at public expense sacred envoys, sacrifices, and choruses composed of virgins, and would celebrate great general festivals there. 12.3.16. After Themiscyra one comes to Sidene, which is a fertile plain, though it is not well-watered like Themiscyra. It has strongholds on the seaboard: Side, after which Sidene was named, and Chabaca and Phabda. Now the territory of Amisus extends to this point; and the city has produced men note-worthy for their learning, Demetrius, the son of Rhathenus, and Dionysodorus, the mathematicians, the latter bearing the same name as the Melian geometer, and Tyrranion the grammarian, of whom I was a pupil. 13.1.41. So the Ilians tell us, but Homer expressly states that the city was wiped out: The day shall come when sacred Ilios shall perish; and surely we have utterly destroyed the steep city of Priam, by means of counsels and persuasiveness; and in the tenth year the city of Priam was destroyed. And other such evidences of the same thing are set forth; for example, that the wooden image of Athena now to be seen stands upright, whereas Homer clearly indicates that it was sitting, for orders are given to put the robe upon Athena's knees Hom. Il. 6.(compare that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child). For it is better to interpret it in this way than, as some do, to interpret it as meaning to put the robe 'beside' her knees, comparing the words and she sits upon the hearth in the light of the fire, which they take to mean beside the hearth. For how could one conceive of the dedication of a robe beside the knees? Moreover, others, changing the accent on γούνασιν accenting it γουνάσιν, like θυιάσιν (in whichever of two ways they interpret it), talk on endlessly. . . There are to be seen many of the ancient wooden images of Athena in a sitting posture, as, for example, in Phocaea, Massalia, Rome, Chios, and several other places. Also the more recent writers agree that the city was wiped out, among whom is the orator Lycurgus, who, in mentioning the city of the Ilians, says: Who has not heard that once for all it was razed to the ground by the Greeks, and is uninhabited? 13.1.54. From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kings to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts — a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both here and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men. 14.1.41. Well-known natives of Magnesia are: Hegesias the orator, who, more than any other, initiated the Asiatic style, as it is called, whereby he corrupted the established Attic custom; and Simus the melic poet, he too a man who corrupted the style handed down by the earlier melic poets and introduced the Simoedia, just as that style was corrupted still more by the Lysioedi and the Magoedi, and by Cleomachus the pugilist, who, having fallen in love with a certain cinaedus and with a young female slave who was kept as a prostitute by the cinaedus, imitated the style of dialects and mannerisms that was in vogue among the cinaedi. Sotades was the first man to write the talk of the cinaedi; and then Alexander the Aitolian. But though these two men imitated that talk in mere speech, Lysis accompanied it with song; and so did Simus, who was still earlier than he. As for Anaxenor, the citharoede, the theatres exalted him, but Antony exalted him all he possibly could, since he even appointed him exactor of tribute from four cities, giving him a body.guard of soldiers. Further, his native land greatly increased his honors, having clad him in purple as consecrated to Zeus Sosipolis, as is plainly indicated in his painted image in the market-place. And there is also a bronze statue of him in the theatre, with the inscription,Surely this is a beautiful thing, to listen to a singer such as this man is, like unto the gods in voice. But the engraver, missing his guess, left out the last letter of the second verse, the base of the statue not being wide enough for its inclusion; so that he laid the city open to the charge of ignorance, Because of the ambiguity of the writing, as to whether the last word should be taken as in the nominative case or in the dative; for many write the dative case without the iota, and even reject the ordinary usage as being without natural cause. 