The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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122 results for "dionysia"

1. Homer, Iliad, 6.130-6.140 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 303

6.130. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.131. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.132. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.133. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.134. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 6.135. / But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.136. / But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.137. / But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.138. / But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.139. / But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.140. / and he lived not for long, seeing that he was hated of all the immortal gods. So would not I be minded to fight against the blessed gods. But if thou art of men, who eat the fruit of the field, draw nigh, that thou mayest the sooner enter the toils of destruction. Then spake to him the glorious son of Hippolochus:

2. Homeric Hymns, To Pan, 46 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

3. Aeschylus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 303

4. Aeschylus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 303

5. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 6.50 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

6. Thespis Tragicus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 94

7. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 1061 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

8. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 4, 3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 291

3. οὐδ' ἂν διελθεῖν ἦν ἂν ὑπὸ τῶν τυμπάνων.

9. Isocrates, Orations, 4.56-4.60, 8.82, 20.19 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) •dionysia, great Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66; Liapis and Petrides (2019) 291; Riess (2012) 93

10. Aristophanes, Clouds, 298-313, 1265 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 38

1265. ἵππων ἐμῶν, ὦ Παλλὰς ὥς μ' ἀπώλεσας.

11. Aristophanes, Peace, 50-53 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 183

53. καὶ τοῖς ὑπερηνορέουσιν ἔτι τούτοις μάλα.

12. Aristophanes, Frogs, 67, 907-908, 1259 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

1259. τὸν Βακχεῖον ἄνακτα,

13. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 1000, 395-397, 947-987, 989-999, 988 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273, 381

988. δέσποτ': ἐγὼ δὲ κώμοις

14. Antiphanes, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

15. Euripides, Ion, 218, 382, 716, 1068 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 308

16. Euripides, Hippolytus, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

17. Euripides, Cyclops, 519, 521 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

521. ὁ Βάκχιος δὲ τίς; θεὸς νομίζεται;

18. Euripides, Bacchae, 1, 1020, 1124, 1145, 1153, 1189, 13-14, 142-143, 145, 15-19, 195, 2, 20, 22, 225, 3, 366, 39, 4, 42, 466, 48, 485-486, 49, 5, 50, 528, 55-60, 605, 61-62, 623, 63, 632, 64, 862, 998, 67 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

67. Βάκχιον εὐαζομένα.

19. Plato, Hipparchus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 18

20. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66

659b. ἐπεκαλέσατο μέλλων κρίνειν, ἐκ τούτου ψευδόμενον ἀποφαίνεσθαι ῥᾳθύμως τὴν κρίσιν· οὐ γὰρ μαθητὴς ἀλλὰ διδάσκαλος, ὥς γε τὸ δίκαιον, θεατῶν μᾶλλον ὁ κριτὴς καθίζει, καὶ ἐναντιωσόμενος τοῖς τὴν ἡδονὴν μὴ προσηκόντως μηδὲ ὀρθῶς ἀποδιδοῦσι θεαταῖς. ἐξῆν γὰρ δὴ τῷ παλαιῷ τε καὶ Ἑλληνικῷ νόμῳ, οὐ καθάπερ ὁ Σικελικός τε καὶ Ἰταλικὸς νόμος νῦν, τῷ πλήθει τῶν θεατῶν ἐπιτρέπων καὶ τὸν νικῶντα διακρίνων χειροτονίαις, διέφθαρκε μὲν τοὺς ποιητὰς αὐτούς

659b. For, rightly speaking, the judge sits not as a pupil, but rather as a teacher of the spectators, being ready to oppose those who offer them pleasure in a way that is unseemly or wrong; and that is what the present law of Sicily and Italy actually does: by entrusting the decision to the spectators, who award the prize by show of hands, not only has it corrupted the poet

21. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 180

223c. καὶ καταδαρθεῖν πάνυ πολύ, ἅτε μακρῶν τῶν νυκτῶν οὐσῶν, ἐξεγρέσθαι δὲ πρὸς ἡμέραν ἤδη ἀλεκτρυόνων ᾀδόντων, ἐξεγρόμενος δὲ ἰδεῖν τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους καθεύδοντας καὶ οἰχομένους, Ἀγάθωνα δὲ καὶ Ἀριστοφάνη καὶ Σωκράτη ἔτι μόνους ἐγρηγορέναι καὶ πίνειν ἐκ φιάλης μεγάλης ἐπὶ δεξιά. τὸν οὖν Σωκράτη αὐτοῖς διαλέγεσθαι· καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὁ

223c. while he himself fell asleep, and slumbered a great while, for the nights were long. He awoke towards dawn, as the cocks were crowing; and immediately he saw that all the company were either sleeping or gone, except Agathon, Aristophanes, and Socrates, who alone remained awake and were drinking out of a large vessel, from left to right; and Socrates was arguing with them. As to most of the talk, Aristodemus had no recollection,

22. Aristophanes, Birds, 786-789, 785 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 181, 182

785. οὐδέν ἐστ' ἄμεινον οὐδ' ἥδιον ἢ φῦσαι πτερά.

23. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 504-508, 263 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

263. Φαλῆς ἑταῖρε Βακχίου

24. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 522-530 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 291

25. Plato, Menexenus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 291

239b. καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ, οἰόμενοι δεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ Ἕλλησιν ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων μάχεσθαι καὶ βαρβάροις ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων. Εὐμόλπου μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἀμαζόνων ἐπιστρατευσάντων ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ τῶν ἔτι προτέρων ὡς ἠμύναντο, καὶ ὡς ἤμυναν Ἀργείοις πρὸς Καδμείους καὶ Ἡρακλείδαις πρὸς Ἀργείους, ὅ τε χρόνος βραχὺς ἀξίως διηγήσασθαι, ποιηταί τε αὐτῶν ἤδη καλῶς τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐν μουσικῇ ὑμνήσαντες εἰς πάντας μεμηνύκασιν· ἐὰν οὖν ἡμεῖς

239b. deeming it their duty to fight in the cause of freedom alike with Greeks on behalf of Greeks and with barbarians on behalf of the whole of Greece . The story of how they repulsed Eumolpus and the Amazons, and still earlier invaders, when they marched upon our country, and how they defended the Argives against the Cadmeians and the Heracleidae against the Argives, is a story which our time is too short to relate as it deserves, and already their valor has been adequately celebrated in song by poets who have made it known throughout the world;

26. Lysias, Fragments, 279 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

27. Sophocles, Ajax, 16-17, 349 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 197

28. Sophocles, Antigone, 1115-1154, 148-153, 806-807, 955-965, 154 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

29. Sophocles, Electra, 121-122 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 197

30. Sophocles, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

31. Sophocles, Oedipus At Colonus, 668-683 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 381

32. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 1106-1107, 211, 1105 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273, 285

33. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 164, 953 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

34. Sophocles Iunior, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

35. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.97.1, 3.37-3.38 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great, and tribute •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66; Jouanna (2018) 18

1.97.1. ἡγούμενοι δὲ αὐτονόμων τὸ πρῶτον τῶν ξυμμάχων καὶ ἀπὸ κοινῶν ξυνόδων βουλευόντων τοσάδε ἐπῆλθον πολέμῳ τε καὶ διαχειρίσει πραγμάτων μεταξὺ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τοῦ Μηδικοῦ, ἃ ἐγένετο πρός τε τὸν βάρβαρον αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς σφετέρους ξυμμάχους νεωτερίζοντας καὶ Πελοποννησίων τοὺς αἰεὶ προστυγχάνοντας ἐν ἑκάστῳ.

1.97.1. Their supremacy commenced with independent allies who acted on the resolutions of a common congress. It was marked by the following undertakings in war and in administration during the interval between the Median and the present war, against the barbarian, against their own rebel allies, and against the Peloponnesian powers which would come in contact with them on various occasions.

36. Herodotus, Histories, 4.79, 5.67.1, 5.67.5 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273; Csapo (2022) 18

4.79. But when things had to turn out badly for him, they did so for this reason: he conceived a desire to be initiated into the rites of the Bacchic Dionysus; and when he was about to begin the sacred mysteries, he saw the greatest vision. ,He had in the city of the Borysthenites a spacious house, grand and costly (the same house I just mentioned), all surrounded by sphinxes and griffins worked in white marble; this house was struck by a thunderbolt. And though the house burnt to the ground, Scyles none the less performed the rite to the end. ,Now the Scythians reproach the Greeks for this Bacchic revelling, saying that it is not reasonable to set up a god who leads men to madness. ,So when Scyles had been initiated into the Bacchic rite, some one of the Borysthenites scoffed at the Scythians: “You laugh at us, Scythians, because we play the Bacchant and the god possesses us; but now this deity has possessed your own king, so that he plays the Bacchant and is maddened by the god. If you will not believe me, follow me now and I will show him to you.” ,The leading men among the Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite brought them up secretly onto a tower; from which, when Scyles passed by with his company of worshippers, they saw him playing the Bacchant; thinking it a great misfortune, they left the city and told the whole army what they had seen. 5.67.1. In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. 5.67.5. Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus.