14.5.4. Then one comes to Holmi, where the present Seleuceians formerly lived; but when Seleucia on the Calycadnus was founded, they migrated there; for immediately on doubling the shore, which forms a promontory called Sarpedon, one comes to the outlet of the Calycadnus. Near the Calycadnus is also Zephyrium, likewise a promontory. The river affords a voyage inland to Seleucia, a city which is well-peopled and stands far aloof from the Cilician and Pamphylian usages. Here were born in my time noteworthy men of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenaeus and Xenarchus. of these, Athenaeus engaged also in affairs of state and was for a time leader of the people in his native land; and then, having fallen into a friendship with Murena, he was captured along with Murena when in flight with him, after the plot against Augustus Caesar had been detected, but, being clearly proven guiltless, he was released by Caesar. And when, on his return to Rome, the first men who met him were greeting him and questioning him, he repeated the following from Euripides: I am come, having left the vaults of the dead and the gates of darkness. But he survived his return only a short time, having been killed in the collapse, which took place in the night, of the house in which he lived. Xenarchus, however, of whom I was a pupil, did not tarry long at home, but resided at Alexandria and at Athens and finally at Rome, having chosen the life of a teacher; and having enjoyed the friendship both of Areius and of Augustus Caesar, he continued to be held in honor down to old age; but shortly before the end he lost his sight, and then died of a disease. 14.5.15. Among the other philosophers from Tarsus,whom I could well note and tell their names, are Plutiades and Diogenes, who were among those philosophers that went round from city to city and conducted schools in an able manner. Diogenes also composed poems, as if by inspiration, when a subject was given him — for the most part tragic poems; and as for grammarians whose writings are extant, there are Artemidorus and Diodorus; and the best tragic poet among those enumerated in the Pleias was Dionysides. But it is Rome that is best able to tell us the number of learned men from this city; for it is full of Tarsians and Alexandrians. Such is Tarsus. 15.1.13. The whole of India is watered by rivers, some of which empty themselves into the two largest, the Indus and the Ganges; others discharge themselves into the sea by their own mouths. But all of them have their sources in the Caucasus. At their commencement their course is towards the south; some of them continue to flow in the same direction, particularly those which unite with the Indus; others turn to the east, as the Ganges. This, the largest of the Indian rivers, descends from the mountainous country, and when it reaches the plains, turns to the east, then flowing past Palibothra, a very large city, proceeds onwards to the sea in that quarter, and discharges its waters by a single mouth. The Indus falls into the Southern Sea, and empties itself by two mouths, encompassing the country called Patalene, which resembles the Delta of Egypt.By the exhalation of vapours from such vast rivers, and by the Etesian winds, India, as Eratosthenes affirms, is watered by summer rains, and the plains are overflowed. During the rainy season flax, millet, sesamum, rice, and bosmorum are sowed; and in the winter season, wheat, barley, pulse, and other esculent fruits of the earth with which we are not acquainted. Nearly the same animals are bred in India as in Ethiopia and Egypt, and the rivers of India produce all the animals of those countries, except the hippopotamus, although Onesicritus asserts that even this animal is found in them.The inhabitants of the south resemble the Ethiopians in colour, but their counteces and hair are like those of other people. Their hair does not curl, on account of the humidity of the atmosphere. The inhabitants of the north resemble the Egyptians. 15.2.14. Carmania is the last portion of the sea-coast which begins from the Indus. Its first promontory projects towards the south into the Great Sea. After it has formed the mouth of the Persian Gulf towards the promontory, which is in sight, of Arabia Felix, it bends towards the Persian Gulf, and is continued till it touches Persia.Carmania is large, situated in the interior, and extending itself between Gedrosia and Persia, but stretches more to the north than Gedrosia. This is indicated by its fertility, for it not only produces everything, but the trees are of a large size, excepting however the olive; it is also watered by rivers. Gedrosia also differs little from the country of the Ichthyophagi, so that frequently there is no produce from the ground. They therefore keep the annual produce in store for several years.Onesicritus says, that a river in Carmania brings down gold-dust; that there are mines of silver, copper, and minium; and that there are two mountains, one of which contains arsenic, the other salt.There belongs to it a desert tract, which is contiguous to Parthia and Paraetacene. The produce of the ground is like that of Persia; and among other productions the vine. The Carmanian vine, as we call it, often bears bunches of grapes of two cubits in size; the seeds are very numerous and very large; probably the plant grows in its native soil with great luxuriance.Asses, on account of the scarcity of horses, are generally made use of even in war. They sacrifice an ass to Mars, who is the only deity worshipped by them, for they are a warlike people. No one marries before he has cut off the head of an