37. Antiphanes, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

38. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 185

39. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 183

40. Lysias, Fragments, 279 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

41. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 308

42. Menander, Dyscolus, 965-967 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 183

43. Philemon, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 180, 181

44. Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 41-43, 67 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 651

45. Demosthenes, On The Crown, 180 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 460

46. Theophrastus, Characters, 11.3 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66

47. Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 16, 127 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 180

48. Demosthenes, On The False Embassy, 247 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 460

49. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 18.1, 41.1-41.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) •dionysia, great Found in books: Csapo (2022) 19; Riess (2012) 146

50. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 276

51. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 146

52. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 4.1-4.41, 4.389-4.415 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 303

4.1. At non Alcithoe Minyeias orgia censet 4.2. accipienda dei, sed adhuc temeraria Bacchum 4.3. progeniem negat esse Iovis, sociasque sorores 4.4. inpietatis habet. Festum celebrare sacerdos 4.5. inmunesque operum famulas dominasque suorum 4.6. pectora pelle tegi, crinales solvere vittas, 4.7. serta coma, manibus frondentes sumere thyrsos 4.8. iusserat, et saevam laesi fore numinis iram 4.9. vaticinatus erat. Parent matresque nurusque 4.10. telasque calathosque infectaque pensa reponunt, 4.11. turaque dant Bacchumque vocant Bromiumque Lyaeumque 4.12. ignigenamque satumque iterum solumque bimatrem: 4.13. additur his Nyseus indetonsusque Thyoneus, 4.14. et cum Lenaeo genialis consitor uvae, 4.15. Nycteliusque Eleleusque parens et Iacchus et Euhan, 4.16. et quae praeterea per Graias plurima gentes 4.17. nomina, Liber, habes. Tibi enim inconsumpta iuventa est, 4.18. tu puer aeternus, tu formosissimus alto 4.19. conspiceris caelo, tibi, cum sine cornibus adstas, 4.20. virgineum caput est. Oriens tibi victus, adusque 4.21. decolor extremo qua tingitur India Gange: 4.22. Penthea tu, venerande, bipenniferumque Lycurgum 4.23. sacrilegos mactas, Tyrrhenaque mittis in aequor 4.24. corpora, tu biiugum pictis insignia frenis 4.25. colla premis lyncum; bacchae satyrique sequuntur, 4.26. quique senex ferula titubantes ebrius artus 4.27. sustinet et pando non fortiter haeret asello. 4.28. Quacumque ingrederis, clamor iuvenalis et una 4.29. femineae voces inpulsaque tympana palmis 4.30. concavaque aera sot longoque foramine buxus. 4.31. “Placatus mitisque” rogant Ismenides “adsis,” 4.32. iussaque sacra colunt. Solae Minyeides intus 4.33. intempestiva turbantes festa Minerva 4.34. aut ducunt lanas, aut stamina pollice versant, 4.35. aut haerent telae famulasque laboribus urgent. 4.36. E quibus una levi deducens pollice filum 4.37. “dum cessant aliae commentaque sacra frequentant, 4.38. nos quoque, quas Pallas, melior dea, detinet” inquit, 4.39. “utile opus manuum vario sermone levemus: 4.40. perque vices aliquid, quod tempora longa videri 4.41. non sinat, in medium vacuas referamus ad aures.” 4.389. Finis erat dictis. Sed adhuc Minyeia proles 4.390. urget opus spernitque deum festumque profanat, 4.391. tympana cum subito non adparentia raucis 4.392. obstrepuere sonis, et adunco tibia cornu 4.393. tinnulaque aera sot; redolent murraeque crocique, 4.394. resque fide maior, coepere virescere telae 4.395. inque hederae faciem pendens frondescere vestis. 4.396. Pars abit in vites, et quae modo fila fuerunt, 4.397. palmite mutantur; de stamine pampinus exit; 4.398. purpura fulgorem pictis adcommodat uvis. 4.399. Iamque dies exactus erat, tempusque subibat, 4.400. quod tu nec tenebras nec possis dicere lucem, 4.401. sed cum luce tamen dubiae confinia noctis: 4.402. tecta repente quati pinguesque ardere videntur 4.403. lampades et rutilis conlucere ignibus aedes 4.404. falsaque saevarum simulacra ululare ferarum. 4.405. Fumida iamdudum latitant per tecta sorores, 4.406. diversaeque locis ignes ac lumina vitant; 4.407. dumque petunt tenebras, parvos membrana per artus 4.408. porrigitur tenuique includit bracchia pinna. 4.409. Nec qua perdiderint veterem ratione figuram 4.410. scire sinunt tenebrae. Non illas pluma levavit, 4.411. sustinuere tamen se perlucentibus alis; 4.412. conataeque loqui minimam et pro corpore vocem 4.413. emittunt, peraguntque leves stridore querellas. 4.414. Tectaque, non silvas celebrant lucemque perosae 4.415. nocte volant, seroque tenent a vespere nomen.

53. Horace, Ars Poetica, 220-222, 224-239, 223 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 121

54. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 72 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 36

55. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 3.65.5, 4.4.3, 5.50.2-5.50.5, 11.26.5-11.26.6, 13.91.3-13.91.4, 13.94-13.96, 13.103.4, 14.45, 14.64-14.70, 15.74.5, 16.10.3, 16.20.6, 19.9, 20.108, 22.8.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) •aeschylus, in the great dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 285, 303; Csapo (2022) 35, 66; Jouanna (2018) 651