enemy and presented it to the king, who deposits the scull in the royal treasury. The tongue is minced and mixed with flour, which the king, after tasting it, gives to the person who brought it, to be eaten by himself and his family. That king is the most highly respected, to whom the greatest number of heads are presented.According to Nearchus, most of the customs and the language of the inhabitants of Carmania resemble those of the Persians and Medes.The passage across the mouth of the Persian Gulf does not occupy more than one day. 16.2.24. The Sidonians are said by historians to excel in various kinds of art, as the words of Homer also imply. Besides, they cultivate science and study astronomy and arithmetic, to which they were led by the application of numbers (in accounts) and night sailing, each of which (branches of knowledge) concerns the merchant and seaman; in the same manner the Egyptians were led to the invention of geometry by the mensuration of ground, which was required in consequence of the Nile confounding, by its overflow, the respective boundaries of the country. It is thought that geometry was introduced into Greece from Egypt, and astronomy and arithmetic from Phoenicia. At present the best opportunities are afforded in these cities of acquiring a knowledge of these, and of all other branches of philosophy.If we are to believe Poseidonius, the ancient opinion about atoms originated with Mochus, a native of Sidon, who lived before the Trojan times. Let us, however, dismiss subjects relating to antiquity. In my time there were distinguished philosophers, natives of Sidon, as Boethus, with whom I studied the philosophy of Aristotle, and Diodotus his brother. Antipater was of Tyre, and a little before my time Apollonius, who published a table of the philosophers of the school of Zeno, and of their writings.Tyre is distant from Sidon not more than 200 stadia. Between the two is situated a small town, called Ornithopolis, (the city of birds); next a river which empties itself near Tyre into the sea. Next after Tyre is Palae-tyrus (ancient Tyre), at the distance of 30 stadia. 17.1.36. We have treated these subjects at length in the First Book of the Geography. At present we shall make a few remarks on the operations of nature and of Providence conjointly. On the operations of nature, that all things converge to a point, namely, the centre of the whole, and assume a spherical shape around it. The earth is the densest body, and nearer the centre than all others: the less dense and next to it is water; but both land and water are spheres, the first solid, the second hollow, containing the earth within it.— On the operations of Providence, that it has exercised a will, is disposed to variety, and is the artificer of innumerable works. In the first rank, as greatly surpassing all the rest, is the generation of animals, of which the most excellent are gods and men, for whose sake the rest were formed. To the gods Providence assigned heaven; and the earth to men, the extreme parts of the world; for the extreme parts of the sphere are the centre and the circumference. But since water encompasses the earth, and man is not an aquatic, but a land-animal, living in the air, and requiring much light, Providence formed many eminences and cavities in the earth, so that these cavities should receive the whole or a great part of the water which covers the land beneath it; and that the eminences should rise and conceal the water beneath them, except so much as was necessary for the use of the human race, the animals and plants about it.But as all things are in constant motion, and undergo great changes, (for it is not possible that things of such a nature, so numerous and vast, could be otherwise regulated in the world,) we must not suppose the earth or the water always to continue in this state, so as to retain perpetually the same bulk, without increase or diminution, or that each preserves the same fixed place, particularly as the reciprocal change of one into the other is most consot to nature from their proximity; but that much of the land is changed into water, and a great portion of water becomes land, just as we observe great differences in the earth itself. For one kind of earth crumbles easily, another is solid and rocky, and contains iron; and so of others. There is also a variety in the quality of water; for some waters are saline, others sweet and potable, others medicinal, and either salutary or noxious, others cold or hot Is it therefore surprising that some parts of the earth which are now inhabited should formerly have been occupied by sea, and that what are now seas should formerly have been inhabited land ? so also fountains once existing have failed, and others have burst forth; and similarly in the case of rivers and lakes: again, mountains and plains have been converted reciprocally one into the other. On this subject I have spoken before at length, and now let this be said:

284. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 340

285. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 2.1.4, 9.6.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the sibyl Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 130, 131; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179

286. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.3.2-2.3.3, 2.14.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 6

287. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.378-1.379, 2.204, 6.489-6.493, 7.81-7.106, 8.42-8.48 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins •dionysius of halicarnassus, on laocoön •dionysius of halicarnassus •dreams and visions, examples, dionysius of halicarnassus •omens, dionysius of halicarnassus •portents, dionysius of halicarnassus •voice portents, dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 578; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 416; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 89; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 161

1.378. but empire without end. Yea, even my Queen, 1.379. Juno, who now chastiseth land and sea 2.204. that pressed him sore; then with benigt mien 6.489. But heed my words, and in thy memory 6.490. Cherish and keep, to cheer this evil time. 6.491. Lo, far and wide, led on by signs from Heaven, 6.492. Thy countrymen from many a templed town 6.493. Shall consecrate thy dust, and build thy tomb, 7.81. Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. 7.82. Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, 7.83. came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim 7.84. voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place 7.85. on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, 7.86. with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87. wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88. the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 7.89. To the same region by the self-same path 7.90. behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway 7.91. upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, 7.92. when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, 7.93. Lavinia kindled at her father's side 7.94. the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn 7.95. along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! 7.96. Over her broidered snood it sparkling flew, 7.97. lighting her queenly tresses and her crown 7.98. of jewels rare: then, wrapt in flaming cloud, 7.99. from hall to hall the fire-god's gift she flung. 7.100. This omen dread and wonder terrible 7.101. was rumored far: for prophet-voices told 7.102. bright honors on the virgin's head to fall 7.104. The King, sore troubled by these portents, sought 7.105. oracular wisdom of his sacred sire, 7.106. Faunus, the fate-revealer, where the groves 8.42. There, 'twixt the poplars by the gentle stream, 8.43. the River-Father, genius of that place, 8.44. old Tiberinus visibly uprose; 8.45. a cloak of gray-green lawn he wore, his hair 8.46. o'erhung with wreath of reeds. In soothing words 8.48. “Seed of the gods! who bringest to my shore

288. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.64-6.73 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348

289. Vergil, Georgics, 2.150, 2.181-2.193 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 90

2.150. bis gravidae pecudes, bis pomis utilis arbos. 2.181. Palladia gaudent silva vivacis olivae. 2.182. Indicio est tractu surgens oleaster eodem 2.183. plurimus et strati bacis silvestribus agri. 2.184. At quae pinguis humus dulcique uligine laeta, 2.185. quique frequens herbis et fertilis ubere campus— 2.186. qualem saepe cava montis convalle solemus 2.187. despicere; huc summis liquuntur rupibus amnes 2.188. felicemque trahunt limum—quique editus austro 2.189. et filicem curvis invisam pascit aratris: 2.190. hic tibi praevalidas olim multoque fluentis 2.191. sufficiet Baccho vitis, hic fertilis uvae, 2.192. hic laticis, qualem pateris libamus et auro, 2.193. inflavit cum pinguis ebur Tyrrhenus ad aras,

290. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 2.38, 2.40, 3.510 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 107, 109, 247

291. Epigraphy, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 29

292. Anon., Suda, σ1271, ι591 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 15

293. Diodorus of Sicily, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 116

294. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 2.92, 9.2, 28.2-28.3, 38.7, 39.8, 41.2, 41.14, 45.9, 45.11-45.12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 39, 59, 130, 134, 135, 151, 160

295. Aeschines, Or., 1.70, 1.113, 3.173 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 249; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218

296. Asterius, Homilies, 17 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, ps.-dionysius the areopagite Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 158, 159

297. Demosthenes, Orations, 8.34, 9.4, 17.5, 18.297, 34.29, 40.11 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218, 370

298. Epigraphy, Cil, a b c d\n0 4.844 4.844 4 844 \n1 14.2865 14.2865 14 2865 \n2 10.1008* 10.1008* 10 1008*\n3 6.41062 6.41062 6 41062 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Benefiel and Keegan (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, 271

299. Epigraphy, Ils, 8393 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 131

300. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Dem., 6.20-6.21 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 222

301. Apollonius of Rhodes, Ca Fr., 6 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 38

302. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.2.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on rome’s trojan origins Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 162

303. Author, Genesis, 11.4 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 137

304. Plato, Scholion To Lysis, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 327

305. Theophylact, Epistulae Secundae Divi Pauli Ad Timotheus, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 188

306. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 80

307. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Epist. Pomp., 2.13-2.14 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 222

308. Pliny The Elder, Pan., 83.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 8

309. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Th., 37.2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 58