3.65.5. Consequently he sailed across secretly to his army, and then Lycurgus, they say, falling upon the Maenads in the city known as Nysium, slew them all, but Dionysus, bringing his forces over, conquered the Thracians in a battle, and taking Lycurgus alive put out his eyes and inflicted upon him every kind of outrage, and then crucified him. 4.4.3. They say also that when he went abroad he was accompanied by the Muses, who were maidens that had received an unusually excellent education, and that by their songs and dancing and other talents in which they had been instructed these maidens delighted the heart of the god. They also add that he was accompanied on his campaigns by a personal attendant and caretaker, Seilenus, who was his adviser and instructor in the most excellent pursuits and contributed greatly to the high achievements and fame of Dionysus. 5.50.2. The myth relates that two sons, Butes and Lycurgus, were born to Boreas, but not by the same mother; and Butes, who was the younger, formed a plot against his brother, and on being discovered he received no punishment from Lycurgus beyond that he was ordered by Lycurgus to gather ships and, together with his accomplices in the plot, to seek out another land in which to make his home. 5.50.3. Consequently Butes, together with the Thracians who were implicated with him, set forth, and making his way through the islands of the Cyclades he seized the island of StrongylÃª, where he made his home and proceeded to plunder many of those who sailed past the island. And since they had no women they sailed here and there and seized them from the land. 5.50.4. Now some of the islands of the Cyclades had no inhabitants whatsoever and others were sparsely settled; consequently they sailed further, and having been repulsed once from Euboea, they sailed to Thessaly, where Butes and his companions, upon landing, came upon the female devotees of Dionysus as they were celebrating the orgies of the god near Drius, as it is called, in Achaea Phthiotis. 5.50.5. As Butes and his companions rushed at the women, these threw away the sacred objects, and some of them fled for safety to the sea, and others to the mountain called Dius; but Coronis, the myth continues, was seized by Butes and forced to lie with him. And she, in anger at the seizure and at the insolent treatment she had received, called upon Dionysus to lend her his aid. And the god struck Butes with madness, because of which he lost his mind and, throwing himself into a well, met his death. 11.26.5. And he was already on the point of setting out to sea, when certain men from Corinth put in at Syracuse and brought the news that the Greeks had won the sea-battle at Salamis and that Xerxes and a part of his armament had retreated from Europe. Consequently he stopped his preparations for departure, while welcoming the enthusiasm of the soldiers; and then he called them to an assembly, issuing orders for each man to appear fully armed. As for himself, he came to the assembly not only with no arms but not even wearing a tunic and clad only in a cloak, and stepping forward he rendered an account of his whole life and of all he had done for the Syracusans; 11.26.6. and when the throng shouted its approval at each action he mentioned and showed especially its amazement that he had given himself unarmed into the hands of any who might wish to slay him, so far was he from being a victim of vengeance as a tyrant that they united in acclaiming him with one voice Benefactor and Saviour and King. 13.91.3. Nevertheless, even though an assembly of the people was held in Syracuse and great fears hung over them, not a man would venture to offer any counsel respecting the war. While everyone was at a loss what to do, Dionysius, the son of Hermocrates, taking the floor, accused the generals of betraying their cause to the Carthaginians and stirred up the assemblage to exact punishment of them, urging them not to await the futile procedure prescribed by the laws but to pass judgement upon them at once. 13.91.4. And when the archons, in accordance with the laws, laid a fine upon Dionysius on the charge of raising an uproar, Philistus, who later composed his History, a man of great wealth, paid the fine and urged Dionysius to speak out whatever he had had in his mind to say. And when Philistus went on to say that if they wanted to fine Dionysius throughout the whole day he would provide the money for him, from then on Dionysius, full of confidence, hand stirring up the multitude, and throwing the assembly into confusion he accused the generals of taking bribes to put the security of the Acragantini in jeopardy. And he also denounced the rest of the most renowned citizens, presenting them as friends of oligarchy. 13.94. 1. A play was being presented in Syracuse and Dionysius arrived in the city at the time when the people were leaving the theatre. When the populace rushed in throngs to him and were questioning him about the Carthaginians, they were unaware, he said, that they had more dangerous enemies than their foreign foes â the men within the city in charge of the public interests; these men the citizens trusted while they held public festivals, but these very men, while plundering the public funds, had let the soldiers go unpaid, and although the enemy was making their preparations for the war on a scale which could not be surpassed and were about to lead their forces upon Syracuse, the generals were giving these matters no concern whatsoever.,2. The reason for such conduct, he continued, he had been aware of before, but now he had got fuller information. For Himilcon had sent a herald to him, ostensibly to treat about the captives, but in fact to urge him, now that Himilcon had induced a large number of Dionysius' colleagues not to bother themselves with what was taking place, at least to offer no opposition, since he, Dionysius, did not choose to coâoperate with him.,3. Consequently, Dionysius continued, he did not wish to serve longer as general, but was present in Syracuse to lay down his office; for it was intolerable for him, while the other generals were selling out their country, to be the only one to fight together with the citizens and yet be at the same time destined to be thought in after years to have shared in their betrayal.,4. Although the populace had been stirred by what Dionysius had said and his words spread through the whole army, at the time every man departed to his home full of anxiety. But on the following day, when an assembly had been convened in which Dionysius won no small approval when he lodged many accusations against the magistrates and stirred up the populace against the generals,,5. finally some of the members cried out to appoint him general with supreme power and not to wait until the enemy were storming their walls; for the magnitude of the war, they urged, made necessary such a general, through whose leadership their cause could prosper; as for the traitors, their case would be debated in another assembly, since it was foreign to the present situation; indeed at a former time three hundred thousand Carthaginians had been conquered at Himera when Gelon was general with supreme power. And soon the multitude, as is their wont, swung to the worse decision and Dionysius was appointed general with supreme power. And now, since the situation corresponded to his desires, he proposed a decree that the pay of the mercenaries be doubled; for they would all, he said, if this were done, be more eager for the coming contest, and he urged them not to worry at all about the funds, since it would be an easy task to raise them. 13.95. 2. After the assembly was adjourned no small number of the Syracusans condemned what had been done, as if they themselves had not had their way in the matter; for as their thoughts turned to their own state they could imagine the tyrannical power which was to follow. Now these men, in their desire to insure their freedom, had unwittingly established a despot over their country;,3. Dionysius, on the other hand, wishing to forestall the change of mind on the part of the populace, kept seeking a means whereby he could ask for a guard for his person, for if this were granted him he would easily establish himself in the tyranny. At once, then, he issued orders that all men of military age up to forty years should provide themselves rations for thirty days and report to him under arms at Leontini. This city was at that time an outpost of the Syracusans, being full of exiles and foreigners. For Dionysius hoped that he would have these men on his side, desiring as they did a change of government, and that the majority of the Syracusans would not even come to Leontini.,4. However, while he was encamped at night in the countryside, he pretended that he was the object of a plot and had his personal servants raise a tumult and uproar; and after doing this he took refuge on the acropolis, where he passed the night, keeping fires burning and summoning to him his most trustworthy soldiers.,5. And at daybreak, when the common people were gathered into Leontini, he delivered a long plausible speech to further his design and persuaded the populace to give him a guard of six hundred soldiers whomsoever he should select. It is said that Dionysius did this in imitation of Peisistratus the Athenian;,6. for he, we are told, after wounding himself, appeared before the assembly alleging that he had been the victim of a plot, and because of this he received a guard at the hands of the citizens, by means of which he established the tyranny. And at this time Dionysius, having deceived the multitude by a similar device, put into effect the structure of his tyranny. 13.96. 1. For instance Dionysius at once selected such citizens as were without property but bold in spirit, more than a thousand in number, provided them with costly arms, and buoyed them up with extravagant promises; the mercenaries also he won to himself by calling them to him and conversing with them in friendly fashion. He made changes also in the military posts, conferring their commands upon his most faithful followers; and Dexippus the Lacedaemonian he dismissed to Greece, for he was suspicious of this man lest he should seize a favourable opportunity and restore to the Syracusans their liberty.,2. He also called to himself the mercenaries in Gela and gathered from all quarters the exiles and impious, hoping that in these men the tyranny would find its strongest support. While in Syracuse, however, he took up his quarters in the naval station, having openly proclaimed himself tyrant. Although the Syracusans were offended, they were compelled to keep quiet; for they were unable to effect anything now, since not only was the city thronged with mercenary soldiers but the people were filled with fear of the Carthaginians who possessed such powerful armaments.,3. Now Dionysius straightway married the daughter of Hermocrates, the conqueror of the Athenians, and gave his sister in marriage to Polyxenus, the brother of Hermocrates' wife. This he did out of a desire to draw a distinguished house into relationship with him in order to make firm the tyranny. After this he summoned an assembly and had his most influential opponents, Daphnaeus and Demarchus, put to death.,4. Now Dionysius, from a scribe and ordinary private citizen, had become tyrant of the largest city in the Greek world; and he maintained his domice until his death, having ruled as tyrant for thirty-eight years. But we shall give a detailed account of his deeds and of the expansion of his rule in connection with the appropriate periods of time; for it seems that this man, single-handed, established the strongest and longest tyranny of any recorded by history.,5. The Carthaginians, after their capture of the city, transferred to Carthage both the votive offerings and statues and every object of greatest value, and when they had burned down the temples and plundered the city, they spent the winter there. And in the springtime they made ready every kind of engine of war and of missile, planning to lay siege first to the city of the Geloans. 13.103.4. At this same time Sophocles the son of Sophilus, the writer of tragedies, died at the age of ninety years, after he had won the prize eighteen times. And we are told of this man that when he presented his last tragedy and won the prize, he was filled with insuperable jubilation which was also the cause of his death. 14.45. 1. After Dionysius had taken in marriage both maidens at the same time, he gave a series of public dinners for the soldiers and the larger part of the citizens; for he now renounced the oppressive aspect of his tyranny, and changing to a course of equitable dealing, he ruled over his subjects in more humane fashion, no more putting them to death or banishing them, as had been his practice.,2. After his marriages he let a few days pass and then called an assembly of the Syracusans and urged them to make war against the Carthaginians, declaring that they were most hostile to all Greeks generally and that they had designs at every opportunity on the Greeks of Sicily in particular.,3. For the present, he pointed out, the Carthaginians were inactive because of the plague which had broken out among them and had destroyed the larger part of the inhabitants of Libya, but when they had recovered their strength, they would not refrain from attacking the Sicilian Greeks, against whom they had been plotting from the earliest time.,4. It was therefore preferable, he continued, to wage a decisive war upon them while they were still weak than to wait and compete when they were strong. At the same time he pointed out how terrible a thing it was to allow the Greek cities to be enslaved by barbarians, and that these cities would the more zealously join in the war, the more eagerly they desired to obtain their freedom.,5. After speaking at length in support of his policy he speedily won the approval of the Syracusans. Indeed they were no less eager than he for war, first of all because of their hatred of the Carthaginians who were the cause of their being compelled to take orders from the tyrant; secondly, because they hoped that Dionysius would treat them in more humane fashion because of his fear of the enemy and of an attack upon him by the citizens he had enslaved; but most of all, because they hoped that once they had got weapons in their hand, they could strike for their liberty, let Fortune but give them the opportunity. 14.64. 1. After this Dionysius and Leptines had set out with warships to escort a supply of provisions; and the Syracusans, who were thus left to themselves, seeing by chance a vessel approaching laden with food, sailed out against it with five ships, seized it, and brought it to the city.,2. The Carthaginians put out against them with forty ships, whereupon the Syracusans manned all their ships and in the ensuing battle both captured the flag-ship and destroyed twenty-four of the remainder; and then, pursuing the fleeing ships as far as the enemy's anchorage, they challenged the Carthaginians to battle.,3. Elated at their success and thinking how often Dionysius had met defeat, whereas they, without his presence, had won a victory over the Carthaginians, they were now puffed up with pride.,4. And as they gathered in groups they talked together about how they took no steps to end their slavery to Dionysius, even though they had an opportunity to depose him; for up until then they had been without arms, but now because of the war they had weapons at their command.,5. Even while discussions of this kind were taking place, Dionysius sailed into the harbour and, calling an assembly, praised the Syracusans and urged them to be of good courage, promising that he would speedily put an end to the war. And he was on the point of dismissing the assembly when Theodorus, a Syracusan, who was held in high esteem among the cavalry and was considered a man of action, made bold to speak as follows in regard to their liberty. 14.65. 1. "Although Dionysius has introduced some falsehoods, the last statement he made was true: that he would speedily put an end to the war. He could accomplish this if he were no longer our commander â for he has often been defeated â but had returned to the citizens the freedom their fathers enjoyed.,2. As things are, no one of us faces battle with good courage so long as victory differs not a whit from defeat; for if conquered, we shall have to obey the commands of the Carthaginians, and if conquerors, to have in Dionysius a harsher master than they would be. For even should the Carthaginians defeat us in war, they would only impose a fixed tribute and would not prevent us from governing the city in accordance with our ancient laws; but this man has plundered our temples, has taken the property of private citizens together with the lives of their owners, and pays a wage to servants to secure the enslavement of their masters. Such horrors as attend the storming of cities are perpetrated by him in time of peace, yet he promises to put an end to the war with the Carthaginians.,3. But it behooves us, fellow citizens, to put an end not only to the Phoenician war but to the tyrant within our walls. For the acropolis, which is guarded by the weapons of slaves, is a hostile redoubt in our city; the multitude of mercenaries has been gathered to hold the Syracusans in slavery; and he lords it over the city, not like a magistrate dispensing justice on equal terms, but like a dictator who by policy makes all decisions for his own advantage. For the time being the enemy possess a small portion of our territory, but Dionysius has devastated it all and given it to those who join in increasing his tyranny.,4. "How long, then, are we to be patient though we suffer such abuses as brave men endure to die rather than to experience them? In battle against the Carthaginians we bravely face the final sacrifice, but against a harsh tyrant, in behalf of freedom and our fatherland, even in speech we no longer dare to raise our voices; we face in battle so many myriads of the enemy, but we stand in shivering fear of a single ruler, who has not the manliness of a superior slave. 14.66. 1. "Surely no one would think of comparing Dionysius with Gelon of old. For Gelon, by reason of his own high character, together with the Syracusans and the rest of the Sicilian Greeks, set free the whole of Sicily, whereas this man, who found the cities free, has delivered all the rest of them over to the lordship of the enemy and has himself enslaved his native state.,2. Gelon fought so far forward in behalf of Sicily that he never let his allies in the cities even catch sight of the enemy, whereas this man, after fleeing from MotyÃª through the entire length of the island, has cooped himself up within our walls, full of confidence against his fellow citizens, but unable to bear even the sight of the enemy.,3. As a consequence Gelon, by reason both of his high character and of his great deeds, received the leadership by the free will not only of the Syracusans but also of the Sicilian Greeks, while, as for this man whose generalship has led to the destruction of his allies and the enslavement of his fellow citizens, how can he escape the just hatred of all? For not only is he unworthy of leadership but, if justice were done, would die ten thousand deaths.,4. Because of him Gela and Camarina were subdued, MessenÃª lies in total ruin, twenty thousand allies are perished in a sea-battle, and, in a word, we have been enclosed in one city and all the other Greek cities throughout Sicily have been destroyed. For in addition to his other malefactions he sold into slavery Naxos and CatanÃª; he has completely destroyed cities that were allies, cities whose existence was opportune.,5. With the Carthaginians he has fought two battles and has come out vanquished in each. Yet when he was entrusted with a generalship by the citizens but one time, he speedily robbed them of their freedom, slaying those who spoke openly on behalf of the laws and exiling the more wealthy; he gave the wives of the banished in marriage to slaves and to a motley throng; he put the weapons of citizens in the hands of barbarians and foreigners. And these deeds, O Zeus and all the gods, were the work of a public clerk, of a desperate man. 14.67. 1. "Where, then, is the Syracusans' love of freedom? Where the deeds of our ancestors? I say nothing of the three hundred thousand Carthaginians who were totally destroyed at Himera; I pass by the overthrow of the tyrants who followed Gelon. But only yesterday, as it were, when the Athenians attacked Syracuse with such great armaments, our fathers left not a man free to carry back word of the disaster.,2. And shall we, who have such great examples of our fathers' valour, take orders from Dionysius, especially when we have weapons in our hands? Surely some divine providence has gathered us here, with allies about us and weapons in our hands, for the purpose of recovering our freedom, and it is within our power this day to play the part of brave men and rid ourselves with one accord of our heavy yoke.,3. For hitherto, while we were disarmed and without allies and guarded by a multitude of mercenaries, we have, I dare say, yielded to the pressure of circumstances; but now, since we have arms in our hands and allies to give us aid as well as bear witness of our bravery, let us not yield but make it clear that it was circumstances, not cowardice, that made us submit to slavery.,4. Are we not ashamed that we should have as commander in our wars the man who has plundered the temples of our city and that we choose as representative in such important matters a person to whom no man of good sense would entrust the management of his private affairs? And though all other peoples in times of war, because of the great perils they face, observe with the greatest care their obligations to the gods, do we expect that a man of such notorious impiety will put an end to the war? 14.68. 1. "In fact, if a man cares to put a finer point on it, he will find that Dionysius is as wary of peace as he is of war. For he believes that, as matters stand, the Syracusans, because of their fear of the enemy, will not attempt anything against him, but that once the Carthaginians have been defeated they will claim their freedom, since they will have weapons in their hands and will be proudly conscious of their deeds.,2. Indeed this is the reason, in my opinion, why in the first war he betrayed Gela and Camarina and made these cities desolate, and why in his negotiations he agreed that most of the Greek cities should be given over to the enemy.,3. After this he broke faith in time of peace with Naxos and CatanÃª and sold the inhabitants into slavery, razing one to the ground and giving the other to the Campanians from Italy to dwell in.,4. And when, after the destruction of these peoples, the rest of Sicily made many attempts to overthrow his tyranny, he again declared war upon the Carthaginians; for his scruple against breaking his agreement in violation of the oaths he had taken was not so great as his fear of the surviving concentrations of the Sicilian Greeks. "Moreover, it is obvious that he has been at all times on the alert to effect their destruction.,5. First of all at Panormus, when the enemy were disembarking and were in bad physical condition after the stormy passage, he could have offered battle, but did not choose to do. After that he stood idly by and sent no help to MessenÃª, a city strategically situated and of great size, but allowed it to be razed, not only in order that the greatest possible number of Sicilian Greeks should perish, but also that the Carthaginians might intercept the reinforcements from Italy and the fleets from the Peloponnesus.,6. Last of all, he joined battle offshore at CatanÃª, careless of the advantage of pitching battle near the city, where the vanquished could find safety in their own harbours. After the battle, when strong winds sprang up and the Carthaginians were forced to haul their fleet up on land, he had a most favourable opportunity for victory;,7. for the land forces of the enemy had not yet arrived and the violent storm was driving the enemy's ships on the shore. At that time, if we had all attacked on land, the only outcomes left the enemy would have been, either to be captured with ease, if they left their ships, or to strew the coast with wreckage, if they matched their strength against the waves. 14.69. 1. "But to lodge accusations against Dionysius at greater length among Syracusans is, I should judge, not necessary. For if men who have suffered in very deed such irretrievable ruin are not roused to rage, will they, forsooth, be moved by words to wreak vengeance upon him â men too who have seen his behaviour as the worst of citizens, the harshest of tyrants, the most ignoble of all generals?,2. For as often as we have stood in line of battle under his command, so often have we been defeated, whereas but just now, when we fought independently, we defeated with a few ships the enemy's entire force. We should, therefore, seek out another leader, to avoid fighting under a general who has pillaged the shrines of the gods and so finding ourselves engaged in a war against the gods;,3. for it is manifest that heaven opposes those who have selected the worst enemy of religion to be their commander. Noting that when he is present our armies in full force suffer defeat, whereas, when he is absent, even a small detachment is sufficient to defeat the Carthaginians, should not all men see in this the visible presence of the gods?,4. Therefore, fellow citizens, if he is willing to lay down his office of his own accord, let us allow him to leave the city with his possessions; but if he does not choose to do so, we have at the present moment the fairest opportunity to assert our freedom. We are all gathered together; we have weapons in our hands; we have allies about us, not only the Greeks from Italy but also those from the Peloponnesus.,5. The chief command must be given, according to the laws, either to citizens, or to the Corinthians who dwell in our mother-city, or to the Spartans who are the first power in Greece." 14.70. 1. After this speech by Theodorus the Syracusans were in high spirits and kept their eyes fixed on their allies; and when Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, the admiral of the allies, stepped up to the platform, all expected that he would take the lead for liberty.,2. But he was on friendly terms with the tyrant and declared that the Lacedaemonians had dispatched him to aid the Syracusans and Dionysius against the Carthaginians, not to overthrow the rule of Dionysius. At this statement so contrary to expectation the mercenaries flocked about Dionysius, and the Syracusans in dismay made no move, although they called down many curses on the Spartans.,3. For on a previous occasion Aretes the Lacedaemonian, at the time that he was asserting the right of the Syracusans to freedom, had betrayed them, and now at this time Pharacidas vetoed the movement of the Syracusans. For the moment Dionysius was in great fear and dissolved the assembly, but later he won the favour of the multitude by kindly words, honouring some of them with gifts and inviting some to general banquets.,4. After the Carthaginians had seized the suburb and pillaged the temple of Demeter and CorÃª, a plague struck the army. Over and above the disaster sent by influence of the city, there were contributing causes: that myriads of people were gathered together, that it was the time of year which is most productive of plagues, and that the particular summer had brought unusually hot water.,5. It also seems likely that the place itself was responsible for the excessive extent of the disaster; for on a former occasion the Athenians too, who occupied the same camp, had perished in great numbers from the plague, since the terrain was marshy and in a hollow.,6. First, before sunrise, because of the cold from the breeze over the waters, their bodies were struck with chills, but in the middle of the day the heat was stifling, as must be the case when so great a multitude is gathered together in a narrow place. 15.74.5. Dionysius the younger on his succession to the tyranny first gathered the populace in an assembly and urged them in appropriate words to maintain toward him the loyalty that passed to him with the heritage that he had received from his father; then, having buried his father with magnificent obsequies in the citadel by the gates called royal, he made secure for himself the administration of the government. 16.10.3. Dion distributed the five thousand suits of armour to such of the Syracusans as were unarmed, and equipped the rest as well as he could with weapons that came to hand. Then having brought them all to a general assembly, he disclosed that he had come for the liberation of the Greeks of Sicily, and he urged them to elect as generals those men who were well qualified to effect the restoration of their independence and the dissolution of the entire tyranny. The crowd as with one voice cried out that it chose Dion and his brother Megacles as generals with absolute power. 16.20.6. An assembly was summoned, and the people, as an expression of their gratitude to him, elected Dion general with absolute power and accorded him honours suited to a hero, and Dion in harmony with his former conduct generously absolved all his personal enemies of the charges outstanding against them and having reassured the populace brought them to a state of general harmony. The Syracusans with universal praises and with elaborate testimonials of approval honoured their benefactor as the one and only saviour of their native land. Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily. 19.9. 1. Next he called together the Assembly and accused the Six Hundred and the oligarchy that they had brought into existence, saying that he had cleansed the state of those men who were trying to become her masters; and he proclaimed that he was restoring liberty undefiled to the people, and that he wished to be relieved at last of his burdens and become a private citizen on terms of equality with all.,2. As he said this, he tore off his military cloak and, assuming civil garb, set out to leave, showing that he himself was one of the many. But in doing this he was merely playing the part of a democrat with full knowledge that the majority of the members of the Assembly had had a share in his unholy acts and for this reason would not be willing to vote the generalship to anyone else.,3. At any rate, those who had plundered the property of the victims instantly cried out, begging him not to leave them but to accept the general administration of the state. At first he maintained silence; then, as the mob pressed more insistently upon him, he said that he accepted the generalship, but that he would not rule jointly with others,,4. for he would not consent as one member of a board to be held legally accountable for acts illegally committed by the others. Since the majority agreed that he should rule alone, he was elected general with absolute power, and thereafter he openly exercised authority and governed the city.,5. of the Syracusans who were uncorrupted, some were forced to endure in patience because of their fears, and others, outmatched by the mob, did not venture to make an unavailing display of their hostility. On the other hand, many of those who were poor and involved in debt welcomed the revolution, for Agathocles promised in the Assembly both to abolish debts and to distribute land to the poor.,6. When he had finished with these matters, he made an end of further slaughter and punishment. With a complete change of humour he showed himself affable to the common people and won no slight popularity by aiding many, by encouraging no small number with promises, and by currying favour from all by philanthropic words.,7. Although he possessed such power, he neither assumed a diadem, nor employed a bodyguard, nor affected a haughty demeanour, as is the custom of almost all tyrants. He kept a careful watch over the public revenues and over the preparation of armour and weapons, and he had warships constructed in addition to those already at hand. He also gained control of most of the regions and cities of the interior. This, then, was the situation in Sicily. 20.108. 1. Antigonus, who had made preparations to celebrate great games and a festival in Antigonia, had collected from all sides the most famous athletes and artists to compete for great prizes and fees. But when he heard of the crossing of Lysimachus and the desertion of his own generals, he abandoned the games but distributed to the athletes and artists not less than two hundred talents as compensation.,2. He himself taking his army set out from Syria and made a rapid march against the enemy. Arriving at Tarsus in Cilicia, he paid the army for three months from the money he had brought down from Cyinda.,3. Apart from this fund, he was carrying three thousand talents with the army in order that he might have this provision whenever he had need of money. Then, crossing the Taurus Range, he marched toward Cappadocia; and, advancing upon those who had deserted him in upper Phrygia and Lycaonia, he restored them again to the former alliance.,4. At this very time Lysimachus, on hearing of the presence of the enemy, held a council considering how he ought to meet the approaching dangers.,5. They decided not to join in battle until Seleucus should come down from the upper satrapies, but to occupy strong positions and, after making their encampment safe with palisade and ditch, to await the onslaught of the enemy. They therefore carried out their decision with vigour; but Antigonus, when he came near the enemy, drew up his army and challenged them to battle.,6. When no one dared to issue forth, he himself occupied certain places through which it was necessary that the provisions of his opponents should be transported; and Lysimachus, fearing that if their food supply should be cut off, they would then be at the mercy of the enemy, broke camp at night, made a forced march of four hundred stades, and camped near Dorylaeum;,7. for the stronghold had an ample store of grain and other supplies, and a river ran by it that could give protection to those who camped beside it. Pitching camp, they strengthened their encampment with a deep ditch and a triple stockade. 22.8.4. Thus Pyrrhus sailed unchallenged into Syracuse, and accepted delivery of the Island from Thoenon, and of the rest of the city from the citizens and Sosistratus. This Sosistratus had made himself master of Acragas and of many other cities, and had an army of more than ten thousand men. Pyrrhus effected a reconciliation between Thoenon and Sosistratus and the Syracusans and restored harmony, thinking to gain great popularity by virtue of the peace.