311. Lysias, Orations, 3.30 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 218

314. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Hist., 2.11.2-2.11.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197

315. Demosthenes And Corpus Demosthenicum, Or., 17.4, 17.7, 17.10, 17.16 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152

316. Marcellinus, Vit.Th., 53 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 59

317. Manuscripts, Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 59

318. Manuscripts, Universitätsbibliothek, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 59

319. Manuscripts, Vaticana Gr., 126 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 59

320. Charon Hist., Fgrh 262, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 60

321. Antioch. Hist., Fgrh 555, 13 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 60

322. Diod. Sic., Hist., 1.2.2, 2.47.1, 3.66.5, 4.1.3, 4.8.1, 4.44.5, 15.50.6, 15.79.5, 33.10.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 73

323. Galen, On The Diagnosis And Cure of The Errors of The Soul, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348

324. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Epistula Ad Ammaeum, 1.3-1.4, 1.10 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 247

325. Hermippus, Fgrh 1026, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 247

326. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Ammaeus Ii, 6.427.7-6.427.8, 6.427.12-6.427.16, 14.433.6, 14.433.15-14.433.16, 14.433.18-14.433.19, 14.434.12 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on ἀληθεστάτη πρόφασις •dionysius of halicarnassus, on ‘persons replacing things’ •dionysius of halicarnassus, on ‘things replacing persons’ Found in books: Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 47, 52, 53, 76, 164, 166

327. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 8.82.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 340

328. Hegesias of Magnesia, Fgrh 142, 5 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 80

329. Hegesias of Magnesia, Fr., 10-17, 6-9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 83

330. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Dem., 57.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152

331. Libanius, Arg.D., 17.2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152

332. Anon., Scholia In Demosthenem, 17.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 152

333. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Amm. I, 2, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 70

334. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Din., 1.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 147

335. Epigraphy, Jenseits Des Euphrat, 10, 407 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 340

336. Demetrius of Callatis, Fgrh 85, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 79

337. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on euripides’ choral songs Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 211

338. Epigraphy, Ph 287984, 19.335.44-19.335.47 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on euripides’ choral songs Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 211

339. Papyri, P. Leid. Inv., 510 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on euripides’ choral songs Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 211

340. Epigraphy, Fdd, 3.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on euripides’ choral songs Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 51

341. Demetrius of Magnesia, Demetrius of Magnesia, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 147

342. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 8.59.4, 20.13.2-20.13.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, roman antiquities Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 5, 158, 177

345. Lucian, Lucil., None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 122

346. Lucr., Dds, 2.55-2.58, 3.87-3.90, 6.35-6.38 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

347. Anon., Schol. To Aristophanes Pax, 758 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

348. Serv., Aeschylus, 6.808 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 119

349. Hem., Hist., 16-17 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 123

350. Enn., Ann., 2.113-2.119 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 122

351. Philostratus of Athens, Lives of The Sophists, 1.45.1 = 1.19 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on the ancient orators Found in books: König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 24, 25

352. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Letter To Pompeius, 3.1, 3.2-6.11, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 5, 6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 339, 340

353. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Fr., 7, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 325

354. Hegesias of Magnesia, Fgrh 142, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on prose style Found in books: König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 296

355. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Compositione Verborum, 4.11, 4.16-4.20, 18.26 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, on prose style •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 233, 296

356. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Letter To Ammaeus, 1.6 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 233

357. Plutarch, De Herod. Malig., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 49

358. Papyri, P.Oxy., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 59

365. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Amm. Ii, 2.2, 17.2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, alogos aesthesis (intuitive perception) •dionysius of halicarnassus, ethos (character) •dionysius of halicarnassus, laypersons •dionysius of halicarnassus, rhetorical works •thucydides, assessment by dionysius of halicarnassus Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 48

367. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Epitome, Fr., 1.1-1.5, 3.3 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus •dionysius of halicarnassus, imitation of herodotus by •dionysius of halicarnassus, rhetorical works •dionysius of halicarnassus, mimesis and imitation Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 60, 61, 62, 63

377. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 5.16.1 Tagged with subjects: •dionysius of halicarnassus, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 197

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database