56. Longinus, On The Sublime, 15.2-15.3, 33.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. •dionysia, great Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 460; Liapis and Petrides (2019) 343

57. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.2.2, 3.5.1-3.5.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 285, 303

2.2.2. καὶ γίνεται Ἀκρισίῳ μὲν ἐξ Εὐρυδίκης τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Δανάη, Προίτῳ δὲ ἐκ Σθενεβοίας Λυσίππη καὶ Ἰφινόη καὶ Ἰφιάνασσα. αὗται δὲ ὡς ἐτελειώθησαν, ἐμάνησαν, ὡς μὲν Ἡσίοδός φησιν, ὅτι τὰς Διονύσου τελετὰς οὐ κατεδέχοντο, ὡς δὲ Ἀκουσίλαος λέγει, διότι τὸ τῆς Ἥρας ξόανον ἐξηυτέλισαν. γενόμεναι δὲ ἐμμανεῖς ἐπλανῶντο ἀνὰ τὴν Ἀργείαν ἅπασαν, αὖθις δὲ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν καὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον 1 -- διελθοῦσαι μετʼ ἀκοσμίας ἁπάσης διὰ τῆς ἐρημίας ἐτρόχαζον. Μελάμπους δὲ ὁ Ἀμυθάονος καὶ Εἰδομένης τῆς Ἄβαντος, μάντις ὢν καὶ τὴν διὰ φαρμάκων καὶ καθαρμῶν θεραπείαν πρῶτος εὑρηκώς, ὑπισχνεῖται θεραπεύειν τὰς παρθένους, εἰ λάβοι τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς δυναστείας. οὐκ ἐπιτρέποντος δὲ Προίτου θεραπεύειν ἐπὶ μισθοῖς τηλικούτοις, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμαίνοντο αἱ παρθένοι καὶ προσέτι μετὰ τούτων αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες· καὶ γὰρ αὗται τὰς οἰκίας ἀπολιποῦσαι τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπώλλυον παῖδας καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ἐφοίτων. προβαινούσης δὲ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς συμφορᾶς, τοὺς αἰτηθέντας μισθοὺς ὁ Προῖτος ἐδίδου. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο θεραπεύειν ὅταν ἕτερον τοσοῦτον τῆς γῆς ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ λάβῃ Βίας. Προῖτος δὲ εὐλαβηθεὶς μὴ βραδυνούσης τῆς θεραπείας αἰτηθείη καὶ πλεῖον, θεραπεύειν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ τούτοις. Μελάμπους δὲ παραλαβὼν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους τῶν νεανιῶν μετʼ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καί τινος ἐνθέου χορείας ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν αὐτὰς εἰς Σικυῶνα συνεδίωξε. κατὰ δὲ τὸν διωγμὸν ἡ πρεσβυτάτη τῶν θυγατέρων Ἰφινόη μετήλλαξεν· ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς τυχούσαις καθαρμῶν σωφρονῆσαι συνέβη. καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐξέδοτο Προῖτος Μελάμποδι καὶ Βίαντι, παῖδα δʼ ὕστερον ἐγέννησε Μεγαπένθην. 3.5.1. Διόνυσος δὲ εὑρετὴς ἀμπέλου γενόμενος, Ἥρας μανίαν αὐτῷ ἐμβαλούσης περιπλανᾶται Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ Συρίαν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον Πρωτεὺς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς Αἰγυπτίων, αὖθις δὲ εἰς Κύβελα τῆς Φρυγίας ἀφικνεῖται, κἀκεῖ καθαρθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥέας καὶ τὰς τελετὰς ἐκμαθών, καὶ λαβὼν παρʼ ἐκείνης τὴν στολήν, ἐπὶ Ἰνδοὺς 1 -- διὰ τῆς Θράκης ἠπείγετο. Λυκοῦργος δὲ παῖς Δρύαντος, Ἠδωνῶν βασιλεύων, οἳ Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν παροικοῦσι, πρῶτος ὑβρίσας ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν. καὶ Διόνυσος μὲν εἰς θάλασσαν πρὸς Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως κατέφυγε, Βάκχαι δὲ ἐγένοντο αἰχμάλωτοι καὶ τὸ συνεπόμενον Σατύρων πλῆθος αὐτῷ. αὖθις δὲ αἱ Βάκχαι ἐλύθησαν ἐξαίφνης, Λυκούργῳ δὲ μανίαν ἐνεποίησε 2 -- Διόνυσος. ὁ δὲ μεμηνὼς Δρύαντα τὸν παῖδα, ἀμπέλου νομίζων κλῆμα κόπτειν, πελέκει πλήξας ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ ἀκρωτηριάσας αὐτὸν ἐσωφρόνησε. 1 -- τῆς δὲ γῆς ἀκάρπου μενούσης, ἔχρησεν ὁ θεὸς καρποφορήσειν αὐτήν, ἂν θανατωθῇ Λυκοῦργος. Ἠδωνοὶ δὲ ἀκούσαντες εἰς τὸ Παγγαῖον αὐτὸν ἀπαγαγόντες ὄρος ἔδησαν, κἀκεῖ κατὰ Διονύσου βούλησιν ὑπὸ ἵππων διαφθαρεὶς ἀπέθανε. 3.5.2. διελθὼν δὲ Θρᾴκην καὶ τὴν Ἰνδικὴν ἅπασαν, στήλας ἐκεῖ στήσας 1 -- ἧκεν εἰς Θήβας, καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἠνάγκασε καταλιπούσας τὰς οἰκίας βακχεύειν ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι. Πενθεὺς δὲ γεννηθεὶς ἐξ Ἀγαυῆς Ἐχίονι, παρὰ Κάδμου εἰληφὼς τὴν βασιλείαν, διεκώλυε ταῦτα γίνεσθαι, καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Κιθαιρῶνα τῶν Βακχῶν κατάσκοπος ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀγαυῆς κατὰ μανίαν ἐμελίσθη· ἐνόμισε γὰρ αὐτὸν θηρίον εἶναι. δείξας δὲ Θηβαίοις ὅτι θεός ἐστιν, ἧκεν εἰς Ἄργος, κἀκεῖ 2 -- πάλιν οὐ τιμώντων αὐτὸν ἐξέμηνε τὰς γυναῖκας. αἱ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τοὺς ἐπιμαστιδίους ἔχουσαι 3 -- παῖδας τὰς σάρκας αὐτῶν ἐσιτοῦντο.

58. Suetonius, Augustus, 45 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 194

59. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 19.5 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 343

19.5. And the most of what they give us comes from ancient times, and from much wiser men than those of the present. In the case of comedy everything is kept; in the case of tragedy only the strong parts, it would seem, remain â I mean the iambics, and portions of these they still give in our theatres â but the more delicate parts have fallen away, that is, the lyric parts. I might illustrate by the case of old men: all the firm parts of the body resist the ravages of time, namely, the bones and the muscles; but everything else shrivels up. This is the reason that the bodies of the extremely old men are seen to be wasted and shrunken, whereas all those old men who are corpulent because of their wealth and luxury, although they have no strength left but only fat instead of flesh, do seem well nourished and younger to the great majority.

60. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 459

61. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 3.1.4, 3.5.2, 7.14.10 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 153

3.1.4. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ διαβὰς τὸν πόρον ἧκεν ἐς Μέμφιν· καὶ θύει ἐκεῖ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις θεοῖς καὶ τῷ Ἄπιδι καὶ ἀγῶνα ἐποίησε γυμνικόν τε καὶ μουσικόν· ἧκον δὲ αὐτῷ οἱ ἀμφὶ ταῦτα τεχνῖται ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οἱ δοκιμώτατοι. ἐκ δὲ Μέμφιος κατέπλει κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν τούς τε ὑπασπιστὰς ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν λαβὼν καὶ τοὺς τοξότας καὶ τοὺς Ἀγριᾶνας καὶ τῶν ἱππέων τὴν βασιλικὴν ἴλην τὴν τῶν ἑταίρων. 3.5.2. ἐνταῦθα θύει τῷ Διῒ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πομπεύει ξὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ ἀγῶνα ποιεῖ γυμνικὸν καὶ μουσικόν. καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐνταῦθα ἐκόσμησε· δύο μὲν νομάρχας Αἰγύπτου κατέστησεν Αἰγυπτίους, Δολόασπιν καὶ Πέτισιν, καὶ τούτοις διένειμε τὴν χώραν τὴν Αἰγυπτίαν· Πετίσιος δὲ ἀπειπαμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν Δολόασπις ἐκδέχεται πᾶσαν. 7.14.10. οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἄλλον τινὰ ἔταξεν ἀντὶ Ἡφαιστίωνος χιλίαρχον ἐπὶ τῇ ἵππῳ τῇ ἑταιρικῇ Ἀλέξανδρος, ὡς μὴ ἀπόλοιτο τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Ἡφαιστίωνος ἐκ τῆς τάξεως, ἀλλὰ Ἡφαιστίωνός τε ἡ χιλιαρχία ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ τὸ σημεῖον αὐτῆς ἡγεῖτο τὸ ἐξ Ἡφαιστίωνος πεποιημένον. ἀγῶνά τε ἐπενόει ποιῆσαι γυμνικόν τε καὶ μουσικὸν πλήθει τε τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων καὶ τῇ εἰς αὐτὸν χορηγίᾳ πολύ τι τῶν ἄλλων τῶν πρόσθεν ἀριδηλότερον· τρισχιλίους γὰρ ἀγωνιστὰς τοὺς σύμπαντας παρεσκεύασε. καὶ οὗτοι ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἐπʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου τῷ τάφῳ λέγουσιν ὅτι ἠγωνίσαντο.

62. Plutarch, Timoleon, 37.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66

37.3. τοῦ δὲ Δημαινέτου πολλὰ κατηγορήσαντος ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τῆς στρατηγίας, πρός ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὐδὲν ἀντεῖπε, τοῖς δὲ θεοῖς ἔφη χάριν ὀφείλειν, οἷς εὔξατο Συρακουσίους ἐπιδεῖν τῆς παρρησίας κυρίους γενομένους.

37.3. And when the other, Demaenetus, brought many denunciations in open assembly against his conduct in the field, to him, indeed, Timoleon made no answer, but said he owed thanks to the gods, for he had prayed them that he might live to see the Syracusans gain the right of free speech.

63. Plutarch, Moralia, 841 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 236

64. Plutarch, Lysander, 18.4-18.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 34

18.4. σάμιοι δὲ τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς Ἡραῖα Λυσάνδρεια καλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν Χοιρίλον μὲν ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὡς κοσμήσοντα τὰς πράξεις διὰ ποιητικῆς, Ἀντιλόχῳ δὲ ποιήσαντι μετρίους τινὰς εἰς αὐτὸν στίχους ἡσθεὶς ἔδωκε πλήσας ἀργυρίου τὸν πῖλον. Ἀντιμάχου δὲ τοῦ Κολοφωνίου καὶ Νικηράτου τινὸς Ἡρακλεώτου ποιήμασι Λυσάνδρεια διαγωνισαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Νικήρατον ἐστεφάνωσεν, ὁ δὲ Ἀντίμαχος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἠφάνισε τὸ ποίημα. 18.5. Πλάτων δὲ νέος ὢν τότε, καὶ θαυμάζων τὸν Ἀντίμαχον ἐπὶ τῇ ποιητικῇ, βαρέως φέροντα τὴν ἧτταν ἀνελάμβανε καὶ παρεμυθεῖτο, τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσι κακὸν εἶναι φάμενος τὴν ἄγνοιαν, ὥσπερ τὴν τυφλότητα τοῖς μὴ βλέπουσιν. ἐπεὶ μέντοι ὁ κιθαρῳδὸς Ἀριστόνους ἑξάκις Πύθια νενικηκὼς ἐπηγγέλλετο τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ φιλοφρονούμενος, ἂν νικήσῃ πάλιν, Λυσάνδρου κηρύξειν ἑαυτόν, ἦ δοῦλον; εἶπεν.

18.4. 18.5.

65. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 16.5-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 56

16.5. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο φιλάνθρωπον ἐκάλουν· πλὴν ὅτι τοὺς Μηλίους ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφαγῆναι τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν ἔσχε, τῷ ψηφίσματι συνειπών. Ἀριστοφῶντος δὲ Νεμέαν γράψαντος ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις αὑτῆς καθήμενον Ἀλκιβιάδην ἔχουσαν, ἐθεῶντο καὶ συνέτρεχον χαίροντες. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ τούτοις ἐδυσχέραινον ὡς τυραννικοῖς καὶ παρανόμοις. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ Ἀρχέστρατος οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου λέγειν ὡς ἡ Ἑλλὰς οὐκ ἂν ἤνεγκε δύο Ἀλκιβιάδας. 16.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ Τίμων ὁ μισάνθρωπος εὐημερήσαντα τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην καὶ προπεμπόμενον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπιφανῶς οὐ παρῆλθεν οὐδʼ ἐξέκλινεν, ὥσπερ εἰώθει τοὺς ἄλλους, ἀλλʼ ἀπαντήσας καὶ δεξιωσάμενος, εὖ γʼ, ἔφη, ποιεῖς αὐξόμενος, ὦ παῖ· μέγα γὰρ αὔξῃ κακὸν ἅπασι τούτοις, οἱ μὲν ἐγέλων, οἱ δʼ ἐβλασφήμουν, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ πάνυ τὸ λεχθὲν ἐπέστρεφεν. οὕτως ἄκριτος ἦν ἡ δόξα περὶ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν τῆς φύσεως ἀνωμαλίαν.

16.5. This was an instance of what they called his kindness of heart, but the execution of all the grown men of Melos In the summer of 416. Cf. Thuc. 5.116.2-4 . was chiefly due to him, since he supported the decree therefor. Aristophon painted Nemea A personification of the district of Nemea, in the games of which Alcibiades had been victorious. Cf. Paus. 1.22.7 , with Frazer’s notes. with Alcibiades seated in her arms; whereat the people were delighted, and ran in crowds to see the picture. But the elders were indigt at this too; they said it smacked of tyranny and lawlessness. And it would seem that Archestratus, in his verdict on the painting, did not go wide of the mark when he said that Hellas could not endure more than one Alcibiades. 16.6. Timon the misanthrope once saw Alcibiades, after a successful day, being publicly escorted home from the assembly. He did not pass him by nor avoid him, as his custom was with others, but met him and greeted him, saying: It’s well you’re growing so, my child; you’ll grow big enough to ruin all this rabble. At this some laughed, and some railed, and some gave much heed to the saying. So undecided was public opinion about Alcibiades, by reason of the unevenness of his nature.

66. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 12.2-12.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

12.2. ὃ καὶ μάλιστά μοι δοκεῖ δείσας ἐπʼ ἀργυρίῳ καταθέσθαι τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔχθραν οὐ γάρ τι γλυκύθυμος ἀνὴρ ἦν οὐδʼ ἀγανόφρων, ἀλλʼ ἔντονος καὶ βίαιος ὑπὲρ τὰς ἀμύνας, ὁρῶν δʼ οὐ φαῦλον οὐδὲ τῆς αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως ἔργον ἄνδρα καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ λόγῳ καὶ φίλοις εὖ πεφραγμένον καθελεῖν, τὸν Μειδίαν, ἐνέδωκε τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δεομένοις. 12.3. αἱ δὲ τρισχίλιαι καθʼ ἑαυτὰς οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκοῦσι τὴν Δημοσθένους ἀμβλῦναι πικρίαν, ἐλπίζοντος καὶ δυναμένου περιγενέσθαι. λαβὼν δὲ τῆς πολιτείας καλὴν ὑπόθεσιν τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων δικαιολογίαν, καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἀγωνιζόμενος ἀξίως, ταχὺ δόξαν ἔσχε καὶ περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων ἤρθη καὶ τῆς παρρησίας, ὥστε θαυμάζεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, θεραπεύεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως, 12.4. πλεῖστον δʼ αὐτοῦ λόγον εἶναι παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν δημαγωγούντων, ὁμολογεῖν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθανομένους ὅτι πρὸς ἔνδοξον αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον ὁ ἀγών ἐστι. καὶ γὰρ Αἰσχίνης καὶ Ὑπερείδης τοιαῦτα ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατηγοροῦντες εἰρήκασιν.

12.2. 12.3. 12.4.

67. Plutarch, Demetrius, 12.2-12.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

12.2. τέλος δὲ τῶν τε μηνῶν τὸν Μουνυχιῶνα Δημητριῶνα καὶ τῶν ἡμερῶν τὴν ἕνην καὶ νέαν Δημητριάδα προσηγόρευσαν, καὶ τῶν ἑορτῶν τὰ Διονύσια μετωνόμασαν Δημήτρια. ἐπεσήμηνε δὲ τοῖς πλείστοις τὸ θεῖον. ὁ μὲν γὰρ πέπλος, ᾧπερ ἐψηφίσαντο μετὰ τοῦ Διὸς καὶ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς προσενυφῆναι Δημήτριον καὶ Ἀντίγονον, πεμπόμενος διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ μέσος ἐρράγη θυέλλης ἐμπεσούσης· 12.3. περὶ δὲ τοὺς βωμοὺς τοὺς ἐκείνων ἐξήνθησεν ἡ γῆ κύκλῳ πολὺ κώνειον, ἄλλως μηδὲ τῆς χώρας πολλαχοῦ φυόμενον· τῇ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ᾗ τὰ τῶν Διονυσίων ἐγίνετο, τὴν πομπὴν κατέλυσαν ἰσχυρῶν πάγων γενομένων παρʼ ὥραν. καὶ πάχνης βαθείας ἐπιπεσούσης οὐ μόνον ἀμπέλους καὶ συκᾶς ἁπάσας ἀπέκαυσε τὸ ψῦχος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ σίτου τὸν πλεῖστον κατέφθειρεν ἐν χλόῃ. 12.4. διὸ καὶ Φιλιππίδης ἐχθρὸς ὢν τοῦ Στρατοκλέους ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποίησε ταῦτα· δι’ ὃν ἀπέκαυσεν ἡ πάχνη τὰς ἀμπέλους, δι’ ὃν ἀσεβοῦνθʼ ὁ πέπλος ἐρράγη μέσος, τὰς τῶν θεῶν τιμὰς ποιοῦντʼ ἀνθρωπίνας. ταῦτα καταλύει δῆμον, οὐ κωμῳδία. 12.5. ἦν δὲ ὁ Φιλιππίδης Λυσιμάχου φίλος, καὶ πολλὰ δι’ αὐτὸν ὁ δῆμος εὖ ἔπαθεν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ πρὸς πρᾶξιν αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς στρατείαν εὐσύμβολος ἀπαντήσας εἶναι καὶ ὀφθείς. ἄλλως δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ ἦθος εὐδοκίμει, μηθὲν ἐνοχλῶν μηδʼ αὐλικῆς περιεργίας ἀναπιμπλάμενος. φιλοφρονουμένου δέ ποτε τοῦ Λυσιμάχου πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντος, ὦ Φιλιππίδη, τίνος σοι τῶν ἐμῶν μεταδῶ; μόνον, ἔφη, βασιλεῦ, μὴ τῶν ἀπορρήτων. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἐπίτηδες ἐκείνῳ παρεθήκαμεν, τῷ ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς θυμέλης.

12.2. 12.3. 12.4. 12.5.

68. Plutarch, Cimon, 8.7-8.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 342, 343

8.7. ἔθεντο δʼ εἰς μνήμην αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τῶν τραγῳδῶν κρίσιν ὀνομαστὴν γενομένην. πρώτην γὰρ διδασκαλίαν τοῦ Σοφοκλέους ἔτι νέου καθέντος, Ἀψεφίων ὁ ἄρχων, φιλονεικίας οὔσης καὶ παρατάξεως τῶν θεατῶν, κριτὰς μὲν οὐκ ἐκλήρωσε τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ὡς δὲ Κίμων μετὰ τῶν συστρατήγων προελθὼν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐποιήσατο τῷ θεῷ τὰς νενομισμένας σπονδάς, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτοὺς ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὁρκώσας ἠνάγκασε καθίσαι καὶ κρῖναι δέκα ὄντας, ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς ἕκαστον. 8.8. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀγὼν καὶ διὰ τὸ τῶν κριτῶν ἀξίωμα τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ὑπερέβαλε. νικήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Σοφοκλέους λέγεται τὸν Αἰσχύλον περιπαθῆ γενόμενον καὶ βαρέως ἐνεγκόντα χρόνον οὐ πολὺν Ἀθήνησι διαγαγεῖν, εἶτʼ οἴχεσθαι διʼ ὀργὴν εἰς Σικελίαν, ὅπου καὶ τελευτήσας περὶ Γέλαν τέθαπται.

8.7. 8.8.

69. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 72.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 153

72.1. ὡς δὲ ἧκεν εἰς Ἐκβάτανα τῆς Μηδίας καὶ διῴκησε τὰ κατεπείγοντα, πάλιν ἦν ἐν θεάτροις καὶ πανηγύρεσιν, ἅτε δὴ τρισχιλίων αὐτῷ τεχνιτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀφιγμένων. ἔτυχε δὲ περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας Ἡφαιστίων πυρέσσων· οἷα δὲ νέος καὶ στρατιωτικὸς οὐ φέρων ἀκριβῆ δίαιταν, ἅμα τῷ τὸν ἰατρὸν Γλαῦκον ἀπελθεῖν εἰς τὸ θέατρον περὶ ἄριστον γενόμενος καὶ καταφαγὼν ἀλεκτρυόνα ἑφθὸν καὶ ψυκτῆρα μέγαν ἐκπιὼν οἴνου κακῶς ἔσχε καὶ μικρὸν διαλιπὼν ἀπέθανε.

72.1. When he came to Ecbatana in Media and had transacted the business that was urgent, he was once more much occupied with theatres and festivals, since three thousand artists had come to him from Greece. But during this time it chanced that Hephaestion had a fever; and since, young man and soldier that he was, he could not submit to a strict regimen, as soon as Glaucus, his physician, had gone off to the theatre, he sat down to breakfast, ate a boiled fowl, drank a huge cooler of wine, fell sick, and in a little while died.

70. Plutarch, Nicias, 3.3.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great •abuses, at the great dionysia Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 184

71. Plutarch, Dion, 42.8-42.43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66

72. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.2.5, 1.20.3, 1.29.2, 1.38.8, 2.2.6, 2.7.5-2.7.6, 2.20.4, 2.22.1, 7.21.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 285, 303, 409

1.2.5. ἡ δὲ ἑτέρα τῶν στοῶν ἔχει μὲν ἱερὰ θεῶν, ἔχει δὲ γυμνάσιον Ἑρμοῦ καλούμενον· ἔστι δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ Πουλυτίωνος οἰκία, καθʼ ἣν παρὰ τὴν ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι δρᾶσαι τελετὴν Ἀθηναίων φασὶν οὐ τοὺς ἀφανεστάτους· ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ δὲ ἀνεῖτο Διονύσῳ. Διόνυσον δὲ τοῦτον καλοῦσι Μελπόμενον ἐπὶ λόγῳ τοιῷδε ἐφʼ ὁποίῳ περ Ἀπόλλωνα Μουσηγέτην. ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα Παιωνίας καὶ Διὸς καὶ Μνημοσύνης καὶ Μουσῶν, Ἀπόλλων τε ἀνάθημα καὶ ἔργον Εὐβουλίδου , καὶ δαίμων τῶν ἀμφὶ Διόνυσον Ἄκρατος· πρόσωπόν ἐστίν οἱ μόνον ἐνῳκοδομημένον τοίχῳ. μετὰ δὲ τὸ τοῦ Διονύσου τέμενός ἐστιν οἴκημα ἀγάλματα ἔχον ἐκ πηλοῦ, βασιλεὺς Ἀθηναίων Ἀμφικτύων ἄλλους τε θεοὺς ἑστιῶν καὶ Διόνυσον. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Πήγασός ἐστιν Ἐλευθερεύς, ὃς Ἀθηναίοις τὸν θεὸν ἐσήγαγε· συνεπελάβετο δέ οἱ τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς μαντεῖον ἀναμνῆσαν τὴν ἐπὶ Ἰκαρίου ποτὲ ἐπιδημίαν τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.20.3. τοῦ Διονύσου δέ ἐστι πρὸς τῷ θεάτρῳ τὸ ἀρχαιότατον ἱερόν· δύο δέ εἰσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ναοὶ καὶ Διόνυσοι, ὅ τε Ἐλευθερεὺς καὶ ὃν Ἀλκαμένης ἐποίησεν ἐλέφαντος καὶ χρυσοῦ. γραφαὶ δὲ αὐτόθι Διόνυσός ἐστιν ἀνάγων Ἥφαιστον ἐς οὐρανόν· λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων, ὡς Ἥρα ῥίψαι γενόμενον Ἥφαιστον, ὁ δέ οἱ μνησικακῶν πέμψαι δῶρον χρυσοῦν θρόνον ἀφανεῖς δεσμοὺς ἔχοντα, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἐπεί τε ἐκαθέζετο δεδέσθαι, θεῶν δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐδενὶ τὸν Ἥφαιστον ἐθέλειν πείθεσθαι, Διόνυσος δὲ— μάλιστα γὰρ ἐς τοῦτον πιστὰ ἦν Ἡφαίστῳ—μεθύσας αὐτὸν ἐς οὐρανὸν ἤγαγε· ταῦτά τε δὴ γεγραμμένα εἰσὶ καὶ Πενθεὺς καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὧν ἐς Διόνυσον ὕβρισαν διδόντες δίκας, Ἀριάδνη δὲ καθεύδουσα καὶ Θησεὺς ἀναγόμενος καὶ Διόνυσος ἥκων ἐς τῆς Ἀριάδνης τὴν ἁρπαγήν. 1.29.2. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ καὶ ἔξω πόλεως ἐν τοῖς δήμοις καὶ κατὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς θεῶν ἐστιν ἱερὰ καὶ ἡρώων καὶ ἀνδρῶν τάφοι· ἐγγυτάτω δὲ Ἀκαδημία, χωρίον ποτὲ ἀνδρὸς ἰδιώτου, γυμνάσιον δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. κατιοῦσι δʼ ἐς αὐτὴν περίβολός ἐστιν Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ ξόανα Ἀρίστης καὶ Καλλίστης· ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ δοκῶ καὶ ὁμολογεῖ τὰ ἔπη τὰ Πάμφω, τῆς Ἀρτέμιδός εἰσιν ἐπικλήσεις αὗται, λεγόμενον δὲ καὶ ἄλλον ἐς αὐτὰς λόγον εἰδὼς ὑπερβήσομαι. καὶ ναὸς οὐ μέγας ἐστίν, ἐς ὃν τοῦ Διονύσου τοῦ Ἐλευθερέως τὸ ἄγαλμα ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος κομίζουσιν ἐν τεταγμέναις ἡμέραις. 1.38.8. ἐκ δὲ Ἐλευσῖνος τραπομένοις ἐπὶ Βοιωτῶν, ἐστὶν ὅμορος Ἀθηναίοις ἡ Πλαταιίς. πρότερον μὲν γὰρ Ἐλευθερεῦσιν ὅροι πρὸς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἦσαν· προσχωρησάντων δὲ Ἀθηναίοις τούτων, οὕτως ἤδη Βοιωτίας ὁ Κιθαιρών ἐστιν ὅρος. προσεχώρησαν δὲ Ἐλευθερεῖς οὐ πολέμῳ βιασθέντες, ἀλλὰ πολιτείας τε ἐπιθυμήσαντες παρὰ Ἀθηναίων καὶ κατʼ ἔχθος τὸ Θηβαίων. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πεδίῳ ναός ἐστι Διονύσου, καὶ τὸ ξόανον ἐντεῦθεν Ἀθηναίοις ἐκομίσθη τὸ ἀρχαῖον· τὸ δὲ ἐν Ἐλευθεραῖς τὸ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἐς μίμησιν ἐκείνου πεποίηται. 2.2.6. λόγου δὲ ἄξια ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ μὲν λειπόμενα ἔτι τῶν ἀρχαίων ἐστίν, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκμῆς ἐποιήθη τῆς ὕστερον. ἔστιν οὖν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς— ἐνταῦθα γὰρ πλεῖστά ἐστι τῶν ἱερῶν—Ἄρτεμίς τε ἐπίκλησιν Ἐφεσία καὶ Διονύσου ξόανα ἐπίχρυσα πλὴν τῶν προσώπων· τὰ δὲ πρόσωπα ἀλοιφῇ σφισιν ἐρυθρᾷ κεκόσμηται· Λύσιον δέ, τὸν δὲ Βάκχειον ὀνομάζουσι. 2.7.5. ἐν δὲ τῇ νῦν ἀκροπόλει Τύχης ἱερόν ἐστιν Ἀκραίας, μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸ Διοσκούρων· ξόανα δὲ οὗτοί τε καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Τύχης ἐστί. τοῦ θεάτρου δὲ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ᾠκοδομημένου τὸν ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ πεποιημένον ἄνδρα ἀσπίδα ἔχοντα Ἄρατόν φασιν εἶναι τὸν Κλεινίου. μετὰ δὲ τὸ θέατρον Διονύσου ναός ἐστι· χρυσοῦ μὲν καὶ ἐλέφαντος ὁ θεός, παρὰ δὲ αὐτὸν Βάκχαι λίθου λευκοῦ. ταύτας τὰς γυναῖκας ἱερὰς εἶναι καὶ Διονύσῳ μαίνεσθαι λέγουσιν. ἄλλα δὲ ἀγάλματα ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ Σικυωνίοις ἐστί· ταῦτα μιᾷ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος νυκτὶ ἐς τὸ Διονύσιον ἐκ τοῦ καλουμένου κοσμητηρίου κομίζουσι, κομίζουσι δὲ μετὰ δᾴδων τε ἡμμένων καὶ ὕμνων ἐπιχωρίων. 2.7.6. ἡγεῖται μὲν οὖν ὃν Βάκχειον ὀνομάζουσιν—Ἀνδροδάμας σφίσιν ὁ Φλάντος τοῦτον ἱδρύσατο—, ἕπεται δὲ ὁ καλούμενος Λύσιος, ὃν Θηβαῖος Φάνης εἰπούσης τῆς Πυθίας ἐκόμισεν ἐκ Θηβῶν. ἐς δὲ Σικυῶνα ἦλθεν ὁ Φάνης, ὅτε Ἀριστόμαχος ὁ Κλεοδαίου τῆς γενομένης μαντείας ἁμαρτὼν διʼ αὐτὸ καὶ καθόδου τῆς ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἥμαρτεν. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ Διονυσίου βαδίζουσιν ἐς τὴν ἀγοράν, ἔστι ναὸς Ἀρτέμιδος ἐν δεξιᾷ Λιμναίας. καὶ ὅτι μὲν κατερρύηκεν ὁ ὄροφος, δῆλά ἐστιν ἰδόντι· περὶ δὲ τοῦ ἀγάλματος οὔτε ὡς κομισθέντος ἑτέρωσε οὔτε ὅντινα αὐτοῦ διεφθάρη τρόπον εἰπεῖν ἔχουσιν. 2.20.4. τὸ δὲ μνῆμα τὸ πλησίον Χορείας μαινάδος ὀνομάζουσι, Διονύσῳ λέγοντες καὶ ἄλλας γυναῖκας καὶ ταύτην ἐς Ἄργος συστρατεύσασθαι, Περσέα δέ, ὡς ἐκράτει τῆς μάχης, φονεῦσαι τῶν γυναικῶν τὰς πολλάς· τὰς μὲν οὖν λοιπὰς θάπτουσιν ἐν κοινῷ, ταύτῃ δὲ—ἀξιώματι γὰρ δὴ προεῖχεν—ἰδίᾳ τὸ μνῆμα ἐποίησαν. 2.22.1. τῆς δὲ Ἥρας ὁ ναὸς τῆς Ἀνθείας ἐστὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Λητοῦς ἐν δεξιᾷ καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γυναικῶν τάφος. ἀπέθανον δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες ἐν μάχῃ πρὸς Ἀργείους τε καὶ Περσέα, ἀπὸ νήσων τῶν ἐν Αἰγαίῳ Διονύσῳ συνεστρατευμέναι· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Ἁλίας αὐτὰς ἐπονομάζουσιν. ἀντικρὺ δὲ τοῦ μνήματος τῶν γυναικῶν Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ τοῦ Τριόπα, καὶ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ ἱεροῦ τάφος Πελασγοῦ. 7.21.6. τοῦ θεάτρου δὲ ἐγγὺς πεποίηται Πατρεῦσι γυναικὸς ἐπιχωρίας τέμενος. Διονύσου δέ ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα ἀγάλματα, ἴσοι τε τοῖς ἀρχαίοις πολίσμασι καὶ ὁμώνυμοι· Μεσατεὺς γὰρ καὶ Ἀνθεύς τε καὶ Ἀροεύς ἐστιν αὐτοῖς τὰ ὀνόματα. ταῦτα τὰ ἀγάλματα ἐν τῇ Διονύσου τῇ ἑορτῇ κομίζουσιν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Αἰσυμνήτου· τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν τοῦτο ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τῆς πόλεως ἐρχομένοις ἔστιν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐν δεξιᾷ τῆς ὁδοῦ.

1.2.5. One of the porticoes contains shrines of gods, and a gymnasium called that of Hermes. In it is the house of Pulytion, at which it is said that a mystic rite was performed by the most notable Athenians, parodying the Eleusinian mysteries. But in my time it was devoted to the worship of Dionysus. This Dionysus they call Melpomenus (Minstrel), on the same principle as they call Apollo Musegetes (Leader of the Muses). Here there are images of Athena Paeonia (Healer), of Zeus, of Mnemosyne (Memory) and of the Muses, an Apollo, the votive offering and work of Eubulides, and Acratus, a daemon attendant upon Apollo; it is only a face of him worked into the wall. After the precinct of Apollo is a building that contains earthen ware images, Amphictyon, king of Athens , feasting Dionysus and other gods. Here also is Pegasus of Eleutherae, who introduced the god to the Athenians. Herein he was helped by the oracle at Delphi , which called to mind that the god once dwelt in Athens in the days of Icarius. 1.20.3. The oldest sanctuary of Dionysus is near the theater. Within the precincts are two temples and two statues of Dionysus, the Eleuthereus (Deliverer) and the one Alcamenes made of ivory and gold. There are paintings here—Dionysus bringing Hephaestus up to heaven. One of the Greek legends is that Hephaestus, when he was born, was thrown down by Hera. In revenge he sent as a gift a golden chair with invisible fetters. When Hera sat down she was held fast, and Hephaestus refused to listen to any other of the gods save Dionysus—in him he reposed the fullest trust—and after making him drunk Dionysus brought him to heaven. Besides this picture there are also represented Pentheus and Lycurgus paying the penalty of their insolence to Dionysus, Ariadne asleep, Theseus putting out to sea, and Dionysus on his arrival to carry off Ariadne. 1.29.2. Outside the city, too, in the parishes and on the roads, the Athenians have sanctuaries of the gods, and graves of heroes and of men. The nearest is the Academy, once the property of a private individual, but in my time a gymnasium. As you go down to it you come to a precinct of Artemis, and wooden images of Ariste (Best) and Calliste (Fairest). In my opinion, which is supported by the poems of Pamphos, these are surnames of Artemis. There is another account of them, which I know but shall omit. Then there is a small temple, into which every year on fixed days they carry the image of Dionysus Eleuthereus. 1.38.8. When you have turned from Eleusis to Boeotia you come to the Plataean land, which borders on Attica . Formerly Eleutherae formed the boundary on the side towards Attica , but when it came over to the Athenians henceforth the boundary of Boeotia was Cithaeron. The reason why the people of Eleutherae came over was not because they were reduced by war, but because they desired to share Athenian citizenship and hated the Thebans. In this plain is a temple of Dionysus, from which the old wooden image was carried off to Athens . The image at Eleutherae at the present day is a copy of the old one. 2.2.6. The things worthy of mention in the city include the extant remains of antiquity, but the greater number of them belong to the period of its second ascendancy. On the market-place, where most of the sanctuaries are, stand Artemis surnamed Ephesian and wooden images of Dionysus, which are covered with gold with the exception of their faces; these are ornamented with red paint. They are called Lysius and Baccheus, 2.7.5. On the modern citadel is a sanctuary of Fortune of the Height, and after it one of the Dioscuri. Their images and that of Fortune are of wood. On the stage of the theater built under the citadel is a statue of a man with a shield, who they say is Aratus, the son of Cleinias. After the theater is a temple of Dionysus. The god is of gold and ivory, and by his side are Bacchanals of white marble. These women they say are sacred to Dionysus and maddened by his inspiration. The Sicyonians have also some images which are kept secret. These one night in each year they carry to the temple of Dionysus from what they call the Cosmeterium (Tiring-room), and they do so with lighted torches and native hymns. 2.7.6. The first is the one named Baccheus, set up by Androdamas, the son of Phlias, and this is followed by the one called Lysius (Deliverer), brought from Thebes by the Theban Phanes at the command of the Pythian priestess. Phanes came to Sicyon when Aristomachus, the son of Cleodaeus, failed to understand the oracle I To wait for “the third fruit,” i.e. the third generation. It was interpreted to mean the third year. given him, and therefore failed to return to the Peloponnesus . As you walk from the temple of Dionysus to the market-place you see on the right a temple of Artemis of the lake. A look shows that the roof has fallen in, but the inhabitants cannot tell whether the image has been removed or how it was destroyed on the spot. 2.20.4. The tomb near this they call that of the maenad Chorea, saying that she was one of the women who joined Dionysus in his expedition against Argos , and that Perseus, being victorious in the battle, put most of the women to the sword. To the rest they gave a common grave, but to Chorea they gave burial apart because of her high rank. 2.22.1. The temple of Hera Anthea (Flowery) is on the right of the sanctuary of Leto, and before it is a grave of women. They were killed in a battle against the Argives under Perseus, having come from the Aegean Islands to help Dionysus in war; for which reason they are surnamed Haliae (Women of the Sea). Facing the tomb of the women is a sanctuary of Demeter, surnamed Pelasgian from Pelasgus, son of Triopas, its founder, and not far from the sanctuary is the grave of Pelasgus. 7.21.6. Near to the theater there is a precinct sacred to a native lady. Here are images of Dionysus, equal in number to the ancient cities, and named after them Mesateus, Antheus and Aroeus. These images at the festival of Dionysus they bring into the sanctuary of the Dictator. This sanctuary is on the right of the road from the market-place to the sea-quarter of the city.

73. Pollux, Onomasticon, 9.44 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 183

74. Antoninus Liberalis, Collection of Metamorphoses, 10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 303

75. Aelian, Varia Historia, 3.42 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 303

76. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 59.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 194

59.5. 1. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them.

77. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006) 104

78. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 3.14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 285

79. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 21.1-21.169 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 285

80. Xenocles Senior, Likymnios, 2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 38

81. Harpocration, Commentarii In Dionysium Periegetam, None Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 72

82. Bacchylides, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 82

83. Etymologicum Magnum, Catasterismi, None Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 72

84. Epigraphy, Seg, 335, 19 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 121

85. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1.344, 1.346-1.347, 1.347.11-1.347.15, 1.423 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020) 26; Csapo (2022) 35; Liapis and Petrides (2019) 182, 326

86. Demosthenes, Orations, 18.180, 21.15-21.17, 21.22, 21.61, 21.74, 21.123-21.124, 21.138, 21.143, 21.147, 21.183, 21.189, 21.207, 21.226, 54.39, 60.8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 182, 291; Riess (2012) 56, 57, 58, 82, 83, 93, 146

87. Papyri, Bgu, 2.522 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

88. Philodamus Scarpheus, Fgrhist 328, 1.57-1.63 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 285

89. Anon., Suda, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 342

90. Papyri, Sm, 14.11904 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

91. Bacchylides, Odes, 18 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 94; Csapo (2022) 194

92. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 1.929 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 35

93. Anon., Life of Aeschylus, 13 Tagged with subjects: •aeschylus, in the great dionysia Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 651

94. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.707, 16.156 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273; Liapis and Petrides (2019) 121

95. Epigraphy, Ig, 12.5.46, 12.6.334 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 285; Csapo (2022) 34

96. Anon., Scholia On Aristophanes Ach., 243 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 409

97. Eratosthenes Cyrenaeus, Catasterismi, 24 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 303

98. Theognides, Poems, 6.15-6.16 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 56

99. Papyri, Psi, 8.883 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

100. Papyri, P.Sakaon, 36 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

101. Iuba Ii, Theatrical History, 15-19, 80-6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 342

102. Astydamas Junior, Herakles, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 38

103. Thespis, Trgf, None Tagged with subjects: •dramatic festivals, great dionysia Found in books: Barbato (2020) 26

104. Anon., Life of Sophocles, 18, 8, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 651

105. Anon., Parian Chronicle, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 651

106. Anon., Life of Euripides, 2 Tagged with subjects: •aeschylus, in the great dionysia Found in books: Jouanna (2018) 652

107. Sositheus, Daphnis Or Lityerses, 2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 121

108. Lysias, Orations, 2.7-2.16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 291; Riess (2012) 291

109. Dionysius I of Syracuse, Hector Ransomed, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 32

110. Metagenes, Philothyt?S (Pcg Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 38

111. Heraclides of Pontus, On The Three Tragic Poets, 22.17 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 181

112. Epigraphy, I. Thespiae, 358 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 194

113. Justinus, Epit., 22.2 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66

114. Xenophon, [Ath. Pol.], 2.18 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia (festival)\n, at athens (‘great’) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 66

115. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 485-486 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

116. Orphic Hymns., Hymni, 45.2, 52.1 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 273

117. Polyaenus, Consolatio Ad Apollonium, 15.5 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, alexandria Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006) 104

118. Papyri, P.Mich., 9.525 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

119. Papyri, P.Oxy., 8.1120, 16.1837 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

120. Papyri, P.Ryl., 2.114 Tagged with subjects: •dionysia, great Found in books: Riess (2012) 93

121. Astydamas Junior, Alcmeon, None Tagged with subjects: •dionysia festivals, great or city d. Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019) 8

122. Pratinas, Pmg, 708 Tagged with subjects: •great dionysia, city dionysia Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 381

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database